MEMOIRS
OF
SIR THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON,
BART.
EDITED BY HIS SON,
CHARLES BUXTON, ESQ., B.A.
" The longer I live, the more I am certain that the great difference between men,
between the feeble and the powerful, the great and the insignificant, is energy —
invincible determination — a purpose once fixed, and then death or victory. That
quality will do anything that can be done in this world ; and no talents, no circum-
stances, no opportunities, will make a two-legged creature a man without it."
Extract of a Letter from Sir T. Powell Buxton.
THIRD EDITION.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1849.
London : Printed by WIM.IAM CLOWES and SONS, Stanifuid Stn-«-t.
TO
MISS BUXTON,
IN CONJUNCTION WITH WHOM THIS WOEK WAS COMPILED,
THE
THIRD EDITION OF IT IS INSCRIBED
" Who is the honest man ?
He who doth still, and strongly, good pursue ;
To GOD, his neighbour, and himself most true."
HCRBEBT.
PREFACE.
A GENERAL and very reasonable objection is made against
memoirs written by near relatives, and yet the danger to be
apprehended from their partiality is not perhaps quite so great
as it might seem. At any rate it is not wholly avoided by
transferring the task to a stranger. It has been well observed,
that " biographers, translators, editors — all, in short, who
employ themselves in illustrating the lives or the writings of
others — are peculiarly exposed to the ' lues BoswellianaJ or
disease of admiration." * Now a near relative may be espe-
cially liable to this infirmity ; but then he is especially on his
guard against it. He cannot eulogise : he must state facts, and
leave the reader to draw conclusions for himself.
The task of compiling my father's memoirs was placed in my
hands by his executors, partly because those whose literary
abilities would have pointed them out as fitted for the task were
not at leisure to undertake it ; and partly because it involved
the perusal of a large mass of private papers, which could not
well have been submitted to the inspection of any one not a
member of his family. I could hardly refuse so interesting,
though responsible, a duty.
A considerable portion of this work relates to the emanci-
pation of the slaves in the West Indies; and I cannot help
feeling some anxiety lest it may give a false prominence to my
father's exertions in the accomplishment of that event, which
was, in fact, achieved by the strenuous efforts of many men,
* Macaulay's Essa)-s, vol. ii. p. 146.
PEEFACE.
working in very different spheres. It was not for me to attempt
to write the history of that extensive movement. The object
set before me was to show, as plainly as possible, what sort of
person my father was, so that the reader should feel as if he had
been one of his most intimate friends. I was bound, therefore,
to confine my narrative to his individual proceedings, excluding
whatever did not bear, directly or indirectly, on the elucidation
of his character. Hence it has resulted that very slight notice
is taken in these pages of the exertions of my father's coadjutors
in achieving the downfal of British slavery.
It ought, perhaps, to be noticed, that the expressions of
affection towards those (and especially one) most dear to my
father, with which his letters and papers abound, have been
generally omitted.
I beg most gratefully to acknowledge the valuable contri-
butions I have received from several of my father's friends, the
advice and assistance given by others, and the documents and
papers put into my hands by those who enjoyed intimate com-
munication with him, before I was of an age to share in that
privilege.
Since the first edition of this work was published, many
anecdotes and letters have been communicated to me, which will
be found, I think, to add considerably to the interest of the
narrative.
London, 1848.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
1786—1802.
Notices of the Buxton family — Mr.
Buxton of Earl's Colne — Birth of
Thomas Fowell Buxton — Child-
hood— School-days — His Mother's
influence — Abraham Plastow • —
Bellfield — Earlham — Letters from
Earlham Page 1
CHAPTER II.
1802—1807.
Education in Ireland — Donnybrook
— Emmett's Rebellion — Dublin
University — Correspondence —
Engagement to Miss H. Gurney —
Historical Society — Escape from
Shipwreck — Correspondence —
Success at College — Invitation to
represent the University in Par-
liament — His Marriage . . 11
CHAPTER III.
1807—1812.
Enters Truman's Brewery — Occu-
pations in London — Letter from
Mr. Twiss — Correspondence —
Death of Edward Buxton — Ex-
ertions in the Brewery . . 23
CHAPTER IV.
1812—1816.
First speech in public — The Rev.
Josiah Pratt — Increasing regard
to religion — Dangerous illness —
Its effect on his mind — Removes
to Hampstead — Disappointments
and anxieties — Reflections — Nar-
row escape — Letter to Mr. J. J.
Gurney Page 34
CHAPTER V.
1816, 1817.
Adventure with a mad dog — Dis-
tress in Spitalfields — Mr. Buxton's
speech — Letters — Establishment
of Prison Discipline Society —
Death of Charles Buxton — Jour-
ney on the Continent — Letters —
Incident at the Brewery — Book
on Prison Discipline ... 47
CHAPTER VI.
1818, 1819.
Election, 1818 — Letter from Mr. J.
J. Gurney — Thoughts on entering
Parliament — First speech on Cri-
minal Law — Committees on Cri-
minal Law and Prison Discipline
— Letters — Debate on the Man-
chester Riot 66
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
1820, 1821.
Election — Domestic afflictions —
Letters — Cromer Hall — Priscilla
Gurney— Correspondence— Speech
on Criminal Law . . Page 82
CHAPTER VIII.
SLAVERY. 1821—1823.
Mr. Buxton is chosen by Mr. Wilber-
force as his Parliamentary suc-
cessor — Common confusion of
"Slavery" with "Slave Trade"
— Previous impressions on Mr.
Buxton's mind — Priscilla Gur-
ney's dying words — He studies
the subject — Long deliberations
— Fear of servile revolt — Under-
takes to advocate the question —
Letters from Mr. Wilberforce —
Reflections — Suttee — The Qua-
kers' petition — Letter to Earl
Bathurst — The first debate on
Slavery — Mr. Canning's amend-
ments — Ameliorations in the
Slave's condition recommended to
the Colonists — Letter to Sir James
Mackintosh 103
CHAPTER IX.
SLAVERY. 1823—1826.
Excitement in the West Indies —
The negroes refuse to work —
Severe measures — Death of the
Missionary Smith — The Abolition-
ists bitterly reproached — Mr.
Buxton's plan — Interviews with
Mr. Canning — Popular clamours
— The Government draws back —
Anxieties and doubts — Letter
from Mr. J. J. Gurney — The
Debate — The Government gives
way — Mr. Buxton attacks them
— Encouragements from Mr. Wil-
berforce — Mr. Brougham's Speech
on Smith's case — Its effect on the
country — Mr. Wilberforce retires
— The small number of Abolition-
ists in Parliament — Dr. Lushing-
ton — Mr. Macaulay — Mr. Buxton's
policy — Free people of colour —
Treatment of Mr. Shrewsbury —
Debate — Deliberations — The
London petition — Mr. Denman's
motion — A year's pause Page 120
CHAPTER X.
1822—1826.
Cromer Hall — Shooting — A cour-
teous poacher — The sporting pro-
fessor — Mr. Buxton's delight in
horses — His influence over the
young — Maxims — Letter to a
nephew — His love of a manly
character — His gentleness — Ship-
wreck at Cromer — Perilous ex-
ploit — His religious influence —
Kindness to the poor — Letter on
style — Correspondence — Martin's
Act — Correspondence — Letter to
a clergyman on his new house
138
CHAPTER XI.
1826, 1827.
The Mauritius Slave Trade — Mr.
Byam and General Hall — Mr.
Buxton studies and undertakes the
question — Touching incident —
Debate — Committee of Inquiry —
Stormy election at Weymouth —
Letters — Laborious investigations
— Frightful attack of illness —
Unexpected recovery . . 156
CHAPTER XII.
1827, 1828.
Meditations — Rev. C. Simeon —
Letter to Lord W. Bontinck • —
Suttee abolished — Mr. Buxton
removes to Northrepps — Debate
on Slavery — Mr. Buxton's reply
— The free people of colour —
Interview with Mr. Huskisson —
Thoughts on his illness . . 105
CONTEXTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
1828, 1829.
The Hottentots - Dr. Philip — Van
Riobc-ch's regrets — Miseries of
the Hottentots — Dr. Philip's re-
searches — Mr. Buxton's motion —
The Government acquiesces — Let-
ter from Dr. Philip — The Order in
Council sent out — Letter to Mr. J.
J. Gurney — The Hottentots set
free — • Alarms die away — Happy
result — The Kat Kiver settle-
ment Page 175
CHAPTER XIV.
1829.
Catholic Emancipation — Reflections
— The Mauritius slave trade —
Agreeable news — The Mauritius
case revived — Letter to Mr. Twiss
— The Government admit the ex-
istence of the slave trade — Its
complete extinction — Mr. George
Stephen — Mr. Jeremie . . 184
CHAPTER XV.
1829, 1830.
Letters— Papers — Mitigation of the
Penal Code — Illness and death of
his second son 194
CHAPTER XVI.
SLAVERY. 1830.
The public begins to arouse itself—
Increasing popularity of the subject
— Gradual change in the views of
the leaders— Mitigating measures
despaired of — Determination to
put down slavery thoroughly and
at once — Spirited meetings in Lon-
don and Edinburgh — The Govern-
ment outstripped by the Aboli-
tionists — Mr. Buxton's appeal to
the electors — The cruelty of sla-
very in its mildest form . . 208
CHAPTER XVII.
SLAVERY. 1831.
Religious meditations — The Duke's
declaration — Change of Ministry —
The Whig Government does not
take up the subject of slavery —
Quakers' petition — Decrease of the
slave population — Debate — The
Government still tries to lead the
Colonists to adopt mitigating mea-
sures— Parliament dissolved — Let-
ter from Bellfield— Letter to a son
at college — Dinner at the Brewery
— Anecdotes —Reflections — Death
of Mr. North — Correspondence
Page 216
CHAPTER XVIH.
8LAVEEY. 1832.
Insurrection in Jamaica — Lords'
Committee — Letters to Lord Suf-
field — Speech at public meeting —
Position of parties — State of the
Colonies • — Policy of the Govern-
ment—Debate, May 24 — Mr. Bux-
ton insists on dividing the House
— Formation of the Committee —
Religious persecutions in Jamaica
— Result of the Committee —
Letters 236
CHAPTER XIX.
1833.
Opening of the session— Government
undertakes the slavery question —
Increase of public feeling — Anxiety
as to the intentions of Govern-
ment — Negotiations — Day fixed
for the motion — Disappointment
— Agitation resolved on — White-
ly's pamphlet — Compensation —
Anti-slavery meeting — The nation
aroused — Delegates summoned —
Meeting of delegates . . . 254
CHAPTER XX.
SLAVERY. 1833.
Debate, May 14 — Mr. Stanley's
speech • — Resolutions passed —
Blame attributed to Mr. Buxton —
Letters — Bill brought in — Debate
on apprenticeship : On compensa-
tion— Progress of the bill through
the House of Commons : Through
the House of Lords — Passed —
Letters 268
b
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXI.
1833, 1834.
Letters — Good accounts from the
West Indies — Baron Rothschild —
Occupations of the spring and
summer — Endeavours for the be-
nefit of the negroes — Rev. J. M.
Trew — The day of freedom,
August 1, 1834 — Conduct of the
negroes — Letters . . Page 284
CHAPTER XXII.
1834, 1835.
Inquiry into the treatment of abori-
ginal tribes in British colonies —
Address to the King on the subject
— Caffre war • — Aborigines' Com-
mittee— Letters — Lord Glenelg's
despatch — Visit from a Caffre chief
— Mr. Biixton turns to the subject
of the slave-trade of foreign na-
tions — An address to the King
agreed to 301
CHAPTER XXIH.
1835, 1836.
Accounts from the West Indies —
Motion for Committee of Inquiry
— Correspondence — Writings, Ja-
nuary, 1836 — Committee on Ap-
prenticeship, March, 1836 — Letters
— Letter from Mr. Johnston — Irish
Church questions — Speech on Irish
Tithe Bill, June, 1836 . . 316
CHAPTER XXIV.
1836.
Scotland — Capercailzie — Letters —
Habits of life at Northrepps —
Order — Love of poetry — His do-
mestic character — Letters . 332
CHAPTER XXV.
1837, 1838.
Aborigines' report — Correspondence
—Election— Defeat at Weymouth
— Letters— Efforts to shorten the
apprenticeship of the negroes —
Mr. Buxton's hesitation — The ap-
prenticeship abolished . Page 349
CHAPTER XXVI.
1838.
New plan for the suppression of the
slave-trade — Laborious investiga-
tions — Collection of evidence —
Letter to Lord Melbourne — Com-
munications with the Government
— Abstract of his views — Horrors
of the trade — Capabilities of
Africa 363
CHAPTER XXVH.
1838, 1839.
Communications with Government,
and with private individuals —
African Civilisation Society — Pre-
paration of ' The Slave Trade, and
its Remedy,' for publication —
Departure for Italy . . . 373
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1839, 1840.
Journey through France and Italy —
Mont Cenis in a snow-storm —
Rome — Italian field sports — Boar-
hunting — Shooting on the Nu-
mician Lake — Adventure with
robbers —The Jesuits — St. Peter's
and the Vatican — Prisons and
hospitals of Rome .... 385
CHAPTER XXIX.
1840.
Mr. Richards' recollections — Prisons
at Civita Vecchia — Italian ban-
ditti — Gasparoni — Illness — Na-
ples — Pompeii — Prospect of a
war between Naples and England
— Excitement at Naples — Mr.
Buxton returns to England . 408
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXX.
1840, 1841.
Great public meeting in Exeter Hall
— Prince Albert in the chair —
Mr. Buxton created a Baronet —
Preparations for the Niger Expe-
dition — Agricultural Association
— Ventilation of the ships — Sir
Fowell Buxton's health begins to
fail — "The Friend of Africa" —
Public meetings • — Letter to the
Rev. J. W. Cunningham — Day of
prayer for the Expedition — Prince
Albert'8 visit to the vessels — The
Expedition sails — Letter to Cap-
tain Trotter .... Page 432
CHAPTER XXXI.
1841.
Correspondence — Journey to Scot-
land — Deer-stalking — Return
home — Good news from the Niger
Expedition — Account of its pro-
gress — Scenery of the Niger —
Treaty concluded with Obi — His
intelligence and courage — The
Attah of Eggarah — Sickness ap-
pears on board — The Model Farm
— The Soudan and AVilberforce
sent down the river — The news
reaches England — Distress of
Sir Fowell Buxton — The Albert
proceeds up the river — Dense
population — Agricultural produce
in the markets — Some slaves libe-
rated — The Nufls — Increased
sickness on board the Albert —
It returns to the Sea — Perilous
descent of the river — Mortality
on board — Death of Captain Bird
Allen — Opinions of the Commis-
sioners as to the Expedition .
Pago 446
CHAPTER XXXH.
1842, 1843.
Declining health — Efforts and views
regarding Africa — The Model
Farm brokep up — Letter from
the Bishop of Calcutta — Country
pursuits — Planting — Character-
istic anecdotes .... 465
CHAPTER XXXIII.
1843, 1844.
Bath — Summer at Northrepps —
Continued and increasing illness —
Correspondence with Sir Robert
Peel and the Bishop of Calcutta 481
CHAPTER XXXIV.
1844, 1845.
Summer at Northrepps — Anxiety
respecting Sierra Leone — Mr.
Freeman — Religious feelings —
Marriage of his son — Increasing
illness — His death and interment
492
Testimonial to his memory
500
Letter from the Rev. J. W. Cun-
ningham 501
Appendix to Chapter XVII. . 507
LIFE
OF
SIR THOMAS FOWELL BUX1OT,
BART.
CHAPTER I.
1786—1802.
Notices of the Buxton Family — Mr. Buxton of Earl's Colne — Birth of
Thomas Fowell Buxton — Childhood — School Days — His Mother's
Influence — Abraham Plastow — Bellfield — Earlham — Letters from
Earlham.
THE family from which Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton was de-
scended, resided, about the middle of the 16th century, at Sud-
hury in Suffolk, and subsequently at Coggeshall in Essex. At
the latter place, W illiam Buxton, his lineal ancestor, died in
1624. Thomas, the son of William Buxton, claimed and re-
ceived from the Heralds' College, in 1634, the arms borne by
the family of the same name settled before 1478 at Tybenham
in Norfolk, and now represented by Sir Robert Jacob Buxton,
Bart.
Isaac Buxton, a merchant, and the fifth in direct descent from
William, married Sarah Fowell, an heiress, connected with the
family of the Fowells, of Fowelscombe in Devonshire.* From
her was derived the name of Fowell, first borne by her eldest
son, who married Anna, daughter of Osgood Hanbury, Esq., of
Hoi field Grange in Essex. The first Thomas Fowell Buxton
lived at Earl's Colne in the same county, but was residing at
* See Burke's Extinct Baronetage.
2 BIRTH OF MR. THOMAS POWELL BUXTON. [CIIAP. i.
Castle Hedingham when his eldest son, Thomas Fowell, the
subject of this memoir, was born, on the 1st of April, 1786.
Mr. Buxton was a man of a gentle and kindly disposition,
devoted to field sports, and highly popular in his neighbourhood,
where he exercised hospitality on a liberal scale. Having been
appointed High Sheriff' of the county, he availed himself of the
authority of his office to relieve the miseries of the prisoners under
his superintendence, visiting them sedulously, notwithstanding the
prevalence of the jail fever. He died at Earl's Colne in 1792,
leaving his widow with three sons and two daughters.*
The eldest boy, Thomas Fowell, was at this time six years
old. Pie was a vigorous child, and early showed a bold and
determined character. As an instance of this it may be men-
tioned, that when quite a child, while walking with his uncle,
Mr. Hanbury, he was desired to give a message to a pig-driver
who had passed along the road. He set off in pursuit ; and
although one of his shoes was soon lost in the mud, he pushed
on through lonely and intricate lanes, tracking the driver by the
footmarks of his pig's, for nearly three miles, into the town of
Coggeshall ; nor did he stop until he had overtaken the man, and
delivered his message.
One who knew the boy well in his early days said of him,
" He never was a child ; he was a man when in petticoats." At
the age of only four years and a half, he was sent to a school
at Kingston, where he suffered severely from ill-treatment ; and
his health giving way (chiefly from the want of sufficient food)
he was removed, shortly after his father's death, to the school
of Dr. Charles Burney, at Greenwich, where his brothers after-
wards joined him. Here he had none of the hardships to endure
to which he had been subjected at Kingston, and he found in
Dr. Burney a kind and judicious master. Upon one occasion
he was accused by an usher of talking during school-time, and
* Anna, afterwards married to William Forster, Esq., of Bradpole in
Dorsetshire.
Thomas Fowell.
Charles, married Martha, daughter of Edmund Henning, Es<i , and died
in 1817.
Sarah Maria, died in 1839.
Edward North, died in 1811.
178G— 1802.] HIS CHILDHOOD— SCHOOL DAYS. 3
desired to learn the collect, epistle, and gospel, as a punishment.
When Dr. Burney entered the school, young Buxton appealed
to him, stoutly denying the charge. The usher as strongly
asserted it ; but Dr. Burney stopped him, saying, " I never
found the boy tell a lie, and will not disbelieve him now."
He does not appear to have made much progress in his studies,
and his holidays spent at Earl's Colne, where his mother con-
tinued to reside, left a deeper trace in his after life than the
time spent at school. Mrs. Buxton's character has been thus
briefly described by her son : " My mother," he says, " was a
woman of a very vigorous mind, and possessing many of the
generous virtues in a very high degree. She was large-minded
about everything ; disinterested almost to an' excess ; careless of
difficulty, labour, danger, or expense, in the prosecution of any
great object. She had a masculine understanding, great power
of mind, great vigour, and was very fearless. With these nobler
qualities were united some of the imperfections which belong to
that species of ardent and resolute character." She belonged to
the Society of Friends. Her husband being a member of the
Church of England, their sons were baptized in infancy ; nor did
she ever exert her influence to bring them over to her own
persuasion. She was more anxious to give them a deep regard
for the Holy Scriptures, and a lofty moral standard, than to
quicken their zeal about the distinctive differences of religious
opinion. Her system of education had in it some striking fea-
tures. There was little indulgence, but much liberty. The
boys were free to go where they would and do what they
pleased, and her eldest son especially was allowed to assume
almost the position of master in the house. But, on the other
hand, her authority, when exercised, was paramount over him,
as over his brothers and sisters. On being asked by the mother
of a large and ill-managed family, whether the revolutionary
principles of the day were not making way among her boys, her
reply was, " I know nothing about revolutionary principles : my
rule is that imposed on the people of Boston, — ' implicit obe-
dience, unconditional submission.' " Yet the character of her
son Fo\vell was not without some strong touches of wilfulness.
He has described himself, in more than one of his papers, as
having been in his boyhood " of a daring, violent, domineering
B 2
4 HIS MOTHER'S INFLUENCE. [CHAP. T.
temper." "When this was remarked to his mother, " Never
mind," she would say ; " he is self-willed now — you will see it
turn out well in the end."
During one Christmas vacation, on her return home from a
brief absence, she was told that " Master Fowell had behaved
very ill, and struck his sister's governess." She therefore deter-
mined to punish him, by leaving him at school during the en-
suing Easter holidays. Meanwhile, however, some disorderly
conduct took place in the school, and two boys, who had behaved
worst in the affair, were likewise to remain there during the
vacation. Mrs. Buxton was unwilling to leave him alone with
these boys, and on the first day of the holidays she went to
Greenwich and fairly told Fowell her difficulty ; ending by
saying that, rather than subject him to their injurious influence,
she was prepared to forfeit her word and allow him to come
home with her other sons. His answer was, " Mother, never
fear that I shall disgrace you or myself; my brothers are ready,
and so is my dinner!" After such a reply the resolution of a
less determined parent must have given way ; but she undauntedly
left him to his punishment.
Her aim appears to have been to give her boys a manly and
robust character; and, both by precept and example, she strove
to render them self-denying, and, at the same time, thoughtful
for others.
Long afterwards, when actively occupied in London, her son
wrote to her : — " I constantly feel, especially in action and ex-
ertion for others, the effects of principles early planted by you
in my mind." He particularly alluded to the abhorrence of
slavery and the slave-trade, with which she had imbued him.
His size and strength well fitted him for country amusements ;
and he early acquired a strong taste for hunting, shooting, and
fishing, under the auspices of the gamekeeper, Abraham 1'lasfow.
Tiiis gamekeeper was one of those characters occasionally to be
met with in the country, uniting straightforward honest sim-
plicity with great shrewdness and humour. He was well fitted
to train his three young masters in those habits of fearlessness
and hardihood which their mother wished them to pixx-ss. His
influence over them is thus described by Mr. Duxton, in a letter
dated
1786—1802.] AIHiAllAM PLASTOW. 5
"CromerHall, August 23, 1825.
'• My father died when I was very young, and I became at ten yours
old almost as much tin- master of the family as I am of this family at the
present moment. My mother, a woman of great talents and great energy,
perpetually inculcated on my brothers and sisters that they were to obey
me, and I \\asratherencouragedto play the little tyrant. She treated me
as an equal, conversed with me, and led me to form and express my
opinions without reserve. This system had obvious and great disadvan-
tages, but it was followed by some few incidental benefits. Throughout
life 1 have acted and thought for myself; and to this kind of habitual
decision I am indebted for all the success I have met with.
•• Mv ' guide, philosopher, and friend,' was Abraham Plastow, the
gamekeeper: a man for whom I have ever felt, and still feel, very great
affection. lie was a singular character: in the first place, this tutor of
mine could neither read nor write, but his memory was stored with
various rustic knowledge. He had more of natural good sense and what
is called mother-wit than almost any person I have met with since : a
knack which he had of putting everything into new and singular lights
made him, and still makes him, a most entertaining and even intellectual
companion. He was the most undaunted of men : I remember my
youthful admiration of his exploits on horseback. For a time he hunted
my uncle's hounds, and his fearlessness was proverbial. But what made
him particularly valuable were his principles of integrity and honour.
He never said or did a thing in the absence of my mother of which she
would have disapproved. He always held up the highest standard of
integrity, and filled our youthful minds with sentiments as pure and as
generous as could be found in the writings of Seneca or Cicero. Such
was my first instructor, and, I must add, my best; for I think I have
profited more by the recollection of his remarks and admonition, than
by the more learned and elaborate discourses of all my other tutors. He
was our playfellow and tutor; he rode with us, fished with us, shot with
us upon all occasions." *
One among- many anecdotes remembered of this man may be
recorded. The young Buxtons had been sent out hunting-, and,
as usual, under Abraham's care. As they were approaching the
* This faithful servant died in 1836. "The tears," said Mr. Haubuiy,
who visited him on his death-bed, '• trickled down his goodly countenance
•while speaking of his rides long ago with his young master."
The following inscription on a mural tablet, in Earl's Colue churchyard,
erected by the contributions of his neighbours, speaks their sense of his
worth : —
" To the memory of Abraham Plastow, who lived for more than half a
BELLF1ELD. [CHAP. i.
scene of sport, Fowell made use of an improper expression, upon
which the gamekeeper insisted upon his returning home at once,
and carried his point.
Occasionally the holidays were passed by the children with
their grandmother, either in London or at Bellfield, her country-
house, near Weymouth.* The formality of her life in town was
rather unpalatable to them ; even the exceptions to her rules
were methodically arranged ; her Sunday discipline, for example,
was very strict, but on one (and only one) Sunday in the year
she gave the children the treat of a drive in the park. A visit to
Bellfield was more attractive, and there young Buxton spent
many of the happiest hours of his boyhood. The house, which,
at the death of his grandmother, became his own (though till
lately inhabited by his uncle Mr. Charles Buxton), is beautifully
situated, commanding fine views of Weymouth Bay and the Island
of Portland. To this spot he ever continued much attached, and
his letters from thence always mention his great enjoyment of its
beauties. He thus refers to an incident which occurred when he
was a lad at Bellfield : —
" In passing with my brother Edward in a very small boat from
Wevmouth to Poxwell, a sudden storm came on and the boat filled. We
turned to the shore : he could not swim, I could. I placed him in the
front of the boat and rowed with all my force through the surf; the
boat overturned, threw him on shore, but I went down. I swam to the
boat, and after considerable difficulty was also thrown on shore through
the surf."
century, servant and gamekeeper, in the families of Thomas Fowell Buxton
and Osgood Gee, Esqrs. : —
" Of humble station, yet of sterling worth;
Awaiting Heaven, but yet content on earth :
Quaint, honest, simple-hearted, kind, sh;
Such was the man, to all our village dear !
He liv'd in peace, in hope resigu'd his breath.
Go — learn a lesson from his life and death."
* Soon after her marriage with Mr. Isaac Buxton, they had visited this
estate together, and she incidentally remarked to him, what a beautiful spot
it would be for a country-seat. The next year, when she accompanied him
thither again, she found, to her astonishment, instead of mere fie'
-, an elegant COOntTJ-hoose, surrounded by lawns aud gardens.
1786—1802.] EARLHAM.
Weymouth was at this period the favourite resort of George III.,
and the king and royal family frequently visited Mrs. Buxton.
Her grandchildren always retained a vivid impression of the cor-
dial kindness of their royal guests.
At the age of fifteen, after spending eight years at Dr. Burney's,
without making any great advances in learning, he persuaded his
mother to allow him to reside at home ; and there he remained
for many months, devoting the chief part of his time to sporting,
and the remainder to desultory reading. When no active
amusement presented itself, he would sometimes spend whole days
in riding about the lanes on his old pony, with an amusing book
in his hand, while graver studies were entirely, laid aside. At
the same time his friends attempted to correct the boyish rough-
ness of his manners by a system of ridicule and reproof, which
greatly discouraged and annoyed him. It was indeed a critical
time for his character ; but the germ of nobler qualities lay
below ; a genial influence was alone wanting to develop it ; and,
through the kindness of Providence, as he used emphatically to
acknowledge, that influence was at hand. Before this period he
had become acquainted with John, the eldest son of Mr. John
Gurney, of Earlhain Hall, near Norwich, with whose family his
own was distantly connected, and, in the autumn of 1801, he
paid his friend a visit at his father's house.
Mr. Gurney had for several years been a widower. His family
consisted of eleven children ; three elder daughters, on the
eldest of whom the charge of the rest chiefly devolved, the son
whom we have mentioned, a group of four girls nearer Fowell
Buxton's age, and three younger boys. He was then in his six-
teenth year, and was charmed by the lively and kindly spirit
which pervaded the whole party, while he was surprised at
finding them all, even the younger portion of the family, zealously
occupied in self-education, and full of energy in every pursuit,
whether of amusement or of knowledge. They received him as
one of themselves, early appreciating his masterly, though still
uncultivated mind ; while on his side, their cordial and encouraging
welcome seemed to draw out all his latent powers. He at once
joined with them in reading and study, and from this visit may be
dated a remarkable change in the whole tone of his character: he
received a stimulus, not merely in the acquisition of knowledge,
MR. GUBNEY, OF EARLHAM. [CHAP. i.
but in the formation of studious habits and intellectual tastes ; nor
could the same influence fail of extending to the refinement of his
disposition and manners.
Earlham itself possessed singular charms for their young and
lively party. They are described at the time of his visit as
spending the fine autumn afternoons in sketching and reading
under the old trees in the park, or in taking excursions, some on
foot, some on horseback, into the country round ; wandering
homeward towards evening, with their drawings and the wild
flowers they had found. The roomy old hall, also, was well
fitted for the cheerful, though simple hospitalities which Mr.
Gurney delighted to exercise, especially towards the literary so-
ciety, for which Norwich was at that time distinguished.
A characteristic anecdote of Mr. Gurney has been recorded.
He was a strict preserver of his game, and accordingly had an
intense repugnance to everything bordering on poaching. Upon
one occasion, when walking in his park, he heard a shot fired in
a neighbouring wood — he hurried to the spot, and his naturally
placid temper was considerably ruffled on seeing a young officer
with a pheasant at his feet, deliberately reloading his gun. As
the young man, however, replied to his rather warm expressions
by a polite apology, Mr. Gurney's wrath was somewhat allayed;
but he could not refrain from asking the intruder what he would
do, if he caught a man trespassing on his premises. " I would
ask him in to luncheon," was the reply. The serenity of this
impudence was not to be resisted. Mr. Gurney not only invited
him to luncheon, but supplied him with dogs and a game-
keeper, and secured him excellent sport for the remainder of
the day.*
Mr. Gurney belonged to the Society of Friends ; but his
family was not brought up with any strict regard to its pecu-
liarities. He put little restraint on their domestic amusements;
and music and dancing were among their favourite recreations.
The third daughter, afterwards the well-known Mrs. Fry, had
indeed united herself more closely to the Society of Friends ;f
* This anecdote, which is still fresh in the memory of several of
Mr. Gurney's children, was borrowed by Hook, in his tale of < >
Gurney.
t See Memoirs of the Life of Elizabeth Fry. Charles Gilr-in, 1847.
1786—1802.] LETTERS FROM EARLHAM.
but her example in thi> respect had not as yet been followed by
any of her brothers or sisters.
Such was the family of which Fowell Buxton might be said to
have become a member, at this turning point of his life. The
following letters were written to his mother during his visit to
Karl ham.
" Earlham, October, 1801.
" My dear Mother, — I was very much pleased with all your last,
excepting that part in which you mention the (to me at least) hateful
subject of St. Andrew's.*
" It gives me pain to write, because it will you to read, that my
aversion is, ever was, and ever will be invincible ; nevertheless, if you
command, I will obey. You will exclaim, ' How ungrateful, after all
the pleasure he has had !' Pleasure, great pleasure, I certainly have
had, but not sufficient to counterbalance the unhappiness the pursuance
of your plan would occasion me ; but, as I said before, I will obey.
" If you think fit, I shall return to Cromer on Wednesday. North-
repps is perfectly delightful. I have dined many times with Mr. Pym :
a letter he has received from his brother in Ireland says, ' Nothing but
speculation, peculation, and paper exists in this unhappy country.' I
am going to Lord Wodehouse's this morning, and to a ball at Mr. Kett's
at night."
" Earlham, November 24, 1801.
" My dear Mother, — Your letter was brought while I was deliberat-
ing whether to stay here, or meet you in London. The contents
afforded me real joy. Before, I almost feared you would think me en-
croaching ; yet Mr. Gurney is so good-tempered, his daughters are so
agreeable, and John is so thoroughly delightful, and his conversation so
instructive, which is no small matter with you I know, that you must
not be surprised at my accepting your offer of a few days' longer stay
in this country. Whilst I was at Northrepps, I did little else but read
books of entertainment (except now and then a few hours Latin and
Greek), ride, and play at chess. But since I have been at Earlham, I
have been very industrious. The Princef paid us a visit this morning,
and dines here on Thursday. " Your affectionate son,
" T. F. BUXTON."
" My visit here has completely answered," he says with boyish
enthusiasm, in his last letter from Mr. Gurney 's house. •• I
* His mother had proposed to send him to the College at St. Andrew's.
t Prince William of Gloucester.
10 INFLUENCE OF THE FAMILY AT EARLHAM. [CHAP. i.
have spent two months as happily as possible ; I have learned as
much, though in a different manner, as I should at Colne, and
have got thoroughly acquainted with the most agreeable family
in the world."
In December, 1801, he returned to Earl's Colne ; but his
mind never lost the impulse which it had received during his
stay at Earl ham. Many years afterwards he thus refers to this
early friendship, which he places first in an enumeration of the
blessings of his life.
" I know no blessing of a temporal nature (and it is not only tem-
poral) for which I ought to render so many thanks as my connexion
with the Earlham family. It has given a colour to my life. Its influ-
ence was most positive and pregnant with good, at that critical period
between school and manhood. They were eager for improvement — I
caught the infection. I was resolved to please them, and in the College
of Dublin, at a distance from all my friends, and all control, their influ-
ence, and the desire to please them, kept me hard at my books, and
sweetened the toil they gave. The distinctions I gained at College
(little valuable as distinctions, but valuable because habits of industry,
perseverance, and reflection were necessary to obtain them), these
boyish distinctions were exclusively the result of the animating passion
in my mind, to carry back to them the prizes which they prompted and
enabled me to win."
1802.] EDUCATION IN IRELAND— DONNYBROOK. 11
CHAPTER II.
1802—1807.
Education in Ireland — Donnybrook — Emmett's Rebellion — Dublin Uni-
versity— Correspondence — Engagement to Miss H. Gurney — Historical
Society — Escape from Shipwreck — Correspondence — Success at Col-
lege — Invitation to represent the University in Parliament — His
Marriage.
As there were reasons for expecting that her son would inherit
considerable property in Ireland, Mrs. Buxton deemed it advisa-
ble that he should complete his education at Dublin ; and, ac-
cordingly, in the winter of 1802 he was placed in the family of
Mr. Moore of Donnybrook, who prepared pupils for the univer-
sity. It was shortly before the Christmas holidays that he took
up his abode at Donnybrook, and he then found himself inferior
to every one of his companions in classical acquirements ; but he
spent the vacation in siren close study, that, on the return of the
other pupils, he stood as the first among them.
Late in life he thus recalls this period in a letter to one of his
sons, then under the roof of a private tutor : —
" You are now at that period of life in which you must make a turn
to the right or to the left. You must now give proofs of principle,
determination, and strength of mind, — or you must sink into idleness,
and acquire the habits and character of a desultory, ineffective young
man ; and if once you fall to that point, you will find it no easy matter
to rise again.
" I am sure that a young man may be very much what he pleases.
In my own case it was so. I left school, where I had learnt little or
nothing, at about the age of fourteen. I spent the next year at home,
learning to hunt and shoot. Then it was that the prospect of going to
College opened upon me, and such thoughts as I have expressed in this
letter occurred to my mind. I made my resolutions, and I acted up to
them : I gave up all desultory reading — I never looked into a novel or
a newspaper — I gave up shooting. During the five years I was in
Ireland, I hud the liberty of going when I pleased to a capital shooting
12 EMMETT'S REBELLION. [CHAP. u.
place. I never went but twice. In short, I considered every hour as
precious, and I made everything bend to my determination not to be
behind any of my companions, — and thus I speedily passed from one
species of character to another I had been a boy fond of pleasure and
idleness, reading only books of unprofitable entertainment — I became
speedily a youth of steady habits of application, and irresistible resolu-
tion. I soon gained the ground I had lost, and I found those things
which were difficult and almost impossible to my idleness, easy enough
to my industry ; and much of my happiness and all my prosperity in
life have resulted from the change I made at your age. It all rests with
yourself. If you seriously resolve to be energetic and industrious,
depend upon it you will for your whole life have reason to rejoice that
you were wise enough to form and to act upon that determination."
From Donnybrook he writes to his mother, —
" Tell my Uncle Hanbury that no two clerks in his brewhouse are
together so industrious as I am, for I read morning, noon, and night."
During his stay at this place, the country was disturbed by
the breaking out of the " Kilwarden rebellion," instigated by
the unfortunate Robert Emmett. To meet the danger, volunteer
corps were hastily organised, one of which Mr. Buxton joined as
a lieutenant. The current reports of the day are thus sketched
by him in his letters to his mother : —
" Everybody abuses the Lord-Lieutenant. He received information
from all parts of the kingdom that the rising was to take place on
Saturday night, and all the preparation he made was to send 2500 men
to take care of his house and family at the Park. The soldiers in
Dublin had no ammunition. Colonel Littlehales, Mr. Marsden, and
every officer of the Castle, were away from their posts ; and for two
hours after the rising began, and while the rebels were murdering Lord
Kilwarden, Colonel Brown, and all the soldiers they could catch,
nothing was done by government.
" After the first alarm, however, had subsided, the soldiers collected
in small parties, and the rebels were soon put to the rout ; before morn-
ing. 10,000 pikes were taken, all the prisons in Dublin were filled with
rebels, and from 200 to 300 are supposed to have been killed.
and I watched last night at Donnybrook, with our pistols loaded, for it
\MI< expected that they would attack the outskirts. However, they did
not come. A great many Lucan people were found dead in Dublin.
Kverv noted rebel was seen going to Dublin on Saturday evening.
The gardener and workmen say there were 500 rebels at Mr. North's
1803.] DUBLIN UNIVERSITY. 13
gate that night. Only two mails came into Dublin on Sunday — one
>jiped at Lucan and another at Maynooth."
" Dublin, August 7, 1803.
" Dublin is in appearance perfectly quiet again, but the minds of the
people arc in rebellion. Pym, who goes by the name of Lord Sage,
savs this is by far a more dangerous rebellion than the last, as it is more
concealed. The plan was for three bodies of 6000 men each to enter
Dublin ; one party to take the Castle, another the barracks, the other
to spread about the city and murder every Protestant. Luckily, the
hearts of all but about 6000 failed. The attack was to have commenced
at two in the morning, but whisky, which was given to keep up their
spirits, made them begin their outrage the evening before at nine.
They were opposed by seventeen yeomen, and these brave rebels, who
were ready to sacrifice their lives i'or their liberty, after four rounds of
firing, all ran away from this small body 1*
''The Lord-Lieutenant is abused by every loyal person. People
who slept in the Castle on the night of the rising say it must have
been lost if the rebels had come."
Another incident of his stay at Donnybrook is thus mentioned.
" A companion of mine, not knowing it was loaded, presented a
pistol at me and pulled the trigger. It had often missed fire
before, and did so then : immediately afterwards I pulled the
trigger, it went off, and sent the ball into the wall."
After remaining a year at Donnybrook, he paid another visit
to Earlham. " We are most completely happy here," he writes
to his mother; " everything goes on well, and you need not fear
that I am losing my time, for being with the Gurneys makes me
ten times more industrious than anything else would."
In October, 1803, he returned to Dublin, and entered Trinity
College as a fellow commoner. At that time there were four
examinations annually in the Dublin University — making in all
fourteen during the college course of the fellow commoners.
At each of these a premium was given to the successful candidate
in every division or class, if he had not already received one in
the same year, in which case a certificate, which was equal to it
in honour, was given instead.
* See 'Annual Register,' 1803; and Maxwell's 'History of the Irish
Rebellion,' which gives an interesting account of Emmett's conspiracy,
14 FIRST SUCCESS. [CHAP. n.
At the end of the college course a gold medal was also pre-
sented to those who, at each examination, had distinguished
themselves in every subject (one failure being allowed).
Mr. Buxton at once commenced his studies with great vigour,
and in his first examination obtained the second place. This
success appears to have surpassed his expectations, and he thus
writes to his sister: — Feb. 24, 1804. "I suppose you know
how the examinations have ended — very much indeed to my
satisfaction, and I am now reading away for the next. My
mother is in ecstasies about my being so near getting the pre-
mium." And in a letter to his mother he tells her, he is reso-
lutely bent on getting it next time. He succeeded, and, this
being his first triumph, he was not a little elated ; and he men-
tions as " an exceeding addition to the pleasure" that he was the
first Englishman, as far as he could ascertain, who had gained a
premium at the Dublin University.
Before the autumnal examination, he writes to Mr. J. J. Gur-
ney, who was then reading with a private tutor at Oxford : —
" College, Dublin, September 9, 1804.
"Your suppositions about my getting a certificate are, I am afraid,
very unlikely to be realised. My antagonists are very tremendous. In
the first place, there are North and Montgomery. I hardly know
which of them I ought to dread the most; they are both excellent
scholars, and men of the most unwearied application : next Wybrants
and Arthur, both of whom I have had the pleasure of beating already.
So far for college business ; I only wish you were here to beat every-
body."
In a postscript to this very letter he mentions with boyish
glee his having gained the certificate in question. A close
friendship soon afterwards sprang up between Mr. Buxton
and Mr. John Henry North, one of the *• tremendous anta-
gonists" to whom he refers; and who afterwards distinguished
himself both at the Irish Bar, and in the House of Commons.
Their course at college was nearly parallel, and as they did
not on this or any succeeding occasion happen to be placed in
the same division, they were never brought into competition.
This friendship, maintained during Mr. .North's life, was one of
the circumstances to which, in recollections of his college da\ .«,
1805.] ENGAGEMENT TO MISS H. GURNEY. 15
Mr. Buxton always recurred with the most lively pleasure.
His mention of his friend at this early age is interesting : —
" His temper is cheerful, his taste remarkably elegant, and adapted
to receive pleasure from the beauties of nature. His manners so cap-
tivating that you must be pleased by them ; and his heart so good that
you must love him."
Whenever Mr. Buxton could escape from Dublin, he visited
Earlham, and an attachment, which he dated from the first day
they met, gradually ripened, between him and Hannah, fifth
daughter of Mr. Gurney ; till in March, 1805, they were en-
gaged to be married.
But while in this direction a bright prospect opened before
him, in another the clouds appeared to be gathering about his
path. Other claimants* had come forward to contest his right
to the Irish property ; his mother had undertaken an expensive
lawsuit regarding it, and her hopes of success were already
growing dim. At the same time the family property had been
materially diminished by some unsuccessful speculations in which
she had engaged.
Her son's letters, however, (addressed for the most part to
Earlham,) bear little trace of anxiety : —
" April, 1805.
" The examinations are over, but, alas ! I cannot describe the disasters
that have befallen me. Think how disagreeable a circumstance it must
be to me to have all my hopes disappointed, to lose the certificate, to
have my gold medal stopped, and, what is worse, to know that my
Earlham visit, as it was the cause of my idleness, was the cause of my
disgrace. Think of all this, and fetch a very, very deep sigh, — and look
very grave, and then think how happy I must be to have to tell YOU,
that my utmost examinationary hopes are realized, — that I have the cer-
tificate and ' Valde bene in omnibus,' and, what is better, that I can
ascribe my success to nothing but my Earlham visit ! I am
sure that, if I had not thought that I was partly working for you, I
never should have been able to read so much during this month.
The examiner told five of my opponents that he was sorry he had not
a premium for each of them. I was not ' cut up ' (as the college phrase
is) during the whole examination, and if I have been the trumpeter of
my own praise a little too much, you must remember that one slight
* Of the Yorke family.
16 HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [CHAP. n.
word of approbation from Earl ham would be more grateful to me than
the loudest applause of the whole world besides."
He mentions in a letter dated May 15, 1805, that he had
been spending1 the preceding fortnight " chiefly in reading
English poetry ;" and he adds,
" I went yesterday, for the first time, to a schoolmaster who gives
lectures on reading. I have long felt my deficiency in that most useful
qualification, especially when I was last at Earlham, and I then made a
firm resolution to conquer it. However, it was with difficulty I could
keep my determination, for my companions have entertained themselves
very much at the idea of my going to school to learn to read. But I
expect to gain two very material advantages by this plan ; the first is,
that perhaps it may afford you pleasure, and secondly, that, as I go im-
mediately after dinner, it will furnish an opportunity for avoiding, with-
out openly quarrelling with, a party of collegians, into whose society I
have lately got, and whose habits of drinking make me determine to
retreat from them."
" College, Dublin, September 29, 1805.
" My mind has lately been very much occupied with the considera-
tion of the lawfulness of taking oaths, because my College pursuits
would lose a great deal of their stimulus if I thought I should not go to
the Bar, for the information which I may acquire here would be com-
paratively of little use to any one but a lawyer. To remove or
strengthen my doubts I have been reading ' Palcy's Philosophy,' and,
indeed, he has almost convinced me that taking oaths is not the kind of
swearing that is prohibited. I have endeavoured to free my mind from
prejudice on one side, and interest on the other; and I think that if I
felt a bias at all, it was against swearing, which arose from the fear of
being actuated by my wishes, rather than by reason."
In October, 1805, he and his friend North took their seats
together in the Historical Society.* In one of his letters he
* This was an association established by the students of the University,
with a view of promoting the practice of elocution and the study of history,
and was an object of great interest among them. Debates were held every
•week durins; the last term of the year. After each debate, every member
present named the one who in his opinion had spoken most effectively, and
at" the end of the year the under-graduate who had gained the largest num-
ber of suffrages received a silver medal. Another medal was the prize at
the annual examination in history. No one was admitted into the socicty
until the end of his second year of residence at the University ; and, conse-
quently, two medals for eloquence, and two for history, were the largest
number that any one could obtain.
1805.] HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 17
speaks of the dread with winch he looked forward to "such a
tremendous thing" as addressing so large an audience. His first
speech, however, met with unexpected success. One of his
fellow collegians still remembers " its producing quite a sensa-
tion among the under-graduates," and he himself thus writes to
Earlham : —
" November, 1805.
" I did not answer your letter before, because I wished to state the
result of my speech, which is beyond my utmost expectations. Five
persons spoke besides myself: ninety-two members gave Returns, of
which eighty-five were for me. A law exists in the Society, that if any
one should get eighty Returns for a speech, he is to receive the
' remarhahk thanks.' There has never been an opportunity of putting
tins law in force till now."
" Wednesday, December 25, 1805.
" I made a speech last night in the Historical Society, and, contrary
to my former determination, I intend to speak once more. I am
induced to do this by getting a great many more Returns than I had
any reason to expect.
" I have, I fear, very little chance of getting the premium ; however,
if I do not, I am perfectly satisfied with the result of my studies this
term. I have taken very little sleep, amusement, or exercise lately, the
consequence of which is that I have been very unwell."
His hopes were more than realised ; not only did he again
carry off the premium, but the silver medal of the Historical
Society was awarded him, of which he subsequently gained the
other three prizes. At College, indeed, nothing but good
fortune attended him. His exertions were uniformly crowned
with success ; his mind found scope for its unceasing activity ;
his circle of friends was choice, yet large ; and a zest was added
to all enjoyments by the bright prospect afforded him at Earl-
ham. The gradual overcasting of his hopes of wealth but little
affected his spirits. He says, in a letter to a friend —
" I am very sorry to hear of your unhappinesses ; I wish I could do
anything to alleviate them. I think I might very well spare happiness
enough for a moderate person, and still have enough left for myself."
He some years after referred to his success in college as
having " produced this amount of self-confidence."
" I was, and have always been, conscious that though others had
c
18 LOVE OF FIELD SPORTS. [CHAP. n.
great talents, mine were moderate ; that what I wanted in ability I must
make up by perseverance ; in short, that I must work hard to win, but
withal a sense that by working hard I could win. This conviction
that I could do nothing without labour, but that I could do anything, or
almost anything which others did, by dint of vigorous application ; this,
coupled with a resolved mind, a kind of plodding, dogged determination,
over which difficulties had little influence, and with considerable industry
and perseverance; these have been the talents committed to my trust."
From the dissipation then too prevalent in the University he
was happily preserved, partly by his close and incessant occupa-
tion, partly by his Earlham connexion, and partly by his pre-
vious education ; for although his letters up to this period con-
tain no direct mention of religion, yet the Christian principles
which his mother had instilled into his mind retained a certain
influence ; while his natural firmness of character enabled him
to disregard the taunts to which he was exposed. He found
more difficulty in sacrificing to his academical pursuits the
strong inclination for field sports which had been cherished at
Earl's Colne, and which accompanied him . through life. In a
letter to Earlham, dated May, 1806, he says, —
" One of the various advantages I have derived from our connexion
is the check it has been to my sporting inclinations. I am thoroughly
convinced that, had my mind received another bent, had my pursuits
been directed towards sporting, its charms would have been irresistible.
A lite dedicated to amusement must be most unsatisfactory. * * *
I think you need be under no apprehension in regard to having
too much inHuence over me : as to my being member for Weymouth, it
is a totally chimerical idea, for, were I ever so willing, it is quite im-
practicable, so you may lay aside all fears of my becoming a great
man."
His letters to his mother at this period are chiefly confined to
matters of business ; one trait in them is, however, too charac-
teristic to be passed over without notice. Nearly all of them
conclude with inquiries and directions about his horses, in which
he always took so lively an interest, that it almost might be
called personal friendship. " I mean," he tells iiis mother, '; to
visit Weymotith before returning to Ireland, to see how my
horses and relations do." He was, however, obliged to hasten
his return to Dublin, and on his way thither he had a remark-
able escape, the particulars of which lie thus describes : —
1806.] ESCAPE FROM SHIPWRECK. 19
" In the year 1806 I was travelling with the Earlham party in
Scotland. I left them to return to the College of Dublin. In conse-
quence of some conversation about the Parkgate vessels, with my pre-
sent wile, then Hannah Gurney, she extracted from me a promise that
I would never go by Parkgate. I was exceedingly impatient to beat
Dublin, in order to prepare for my examination : when I reached Ches-
ter, the captain of the Parkgate packet came to me, and invited me to
go with him. The wind was fair; the vessel was to sail in a few
hours ; he was sure I should be in Dublin early the next morning,
whereas a place in the Holyhead mail was doubtful, and at best I must
lose the next day by travelling through Wales. My promise was a
bitter mortification to me, but I could not dispense with it. I drank
tea, and played at cards with a very large party. About eight or nine
o'clock they all went away, on board the vessel, and of the 119
persons who embarked as passengers, 118 were drowned before mid-
night." *
The account in the newspapers of the loss of the Parkgate
packet was seen by his late travelling companions, on their
way into Norfolk ; and it was not till after a day of anxious sus-
pense that they heard of his safe arrival in Ireland. At Lynn
they received the following letter from him : —
" Have you heard of the dreadful accident which happened to the
Parkgate packet ? You will see by the newspaper the particulars. I
have been talking to-day with the only passenger who was saved ; he
says that there were 119 in the vessel, and mentioned iriany most me-
lancholy circumstances. Had I gone by Parkgate, which I probably
might have done, as we were detained some time at Chester, and ex-
pected to be detained longer, I should have been in the vessel, but I
declared positively that I would not go. Can you guess my reason for
being so obstinate ?"
It was during this tour in Scotland that his attention appears
to have been drawn, with increased earnestness, to the subject
of religion. "When at Perth he purchased a large Bible, with
the resolution, which he stedfastly kept, of perusing a portion of
it every day ; and he mentions in a letter, dated September 10,
1806, that quite a change had been worked in his mind witli
respect to reading the Holy Scriptures. " Formerly," he says,
" I read generally rather as a duty than as a pleasure,
* See ' Gentleman's Magazine,' September, 1 806.
c 2
20 STUDY OF THE BIBLE. [CHAP.II.
but now I read them with great interest, and, I may say,
happiness."
" I am sure," he writes again, " that some of the happiest
hours that I spend here are while I am reading our Bible, which
is as great a favourite as a book can be. I never before felt so
assured that the only means of being happy is from seeking the
assistance of a superior Being, or so inclined to endeavour to
submit myself to the direction of principle."
The College examination was now again approaching, and he
was not so well prepared as usual, having given, as he feared,
too much time to Optics, < of which science he speaks as " the
most delightful and captivating of studies." lie writes to the
party at Earl ham, —
" I do not, however, feel discouraged, but in a most happy, quiet
mind ; more determined to work, than anxious about the result ; de-
sirous of success for your sakes, and able to bear defeat alleviated by
vour sympathy ; but, if reading can avail, I wilt be prepared."
After the examination was over, he says, —
" I never had such a contest. The Examiner could not decide in
the Hall, so we were obliged to have two hours more this morning;
however, I can congratulate you once more. * * * I venerate
Optics for what they have done for me in this examination."
In the course of this examination he gave an answer to one
of the viva voce questions, which the Examiner thought incor-
rect, and he passed on to the next man ; but to the astonishment
of the other undergraduates, Buxton rose from his seat and said,
" I beg your pardon, sir, but I am convinced my answer was cor-
rect." The Examiner, after some demur, consented to refer to
a book of authority on the subject, and it proved that Buxton's
answer was the one given in the latest edition of the work.
"November, 1806.
" I was strongly pressed to play at billiards yesterday, which of
course I refused,* and was successful enough to pcrsuado the person to
employ his evening in another way. He is a strong instance of their
injurious effects. He told me that when ho was in town he wont
* He had given a promise at Earlham not to play at billiards while at
college. His scruples respecting oaths and the use of anus were derived
from his intercourse with so many members of the Society of Friends.
1806—1807.] SUCCESS AT COLLEGE. 21
regularly thivc times u day to tlie billiard table, and that playing at 4d.
a irame, on an average, cost him 10s. a day. It is the most alluring,
and therefore the most destructive, game that ever was invented. I
have heard it remarked, and have indeed remarked it myself, that if any
collegian commences billiard playing, he ceases to do anything else.
* I have been employed all this morning in reading history.
I rind that this study is useful, not only in itself, but also in giving a
habit of reading everything with accuracy. * * * Every day
brings us new accounts of disturbances in the remote parts of the
country ; I am almost inclined to fear there will be a rebellion. I have
been thinking a great deal lately of what I should do in case the corps
were again established in college. There is to me no question so
dubious or perplexing, as whether resistance against danger from an
enemy is allowable : however, if I can trust my own determination, I
shall not be at all swayed by the example of others, or by the disgrace
which would attend a refusal to enlist."
A day or two later he continues : —
" I was extremely tired at the Historical Society on Wednesday
night. I was made president, and you cannot imagine the labour of
keeping a hundred unruly and violent men orderly and obedient. The
all-engrossing subject here at present is the prospect of a rebellion, if I
may say the prospect when I think there is the reality. Every day we
hear of fresh murders; and the Bishop of Elphin, who is of the Law
family, declared openly in the Castle-yard, that in the five-and-twenty
years he had resided here, the people in his diocese were never in so
desperate a state of rebellion."
On his return to England for a short holiday, he says —
" London, January 23, 1807.
" It is a very great pleasure to me that I can tell you some news,
which I think will delight you. In the first place, I have arrived here
safe and sound. In the second, I have for the twelfth time secured the
premium, and valde bene in omnibus."
On the 14th of April in the same year he received his thir-
teenth premium, and also the highest honour of the University —
the gold medal. With these distinctions, and the four silver
medals from the Historical Society, he prepared to return to Eng-
land. At this juncture a circumstance occurred which might
have turned the whole current of his life. A proposal was made
to him by the electors to come forward as candidate for the
representation of the University, and good grounds were given
22 TEMPTING PROPOSAL DECLINED. [CHAP. n.
him to expect a triumphant return. No higher token of esteem
than this could have been offered to one without wealth or Irish
connexion, and without the smallest claim upon the consideration
of the University, except what his personal and academical
character afforded. Such an offer it was not easy to reject, and
he was, as he says at the time, " extremely agitated and pleased
by it." He weighed the pleasure, the distinction, the influence
promised by the political career thus unexpectedly opened
before him ; and he set against these considerations the duties
which his approaching marriage would bring upon him. Pru-
dence prevailed, and he declined the proposal. His friend Mr.
North writes to him : —
" I think all hearts would have been in your favour, if you had made
your appearance — and still they cannot convince themselves that you
intend to go boldly through with your resolution — 4 Come then, my
guide, my genius, come along.' You were mistaken in thinking fortune
(in one sense) a necessary qualification ; there is an honourable excep-
tion for the Universities."
Mr. Buxton, however, had come to a deliberate decision, and
it was not to be shaken. He reached England at the end of
April, and in the following month his marriage took place.
In one of his papers he thus alludes to the closing circum-
stances of his academical career : —
" On May 13, 1807, I obtained the object of my long attachment —
having refused, in consequence of the prospect of this marriage, a most
honourable token of the esteem of the University of Dublin. The
prospect was indeed flattering to youthful ambition — to become a mem-
ber of Parliament, and my constituents men of thought and education,
and honour and principle — my companions, my competitors — those who
had known me and observed me for years.
': I feel now a pride in recollecting that it was from these men I
received this mark of approbation — from men with whom I had no
family alliance, not even the natural connexion of compatriotism, and
without high birth or splendid fortune or numerous connexions to
recommend me. I suspended my determination for one dav. In
my friends, who were astonished at the appearance of a doubt, am),
having closely considered all points, I determined to decline the in-
tended honour ; and from that day to this, thanks to God, I have never
lamented the determination."
1807.] ENTERS TRUMAN'S BREWERY. 23
CHAPTER III.
1807—1812.
Enters Truman's Brewery — Occupations in London — Letter from Mr.
Twiss — Correspondence — Death of Edward Buxton — Exertions in
the Brewery.
THE first few months of Mr. Buxton's married life were passed
at a small cottage close to his grandmother's seat at Bellfield,
and in the neighbourhood of his mother, who had contracted a
second marriage with Mr. Edmund Henning, and had left Essex
to reside at Weymouth.
His expectations of wealth had been disappointed, and he
found that his fortunes must depend upon his own exertions. After
deliberate consideration, he relinquished the idea of following
the profession of the law, and entered into negotiations in differ-
ent quarters, with a view to establishing himself in business.
For a while these were unsuccessful, and during this time he
suffered severely from the pain of present inaction, and the
obscurity that rested on the future. In after life, when refer-
ring to this period, he said, " I longed for any employment that
would produce me a hundred a year, if I had to work twelve
hours a day for it." Nearly a year passed away before his
anxieties were brought to a conclusion. The winter was spent
at Earlham, where his first child was born. Soon afterwards, in
a letter to his wife from London, he says, " I slept at Brick
Lane ; my uncles Sampson and Osgood Hanbury were there,
and revived my old feelings of good nephewship, they treated me
so kindly. This morning I met Mr. Randall and your father.
I think that I shall become a Blackwell Hall factor."
This intention was prevented by an unexpected turn in his
fortunes, resulting from his friendly interview with his uncles.
Within a few days Mr. Sampson Hanbury, of Truman's Brewery
in Spitalfields, offered him a situation in that establishment, with
24 NETLEY ABBEY. [CHAP. in.
a prospect of becoming a partner after three years' probation.
He joyfully acceded to the proposal, and entered with great
ardour upon his new sphere of action. He writes, July, 1808,
to his mother, " I was up this morning at four, and do not
expect to finish my day's work before twelve to-night — my
excuse for silence. I have not neglected your business." At
the close of the year he succeeded Mr. Hanbury in the occupa-
tion of a house connected with the brewery, in which he con-
tinued to reside for several years.
During these years his correspondence was not extensive.
Among the few letters which have been preserved is the follow-
ing, addressed to his wife, who had accompanied one of her
brothers to the Isle of Wight. Mr. Buxtoa had arranged to
join them there ; but on arriving at Southampton, he found that
all communication with the island was interdicted on account of
the secret expedition then about to sail from Cowes, as it after-
wards proved, to Walcheren.
"Southampton, June 15, 1809.
" Now that I have finished my coffee, I think I cannot employ my
time more profitably or more pleasantly than in sending a few lines to
you. I am afraid the embargo has been a great trouble to you. It was
so to me when I first arrived, as the idea of spending some time with
your party was particularly pleasant ; however, either by the aid of
' divine philosophy,' or from finding that the misfortune was irremedi-
able, in a short time I was reconciled to my fate, and began to consider
how best to enjoy what was within my reach. As I could not have the
living companions that I most wished for, I went to a bookseller's shop
to endeavour to find some agreeable dead ones, and having made choice
of ' Tristram Shandy ' and a ' Patriot King,' I proceeded in their
honourable company to the water side, took a boat, and went oft' to
Netlcy Abbey. I thoroughly enjoyed this excursion. First I went all
over the interior, and then walked leisurely round it at some distance,
stopping and reading at every scene that I particularly liked. Then I
went up into the wood, to a spot which seems to have been formed lor
a dining-room. While the boatman was at dinner, I went over into the
next field to a higher ground. I hope this did not escape you. The
four ivy-covered broken towers just below, a party dining on the grass-
plat, the intermediate distance of trees, and the sea behind, made it, I
think, the finest view I ever saw. 1 only hope you have sketched it ;
and, next to it, I should wish for a drawing of the nearest window from
the inside — I mean the one that is tolerably perfect, with a great deal
1809—1811.] CORRESPONDENCE. 25
of ivy over the middle pillar. I had a pleasant row home, and have
since been thinking about your party with the greau-st pleasure; and,
ainonnst other thoughts connected with you, it has forcibly struck mo
how beneficial it is sometimes to be amongst strangers, it gives such a
taste and a relish for the society of those one loves."
TO MRS. HKN.MM;.
" December 3, 1809.
" My dear Mother, — I am very much obliged to you for your letter,
which furnished me with several useful hints, though not upon the par-
ticular subject on which I wanted information.
" As to the general propriety and duty of introducing Christianity
into India, there cannot be, I imagine, a question ; but is this the pro-
per season? is not our empire in India too unstable to authorize such an
experiment? In short I wished to determine its political propriety, to
examine it with the eye of a statesman, not of a Christian, and to in-
quire, not what Fenelon, but what Machiavel would have said of it.
The result which I have come to is, that it would be highly expedient,
and perhaps the only measure which could reinstate our declining power
in the East.
" Your letter shows powers of which I may make eminent use, but
observe, I must qualify this praise by saying that it wanted method
throughout the whole, and greater pains bestowed upon the parts.
" The Poor Laws is the next question I shall consider, and I expect
great assistance from you. The only restrictions that I would suggest
are a parsimoniousness of Scripture quotations, and a care against negli-
gence in the dress of the parts, for, after all, appearance and style are
more than matter ; a diamond is but a dirty pebble till it is polished.
Virgil and his translator Trap only differed as to dress. The images,
the incident", the characters are the same in both, yet the one is the
best poem in the Latin language, and the other perhaps the worst in
the English."
TO MRS. BUXTOST.
" July 14, 1811.
" I hope to take a long walk with , whose company is a great
treat to me. I agree with you that he is a striking instance of the su-
periority of a domestic religious education. To be sure, to please my
fancy, 1 should like a more robustious son ; but I should be most happy
to insure to my boy 's principle, and I would willingly resign all
those sterner and more manly qualities which from inclination I am apt
to wish."
Although, during his term of probation at the brewer)-, he was
closely occupied iu making himself master of his new vocation,
26 THE ACADEMICS. [CHAP. in.
he yet found time for the study of English literature, and espe-
cially of political economy. " My maxims are," he writes,
" never to begin a book without finishing it ; never to consider it
finished till I know it; and to study with a whole mind." He
admitted, in after-life, that even at this early period he had in-
dulged a distant idea of entering Parliament ; and, in consequence
of tliis, he continued to practise the art of public speaking in a
debating club of which he was a member.
" I must tell you," he writes to Mr. North, December, 1810, " of a
signal reformation which has taken place. I have become again a hard
reader, and of sterling books. In spite of your marriage cause, I hold
myself your equal in Blackstone and in Montesquieu, and your superior
in Bacon, parts of whom I have read with Mallettian avidity. I have
not been much at ' The Academics,' but it goes on famously ; your me-
mory is held in the highest estimation — even our oracle Twiss speaks
well of you. Grant and Bowdler are, I fear, gone from us."
His former schoolfellow, Mr. Horace Twiss, thus describes
meeting him at this time: —
" We had been at school together at the celebrated Dr. Burney's, of
Greenwich, and were very intimate.
" Buxton was then, as in after-life, extraordinarily tall, and was called
by his playfellows ' Elephant Buxton.' He was at that time, as after-
wards, like the animal he was called from, of a kind and gentle nature ;
but he did not then exhibit any symptoms of the elephantine talent he
afterwards evinced.
" I myself very often did his Latin lessons for him ; and, as he was
somewhat older and much bigger than I was, I found him, in many
respects, a valuable ally. When I was about twenty, I became a mem-
ber of ' The Academics,' a society in London (like the ' Historical ' in
Dublin, and the 'Speculative' in Edinburgh), where the topics of the
day were debated. There I heard, on my first or second evening of
attendance, a speech of great ability from a man of great stature : and I
should have been assured it was my old schoolfellow I saw before me,
but that I could not suppose it possible so dull a boy could have become
so clever a man. He it was, however; and I renewed my friendly in-
tercourse with him, both at the society and in private.
" Our c/ntms were- poor North, afterwards distinguished in Par-
liament and at the Irish bar, who died at between forty and fifty;
and Henry, the younger son of the great Grattan. We afterwards
sat all together in the House of Commons, with some others of our fel-
1810-] WILLIAM ALLEN. 27
low-academic*, the two Grants and Spring Rice. Horner had been an
academic, but he was before our time. Of late years, Buxton was
chiefly resident in Norfolk, but our mutual goodwill continued to the
last."
From childhood the duty of active benevolence had been im-
pressed on him by his mother, who used to set before him the
idea of taking up some great cause by which he might promote
the happiness of man. On beginning to live in London he at
once sought opportunities of usefulness, and in this pursuit he
received great assistance from an acquaintance, which ripened
into friendship, with the Quaker philosopher and philanthropist,
William Allen. This good man had long been engaged upon
objects of enlightened benevolence, and by him Mr. Buxton was
from time to time initiated into some of those questions to which
his after-life was devoted.
One of the most important of these had already dawned upon
him. He writes to Mrs. Buxton, Dec. 1808: —
"I have one reason for wishing to remain in town, which is, that I
am going to become a member of a small society, now instituting, for the
purpose of calling the public mind to the bad effects and inefficiency of
capital punishments."
And at a subsequent period he says —
" From the time of my connexion with the Brewery in 1808 to 1816,
I took a part in all the charitable objects of that distressed district, more
especially those connected with education, the Bible Society, and the
deep sufferings of the weavers."
All these labours he shared with his brother-in-law, Mr.
Samuel Hoare, of Hampstead, between whom and himself there
existed then, and through life, a friendship and close fellowship,
far beyond what usually results from such a connexion. With
them was also linked his own brother Charles, who was resident
in London, and was. the favourite companion of both.
Although Mr. Buxton was a member of the Established
Church, circumstances had cherished in him a strong attachment
to the Society of Friends, and to their silent mode of worship.
He frequently spent the Sunday under the roof of Mr. and Mrs.
Fry, at Plashet in Essex ; and even when at home, from the
time of his marriage up to the year 1811, he generally attended
28 CORRESPONDENCE. [CHAP. in.
a Friends' Meeting. In a letter written on Sunday, Oct. 22nd,
1809, he mentions that he had been reading the fifth chapter of
St. Matthew, "as a subject for reflection at Meeting," and
adds, —
" I think I almost always have a good meeting when I read before it,
without any intermediate occupation of mind. It was a great pleasure
to me to be able to engage myself so thoroughly when there, as I had
begun to think that I was rather going back in that respect. The verse
that principally led me on to a train of thought was that ' Except your
righteousness exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye
shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven.' This text is always
very striking to me. It is so serious a thing to be only on a par with the
generality of those you see around you. This evening I have been
thinking what I can do for the poor this winter. I feel that I have as
yet done far short of what I ought and what I wish to do."
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" September 23, 1810.
" I have passed a very quiet and industrious week, up early, breakfast
at eight o'clock, dinner near six, and the evenings to myself, which have
iji'cn well employed over my favourite Blackstone. I read him till near
ten last night, and then Jeremy Taylor till past eleven, and could hardly
give him up, he was so very entertaining a companion. * * *
This morning'I went to Gracechurch Street meeting. I was rather late,
which made me feel hurried, and prevented my having sufficient time to
myself before meeting: however, I had made a little use of my friend
Jeremy at breakfast, and this and last night's readings gave me occupa-
tion for my thoughts. I saw William Allen, who wants me to call upon
him to-morrow, as he says he has found a place for the boys' school as
suitable as if we were to build one. This, 1 know, will please you, but
will alarm you also, lest we should forget the girls.
" And now you will expect to hear something about my return. I
must tell you that you cannot be in a greater hurry for me to come to
Earlham than I am to get there ; for I do not think I have lately
onjiij, cil anything so much as the time I spent there, and I hold it to be
quite a treasure and a blessing to have such brothers and sisters ; I hope
and believe, too, that it may be as useful as it is agreeable. Still I do
not ft-el altogether confident that the stimulus which they have given me
will lx> of any duration; for it is not inducements to do our duty that we
«<• luivc already in abundance. They are, indeed, so many
and so various, that, if we were only as prudent and as rational with re-
1811.] DEATH OF EDWARD BUXTON. 29
gard to our future, as we are to our present, none would utterly want
religion but those who utterly wanted sense."
It has been mentioned that Mr. Buxton was the eldest of three
sons. Edward North, the third brother, a wayward lad, had
been sent to sea as a midshipman in an East Indiaman, com-
manded by his relative Captain Dumbleton ; but in his first
voyage he left his ship and entered the king's service. From
that time his family had received no tidings of him, and by de-
grees they became impressed with the painful conviction that he
had died at sea. The suspense of five years was at last brought
to an end by the arrival of a letter to Mr. Buxton from one of
his brother's shipmates, announcing that he had arrived, in a
dying state, at Gosport, and was earnestly desirous to see some
of his relations. He had been attacked by dysentery while on
board ship at Bombay ; and, feeling that his days were num-
bered, he became intensely anxious to reach home once more.
Te hastened to England in the first ship by which he could
obtain a passage ; and, on his arrival at Gosport, was carried to
Haslar Hospital, whence he despatched a letter to his mother.
This letter was unfortunately delayed, in consequence of its
laving been directed to the house at Earl's Colne, which had
)een parted with some years before, and the unhappy youth — he
was only nineteen — in the morbid state of his feelings, became so
strongly impressed by a sense of his neglect in never having
communicated with his friends, that he felt persuaded they would
low refuse to acknowledge him. A second letter, in which he
)esou£jht that some one of the family would consent to visit him
on his death-bed, reached Mr. Buxton, and in two hours he and
lis brother Charles were on the road to Gosport, which they
ached on the following morning. With mingled emotions of
lope and fear they set out for the hospital. Having been directed
a large ward full of the sick and dying, they walked through
the room without being able to discover the object of their
irch ; till at length they were struck by the earnestness with
finch an emaciated youth upon one of the sick-beds was gazing
at them. On their approaching his bedside, although he could
scarcely articulate a word, his face was lit up with an expression
of delight that sufficiently showed that he recognised them : but
30 DEATH OF EDWARD BUXTON. [CHAP. in.
it was not for some moments that they could trace in his haggard
features the lineaments of their long-lost brother.
A few days afterwards Mr. Buxton writes —
" Gosport, August 10, 1811.
11 It is pleasant to be with Edward, he seems so happy in the idea of
having his friends about him. This morning I thought him strong
enough to hear part of a chapter in St. Luke on prayer, and the 20th
Psalm. Charles then went away, and I mentioned to him how appli-
cable some of the passages were to his state ; he said he felt them so,
and that he had been very unfortunate in having been on board ship
where religion is so neglected; that he had procured a Bible, and one
of his friends had sometimes read to him, but not so often as he wished.
That he had hoped and prayed that he might reach England, more that
he might confess his sins to me than for any other reason ; that, suppos-
ing at length that there was next to no chance of this, he had dictated a
letter to me upon the subject, which is now in his box. When I told
him, that, as his illness had brought him into such a frame of mind, it
was impossible for me to regret it, let the event be what it would, he
said he considered it as a mercy now, but that nobody could tell what
his sufferings had been. I then entered into a kind of short history of
what I considered to be inculcated in the Testament, ' that Christ came
to call sinners to repentance.' He felt consolation from this ; but again
said that he had been indeed a sinner. I then told him that I hoped
he did not ever omit to pray for assistance, and I added that Charles and
I had joined in prayer for him last night. He seemed so much affected
by this that I did not think it right to press the conversation farther.
Does not all this furnish a striking proof how our sorrows may be con-
verted into joys ? I can look upon his illness in no other light than as
a most merciful dispensation. It is most affectingly delightful to see his
lowliness of mind, and his gratitude to all of us. I cannot help thinking
that his mind is more changed than his body."
The letter above referred to, which was found in Edward
Buxton's sea chest, was as follows : —
' "H. M. S. ' Chiiionne.'
" My dearest Brother, — As this is the last letter you will ever
receive from me, as I am now on my death-bed, I write to you to com-
fort as much as you can my dearest mother and my dearest brother and
sisters. As I have been sick and in misery a very long while, it will be
caM!iLr me taking me from this troublesome world. I was on my \
to Europe, as only a cold climate could have cured me ; but God, whose
will be done, has ordained that I should not see England, though I
1811.] DEATH OF EDWARD BUXTON. 31
should have died infinitely happier had I seen my dearest mother, Anna,
and you, to have got your forgiveness for the irregularities I have carried
on ; yet I feel you forgive me ; and though I have been a very great
sinner for the small number of years I have lived, I die with the hope
of being saved, by what I had been led to believe, and now wish I had
much more followed, through Jesus Chiist.
11 Don't let the news of my death cast any of you down, as we all
know it is a thing we must all come to ; and as you are the eldest and
sup[H>rt of the family, comfort the rest as much as you can, not forget-
ting to remember me to your dear wife. I have often thought of her
kindness to me at Norwich before your marriage. And don't forget
poor Abraham Plastow and Betty ; tell them I thought of them in
my last.
" I can't say any more. The bearer of this, Mr. Yeates, is a truly
good-hearted young man, and has been extremely kind to me while I
have been sick, and while I was in the Bombay hospital. He will give
you my pay and prize certificate, which you can get paid for at Somerset
House ; and any other information concerning me you want, as I am too
weak to write more. Adieu to you all.
" EDWARD N. BUXTON."
For about a fortnight after his brothers reached him the youno-
midshipman survived. He had the comfort, so earnestly desired,
of being nursed by his mother and of seeing once more his whole
family.
" When he was told by Charles that I was come," writes his eldest
sister, " he clasped his hands and gave thanks, but desired not to see me
till he was composed; a tear or two that appeared he wiped off with his
arm. He is so reduced and altered that I should not have had the least
idea that it was he : neither in his hair, eyes, nor voice can you trace a
resemblance. He looks the skeleton of a fine young man, handsomer
than Edward was, as tall as his brothers, and of a dark complexion. He
has had much satisfactory conversation with Fowell, lamenting that he
had not followed his advice, and expressing that he had been enabled to
pray much in coming over. Fowell read to him in the Bible yesterday.
He was much affected, but comforted by it, saying he did not deserve
to be so attended by his friends ; and to-day he said to my mother that
it was a sign to him that he was partly forgiven, that his prayers were
heard to see his friends again, and obtain their forgiveness. His mind
is remarkably clear; indeed Fowell seemed not to know before how
strong it was, or what serious feelings he had."
Edward North Buxton died at Haslar Hospital on the 25th of
32 EXERTIONS IN THE BREWERY. [CHAP. in.
August, 1811. His last words were addressed to his mother,
saying that he was prepared for death ; that the prospect of it did
not appear now to him what it had done formerly ; adding, with
a remarkable expression of countenance, that " he hoped God
would soon be so very kind as to take him."
His sister Sarah, in describing the solemn, and yet peaceful,
meeting round the death-bed of the returned wanderer, thus
mentions her eldest brother : — " Fowell, the head of our family,
is a strong support ; and when religious consolation was so much
wanted, he seemed most ready to afford it. The power of his
influence we deeply felt : it was by far the most striking feature
in the past remarkable month."
In 1811 Mr. Buxton was admitted as a partner in the
brewery ; and during the ensuing seven years he was almost
exclusively devoted to his business. Soon after his admission,
his senior partners, struck by his energy and force of mind,
placed in his hands the difficult and responsible task of remodel-
ling their whole system of management. It would be superfluous
to enter into the details of his proceedings, though, perhaps, he
never displayed greater vigour and firmness than in carrying
through this undertaking. For two or three years he was
occupied from morning till night in prosecuting, step by step,
his plans of reform : a single example may indicate with what
spirit he grappled M'ith the difficulties that beset him on all
sides.
One of the principal clerks was an honest man. and a valuable
servant ; but he was wedded to the old system, and viewed with
great antipathy the young partner's proposed innovations. At
length, on one occasion, he went so far as to thwart Mr. Bnx-
ton's plans. The latter took no notice of this at the time,
except desiring him to attend in the counting-house at 6 o'clock
the next morning. Mr. Buxton met him there at the appointed
hour; and, without any expostulation, or a single angry word,
desired him to produce his books, as he meant for the future to
undertake the charge of them himself, in addition to his other
duties. Amazed at this unexpected decision, the clerk yielded
entirely; he promised complete submission for the future; lie
made his wife intercede for him ; and Mr. Buxton, who valued
his character and services, was induced to restore him to his
181 l.J EXERTIONS IN THE BREWERY. 33
place. They afterwards became very good friends, and the
salutary effect of the changes introduced by Mr. Buxton was at
length admitted by his leading opponent ; nor, except in one
instance, did he ever contend against them again. On that
occasion Mr. Buxton merely sent him a message " that he had
better meet him in the counting-house at 6 o'clock the next
morning," — and the book-keeper's opposition was heard of no
more.
We may add, that, among other points wanting reform, he
found that the men employed were in many instances wholly
uneducated. To the remedy of this evil he took a more direct
road than exhortation or advice. He called them together, and
simply said to them, "This day six weeks I shall discharge
every man who cannot read and write." He provided them a
schoolmaster and means of learning, and on the appointed day
held an examination. Such had been the earnestness to learn,
that not one man was dismissed.
He was also very careful to prevent any work from being
done in the brewery on the Sunday, and the strict observance of
it which he introduced has been thoroughly maintained up to
the present time.
The success which crowned Mr. Buxton's exertions in business
materially paved his way to public life. He was gradually
relieved from the necessity of attending in person to the details
of its management, although he continued throughout his life to
take a part in the general superintendence of the concern.
34 FIRST SPEECH IN PUBLIC. [CHAP. iv.
CHAPTER IV.
1812—1816.
First Speech in Public — The Rev. Josiah Pratt — Increasing regard to
Religion — Dangerous Illness — Its Effect on his Mind, — Removes to
Hampstead — Disappointments and Anxieties — Reflections — Narrow
Escape — Letter to Mr. J. J. Gnrney.
MR. Buxro'N was, of course, closely bound to his London avo-
cations ; but almost every autumn he spent some weeks at Earl-
ham, enjoying the recreation of shooting, in company with Mr.
Samuel Hoare. It was during one of these visits that he first
addressed a public meeting. His brother-in-law, Mr. Joseph
John Gurney, in September, 1812, insisted that for once he
should leave his sport, and give his aid in the second meeting of
the Norwich Auxiliary Bible Society, at which Mr. Coke and
other county gentlemen were present.
His speech on that occasion is thus alluded to by Mr. J. J.
Gurney* : —
" There are many who can still remember the remarkable effect pro-
duced, in one of the earliest public meetings of the Norfolk and Nor-
wich Auxiliary Bible Society, more than thirty years ago, by one of his
speeches, distinguished for its acutencss and good sense, as well as for
the Christian temper in which it was delivered. His commanding per-
son, f his benevolent and highly intellectual expression of countenance,
his full-toned voice, together with his manly yet playful eloquence,
electrified the assembly, and many were those on that day who rejoiced
that so noble and just a cause had obtained so strenuous and able an
advocate."
Some indications have been already given of the increasing
power of religious principle in Mr. Buxton's mind ; but he had
* ' Brief Memoir.' Fletcher, 1845.
t Mr. Buxton was upwards of six feet four inches in height; but his
powerful frame and broad chest rendered his height less apparent.
1812.] THE REV. JOSIAH PRATT. 35
not yet been fully brought under its influence, nor had he acquired
clear views as to some of the fundamental truths of Christianity.
In 1811 he mentions that during a visit to Lynn he had met
his friends the Rev. Edward Edwards and the Rev. Robert
Hankinson, who recommended him to attend the ministry of the
Rev. Josiah Pratt, in Wheeler Street Chapel, Spitalfields ; and
to the preaching of that excellent clergyman he attributed, with
the liveliest gratitude, his first real acquaintance with the doctrines
of Christianity. lie himself says — " It was much and of vast
moment that I there learned from Mr. Pratt." — lie wrote to Mr.
Pratt thirty years afterwards, " Whatever I have done in my life
for Africa, the seeds of it were sown in my heart in Wheeler
Street Chapel."
With him, indeed, there was no sudden change, as in many
men of well-known piety. Both nature and education had
tended to prepare him for religion. His mind, ever disposed
(in Bacon's words) to " prefer things of substance before things
of show" — with a strong love for truth, and susceptible of deep
feeling — afforded, perhaps, a fit soil for the reception of those
truths, which at length struck deep root there. On the other
hand, he regarded his tendency to become wholly absorbed in
the work before him as a great bar to his progress in higher
things. Thus he writes to one of his relatives at Earlham : —
" Hampstead, March 21, 1812.
" I had determined, before I received your last letter, to thank you,
dear C , myself, for much pleasure, and I think a little profit (much
less than it ought to have been), in observing the progress of your
mind. It docs indeed give me real joy to see you and others of your
family striving in your race with such full purpose of heart ; and the
further I feel left behind — the more I feel engaged in other pursuits —
so much the more I admire and love the excellence which I hardly
endeavour to reach, and so much the more I perceive the infinite supe-
riority of your objects over mine.
" When I contrast your pursuits with my pursuits, and your life with
my life, I always feel the comparison a wholesome and a humiliating
lesson, and it makes me see the ends for which I labour in their proper
light ; and my heart is ready to confess, that ' Thou hast chosen the
good part, which shall not be taken from thee.' How is it, then, with
this contrast constantly staring me in the face whenever I think se-
riously, that it has no effect, or next to none, on my practice ? I see the
D 2
36 INCREASING REGARD TO RELIGION. [CHAP. iv.
excellence of the walk you have chosen, and the madness of dedicating
myself to anything but to the preparation of that journey which I must
so shortly take. I know that if success shall crown all my projects,
I shall gain that which will never satisfy me, ' that which is not bread.'
I know the poverty of our most darling schemes — the meanness of our
most delicious prospects — the transitoriness of our most durable posses-
sions— when weighed against that fulness of joy and eternity of bliss
which are the reward of those who seek them aright. All this I see
with the utmost certainty — that two and two make four is not clearer ;
how is it, then, that with these speculative opinions, my practical ones
are so entirely different ? I am irritable about trifles, eager after plea-
sures, and anxious about business : various objects of this kind engross
mv attention at all times : they pursue me even to Meeting and to
Church, and seem to grudge the few moments which are devoted to
higher considerations, and strive to bring back to the temple of the Lord
the sellers, and the buyers, and the money-changers. My reason tells
me that these things are utterly indifferent; but my practice says
that they only are worthy of thought and attention. My practice says,
' Thou art increased with goods, and hast need of nothing ;' but my
reason teaches me, ' Thou art wretched and miserable, and poor, and
blind, and naked.'
. ..." I have in this letter divulged the train of thinking which
is constantly recurring to my mind If I have said too much
in any part of it, I am sure I do not go beyond the truth in saying, that
hardly anything comes so near my heart as my love for my sweet sisters."
The period had now arrived from which may be dated that
ascendency of religion over his mind which gave shape and
colouring to the whole of his after life.
In the commencement of the year 1813 he was visited by an
illness which brought him to the brink of the grave. How
momentous an era he felt this to have been, we may learn from
the following paper, written after his recovery : —
"February 7, 1813.
" After so severe an illness as that with which I have lately been visited,
it may be advantageous to record the most material circumstances at-
tendant upon it. May my bodily weakness, and the suddenness with
which it came, remind me of the uncertainty of life ; and may the great
and immediate mercy, bestowed upon me spiritually, be a continual me-
morial that ' the Lord is full of compassion and long suffering,' and ' a
very present help in trouble!'
" I was seized with a bilious fever in January. When I first felt
myself unwell, I prayed that I might have a dangerous illness, provided
1813.] DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 37
that illness might bring me nearer to my God. I gradually grew worse •
and when the disorder had assumed an appearance very alarming to those
about me, I spent nearly an hour in most fervent prayer. I have been,
for some years, perplexed with doubts ; I do not know if they did not
arise more from the fear of doubting than from any other cause. The
object of my prayer was, that this perplexity might be removed ; and
the next day, when I set about examining my mind, I found that it was
entirely removed, and that it was replaced by a degree of certain con-
viction, totally different from anything I had before experienced. It
would be difficult to express the satisfaction and joy which I derived
from this alteration. ' Now know I that my Redeemer liveth ' was the
sentiment uppermost in my mind, and in the merits of that Redeemer I
felt a confidence that made me look on the prospect of death with j)er-
fect indifference. No one action of my life presented itself with any
sort of consolation. I knew that by myself I stood justly condemned ;
but I felt released from the penalties of sin by the blood of our sacrifice.
In Him was all my trust.
" My dear wife gave me great pleasure by repeating this text — ' This
is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus
came into the world to save sinners.' Once or twice only I felt some
doubt whether I did not deceive myself, arguing in this manner: —
' How is it that I, who have passed so unguarded a life, and who have
to lament so many sins, and especially so much carelessness in religion
— how is it that I feel at once satisfied and secure in the acceptance of
my Saviour ?' But I soon was led to better thoughts. Canst thou pre-
tend to limit the mercies of the Most High ? ' His thoughts are not as
our thoughts, nor his ways as our ways.' He giveth to the labourer of
an hour as much as to him who has borne the heat of the day. These
were my reflections, and they made me easy."
When the medical gentleman who attended him observed that
he must be in low spirits, " Very far from it," he replied : " I
feel a joyfulness at heart which would enable me to go through
any pain." " From faith in Christ?" he was asked. " Yes,
from faith in Christ " was his reply ; and, mentioning the clear
view he now had of Christ being his Redeemer, he said, " It is
an inexpressible favour, beyond my deserts. What have I done
all my life long? Nothing, nothing, that did God service, and
for me to have such mercy shown ! My hope," he added, " is
to be received as one of Christ's flock, to enter heaven as a little
child." A day or two afterwards he said, " I shall never again
pass negligently over that passage in the Prayer Book, ' We
38 ITS EFFECT ON HIS MIND. [CHAP. iv.
bless thee . . . for tliiffe inestimable love in the redemption
of the world by our Lord Jesus Christ;'" and he broke forth
into thanksgiving for the mercy, " the unbounded, the unmerited
love," displayed towards him, in having the Christian doctrine
brought home to his heart. When Mr. S. Hoare entered the
room where he lay, Mr. Buxton fixed his eyes upon him and em-
phatically said, " Sam ! I only wish you were as ill as I am !"
When he recovered, he explained that he so greatly felt the
effect upon his own mind, that he could not but wish his com-
panion to share in the advantage. Again and again he declared
how glad and thankful he was for his illness, and, at the same
time, how anxious he felt lest the impression it had made upon
him should become effaced.
After his recovery he thus writes to Earlham : —
" Perhaps you might think that your letters were not sufficiently
valued by me if they remained unnoticed ; they were both truly wel-
come, especially where they described your feelings at the prospect of
the termination (I earnestly hope only the earthly termination) of our
long and faithful union. My wife tells me that she said in her letter
that I mentioned you all in my illness. This was but a languid de-
scription of the extent and force of love I felt towards you, and of gra-
titude to you, to whom I owe so great a portion of all that has been
pleasant to me in my past life, and perhaps much of that which was
consolatory to me at that awful but happy period. C calls it a
chastisement, but I never felt it as such. I looked upon it when I was
at the worst (and have not yet ceased to do so) as a gift, and a blessing,
and the choicest of my possessions. When I was too weak to move or
speak, my mind and heart were at full work on these meditations, and
my only lamentation was that I could not feel sufficiently glad or grate-
ful for the mercy, as unbounded as unmerited, which I experienced.
This mercy was, to know the sins of my past life, that the best actions
of it were but dust and ashes, and good for nothing ; that, by the
righteous doom of the law, I stood convicted and condemned ; but that
full and sufficient satisfaction had already been made by Him who came
to save sinners ; and such was the case and confidence with which this
conviction inspired me, that death was not attended \\ith a terror."
Fifteen years afterwards * he thus refers to the impressions
made upon his mind during this illness. " It was then," he
says, "that some clouds in my mind wore dispersed : and from
* Cromer, 1828.
1813.] BIBLE SOCIETY. 39
that day to this, whatever reason I may have had to distrust my
own salvation, I have never been harassed by a doubt respecting
our revealed religion." As his health and strength returned, he
engaged with increased earnestness in supporting various bene-
volent societies, especially the Bible Society ; and his common-
place books during the years 1813 — 1816 are chiefly filled with
memoranda on this subject. He came prominently forward in
the controversy between the supporters of the Bible Society and
those who united with Dr. Marsh * in opposing it.
These occupations filled up the short intervals of leisure
afforded by his close attention to business ; and while he con-
tinued to reside at the brewery few events occurred to vary his
life. Some glimpses into the state of his mind are given in the
following letters : —
" Spitalfields, December 25, 1813.
" * * * I have often observed the advantage of having some
fixed settling time in pecuniary affairs. It gives an opportunity of
ascertaining the balance of losses and gains, and of seeing where we
have succeeded and where failed, and what errors or neglects have
caused the failure.
" Now, I thought, why not balance the mind in the same way —
observe our progress, and trace to their source our mistakes and over-
sights ? And what better time for this than Christmas-day followed
by Sunday ? And what better employment of those days ? So it was
fixed ; and consequently I refused invitation after invitation — to Upton,
Doughty Street, Plashet, Hampstead, Coggeshall, and Clifton. And
now for a history of my day. After breakfast I read, attentively, the
1st of St. Peter, with some degree of that spirit with which I always
wish to study the Scriptures. To me, at least, the Scriptures are
nothing without prayer ; and it is sometimes surprising to me what
beauties they unfold, how much even of worldly wisdom they contain,
and how they are stamped with the clear impression of truth, when read
under any portion of this influence ; and without it how unmoving they
appear.
" I also read Cooper's first Practical Sermon, the text — ' What is a
man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul ? '
This is a subject which, of all others of the kind, most frequently
engages my thoughts. * Well, I went to church :
we had one of Mr. Pratt's best sermons, and I stayed the Communion.
I could not but feel grateful to see so many persons who at least had
* Afterwards Bishop of Peterborough,
40 REFLECTIONS ON CHRISTMAS DAY. [CHAP. iv.
some serious thoughts of religion — especially that Charles and his wife
were of the number, and I may 'add, that I was also. I am not so
ignorant of myself as to think that I have made any suitable advances.
No. Every day's experience is a sufficient antidote against any such
flattering delusion ; for every day I see, and have reason to condemn,
the folly, the insanity which immerses me — the whole of my mind and
powers — in so trifling a portion of their interest as this world contains.
But yet I feel it an inestimable blessing to have been conducted to the
precincts and the threshold of truth, and to have some desires, vague
and ineffectual as they are, after better things.
" In the evening I sat down, in a business-like manner, to my mental
account. In casting up the incidental blessings of the year, I found
none to compare with my illness : it gave such a life, such a reality and
nearness, to my prospects of futurity ; it told me, in language so con-
clusive and intelligible, that here is not my abiding city. It expounded
so powerfully the Scriptural doctrine of Atonement, by showing what
the award of my fate must be, if it depended upon my own merits, and
what that love is which offers to avert condemnation by the merits of
another : in short, my sickness has been a source of happiness to me in
every way."
In the autumn of the following year he again alludes to that
" one religious subject which most frequently engaged his
thoughts." After speaking of the death of his early friend,
John Gurney, as " a loss hardly admitting of consolation," he
adds, —
" But it is surely from the shortness of our vision that we dwell so
frequently on the loss of those who are dear to us. Are they gone to
a better home ? Shall we follow them ? These are questions of
millions and millions of centuries. The former is but a question of a
few years. When I converse with these considerations, I cannot
express what I think of the stupendous folly of myself and the rest of
mankind. If the case could be so transposed, that our worldly busi-
nesses and pleasures were to last for ever, and our religion were to
produce effects only for a few years, then, indeed, our, at least my,
dedication of heart to present concerns would be reasonable and
prudent; then I might justify the many hours and anxious thoughts
devoted to the former, and might say to the latter, ' The few inter-
rupted moments and wandering, unfixed thoughts I spare you, are as
much as your transitory nature deserves.' * * Alas !
alas ! how is it that as children of this world we are wiser than as
children of light ? "
1815.] DISAPPOINTMENTS AND ANXIETIES. 41
In the summer of the year 1815 he removed from London to
a house at North End, Hampstead, that his children, now four
in number, might have the benefit of country air. The following
extract is from his common-place book : —
" North End, Sunday, August 6, 1815.
"Being too unwell to go to church, I have spent the morning (with
occasional wanderings in the fields) in reading and pondering upon the
Bible ; viz. St. James's and St. John's epistles. How much sound
wisdom and practical piety in the first, how devout and holy a spirit
breathes through the second ! — the one exposing, with a master's hand,
the infirmities, the temptations, and the delusions of man ; the other,
evidencing the love he teaches, seems of too celestial a spirit to mingle
much with human affairs, and perpetually reverts to the source of his
consolation and hope : with him, Christ is all in all, the sum arid sub-
stance of all his exhortations, the beginning and end of every chapter.
' ' I now sit down to recall some marked events which have lately
happened. First then, Friday, July 7th, was an extraordinary clay to
me. In the morning I ascertained that all the hopes we had indulged
of large profits in business were false. We were sadly disappointed,
for I went to town in the morning some thousands of pounds richer in
my own estimation than I returned at night. This was my first trial ;
next, about nine o'clock, a dreadful explosion of gunpowder took place
in a house adjacent to the brewery ; eight lives were lost, and great
damage done. For a long time it seemed beyond hope to expect to
keep the fire from the premises. The morning changed me from
affluence to competence, and the evening was likely to have converted
competence into poverty.
" To finish all, at night my house was robbed. This, if we had
heard it, might have seriously alarmed my wife, in her present delicate
state of health. How easily can I bear the transitions of fortune, and
see without murmuring, and even with cheerfulness, my golden hopes
blighted ! but ' bitter indeed, and intimately keen,' would any wound be
that affected her. I have often repeated these lines of Shakspeare : —
' Steep me in poverty to the very lips,
Give to captivity me and my utmost hopes,
I still can find in some part of my soul
A drop of patience —
But there, where I have garner'd up my heart,' &c.
" On the following Tuesday I went to Weymouth, and found the
affairs of a friend, in whom I am sincerely interested, in a very bad
state. This is to me a subject of much anxiety ; but on my return home
I had another and a deeper trial. I found that it was necessary to in-
42 REFLECTIONS. ^ [CHAP. iv.
vestigate 's business, which seems involved in much difficulty.
These two events together have been very mortifying to me, but I have
endeavoured to meet them with submissive fortitude. Yet I find that I
can suffer my own misfortunes with comparative indifference, but cannot
sit so easily under the misfortunes of those that are near to me ; but in
this I hope to improve, and to be enabled to look upon trials, in what-
ever form they appear, as visitations from the merciful hand of God.
I hope my late uneasinesses have not been entirely thrown away upon
me. They have brought me to feel the poverty and unsteadfastness of
all human possessions, and to look upon life as a flower that falleth,
while the grace and the fashion of it perisheth— as a vapour that ap-
peareth for a little time, and then vanisheth away. It has made me too
(though still sadly deficient) more earnest and more frequent in my
appeals and entreaties to God, that he would give me his wisdom to
direct me, and his strength to support me ; and, above all, that he would
emancipate my heart from the shackles of the flesh, and fix my hopes
beyond all that is in the world, ' the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye,
and the pride of life.' Turn my heart to thee, O Lord ; make me to
feel, daily and hourly to feel, as well as know — to act upon the per-
suasion, as well as to be persuaded — that only in thee I can rest in peace,
and only in thy service I can act with wisdom."
TO MRS. BUXTON, AT EARLHAM.
"Hampstead, Sunday, Oct. 29, 1815.
* * * u j have all the week set my mind on writing to you to-
day, but this is not the only temptation that operates at present, for if I
have not your company I must have 's, who is in the next room
and seems very desirous of improving my Sunday by edifying converse
on shooting. I ,have been quite comfortable since I returned to town,
found things in tolerable order, and have been as busy as a bee. I do
not know when I have had so many things of some importance to
manage, or when I have spent my time in business more to my satisfac-
tion. My rnind and heart have been instantly engaged in it, and I have
thought as little of shooting, since I returned to business, as I did of
business while I was shooting. I know you would not like the unset ile-
ment of the plan I have in my head ; which is, after a few years, to live
somewhere quiet in the country, and go to town for one week in a month.
I think that with strict, unsparing rules, this is all that would bo nece.--
sary : the unscttlement would be no objection to me, for I do not find
that change from one employment to another quite different produces it ;
and I fancy that I could brew one hour, study mathematics the next,
shoot the third, and read poetry the fourth, without allowing any one of
1815, 1816.] REFLECTIONS. 43
these pursuits to interfere with the others. This habit of full engage-
ment of the mind lias its advantages in business and other things, but is
attended with this serious disadvantage, that it immerses the mind so
fully in its immediate object, that there is no room for thoughts of
higher importance and more real moment to creep in. I feel this con-
tinually,— the hours and hours that I spend in utter forgetfulness of that
which I well know to be the only thing of importance. How very great
a portion of one's life there is, in which one might as well be a
heathen ! "
" Spitalfields, Nov. 1, 1815.
" I went this evening to a general meeting of the adult school. I was
very much interested by it, and made a speech, which was received with
shouts, nay, roars of applause ! The good that has already been done
is quite extraordinary : exclusive of one hundred and fifty persons who
have improved in reading, eighty-nine, who did not know their letters,
can now read well. We had five exhibited, and their performance was
grand ; but the effect upon their lives is still better than on their lite-
rature. Then we had a variety of fine speeches. I do not much
admire meetings of ladies and gentlemen, but the tradesmen speaking to
the mechanics is a treat to me : first, it is so entertaining to hear them,
such sublimity, such grandeur, such superfine images; one fine fellow
harvested a rich crop of corn off a majestic oak, and the simile was
received with a burst of applause. But if this is entertaining, the zeal
and warmth with which they speak and act is very interesting ; and I
really prefer their blundering heartiness to the cool and chaste per-
formances of more erudite orators."
Writing in February, 1816, after being engaged at a distance
from home in settling the affairs of some near connexions —
" So ends my history ; and I ought, and I do feel thankful that cir-
cumstances have made me the instrument of doing some good, and
communicating so much pleasure there. I found them all sad, and I
believe they each felt that my visit had been a kind of blessing. So far,
so good ; but do not imagine that I take the credit, or am elated at my
own achievements. I have felt thankful to be the agent, but I do not
forget that I am only the agent. I often wonder at the slow progress I
have made of late years in religion, but in this one respect I feel differ-
ent. I see the hand of a directing Providence in the events of life, the
lesser as well as the greater; and this is of great importance to me, for
the belief that your actions, if attempted aright, are guided and directed
by superior wisdom, is to me one of the greatest inducements to prayer;
and I do think that the little trials I have met with have materially
contributed to produce with me a habit of prayer."
44 HIS RELIGIOUS CHARACTER, [CHAP. iv.
Long before that period, to which he, at least, referred his
first real acquaintance with the truths of Christianity, the peculiar
features of his disposition had been cast in strong and permanent
relief; and the religious acts of his mind are deeply stamped with
the fashion of its native character. It possessed one element which
beyond all others gave shape to the development of his religious
principles. This was his power of realising the conceptions of
his mind and imagination with scarcely less force and vividness
than that which realised external objects. Thus he grasped the
idea of a future state, not "with a mere passive belief, but with a
strong effective conviction, as a matter of fact of startling plain-
ness, and which gave him to a remarkable degree a consciousness
of the hollow vanity of all earthly pleasures and interests. But
what chiefly marked his religious character was the absolute
childlike confidence with which he clung to the guiding hand of
his heavenly Father, wherever his path might lie. There was, in
fact, no event in his life which he did not attribute to His
immediate direction. " I do not want," he said, " to have
religion proved to me : a superintending Providence is clear to
demonstration. There is a proof of it," holding out his hand,
and showing how perfect was its mechanism. This led to a con-
stant habit of communicating his cares to his heavenly Father.
" Prayer is throwing up the heart to God continually," he said,
"not always using words, but casting- up the thoughts to Him.
Everything leads me to prayer, and I always find it answered,
both in little and great things." "When anticipating that a ma-
terial improvement would take place in his circumstances, his
prayers were constant and fervent that the proposed advantage
should not be granted him, unless it would be good for him and
his family. " If it be denied me," he observed, " I can only say
and feel that I still thank God ; and if it is appointed for me, I
am sure it will be safe and good. I am as easy to leave it as if
it concerned only a 51. note." No one that ever attended his
family prayers could avoid being struck by the intense earnest-
ness with which he poured out his feelings upon his public under-
takings before God. He spread the subject before Him, wrestling
with Him in prayer for aid and guidance ; and though lie spared
no exertions of his own, he always felt that God alone could give
the increase. Nor when success had followed his efforts did he
1815, 1816.] TRUST IN PROVIDENCE. 45
forget Him from whom that success had been derived. Indeed,
he habitually received the will of God, not only with submission,
but thankfulness.
Again, and again, and again, in his papers of religious medi-
tations, does he recur to the different events of his life, and trace
with grateful pleasure the moulding hand of Providence. " The
clusters of mercies received " are enumerated repeatedly in care-
ful detail, and his appointment to the advocacy of the oppressed
and neglected is always included as a source of deep thankfulness
and wonder that such as he should have been permitted thus to
labour in his Master's service. This strong reliance on the
presiding care of God grew with him year by year, as his expe-
rience widened, and he loved to count up the instances in which,
as he firmly believed, he had seen the ways of himself and others
directed by the hands of Providence to its own great ends. An
unfinished paper detailing various providential escapes he had met
with, refers, after alluding to many earlier ones, to one that oc-
curred in the winter of 1815 : —
" Mr. Back and I," he says, " went into the brewery to survey the
repairs which were going on ; we were standing upon a plank, with only
room for two, face to face ; we changed places in order that I might sur-
vey a spot to which he was directing my attention ; his hat was on, I
was uncovered : as soon as we had changed places, several bricks fell
from the roof, and one struck his head ; his hat in some measure averted
the blow, but he never recovered the injury, and died shortly afterwards
of an oppression on the brain."
TO JOSEPH JOHN GURNET, ESQ.
"Hampstead, April 12, 1816.
" It is very true that I have been worried of late, but not about the
Malt Tax, for that is only a question of profit, one that I could not re-
gulate, and I find no disposition in my mind to regret what is irreme-
diable. The thing which has given me uneasiness is the discovery of
what I consider errors in the management of the department of the
brewery which has fallen to me lately ; and these errors I am deter-
mined to cure. Now this involves much labour — but labour I do not
regard — and some anxiety, considering my inexperience upon many
points connected with it ; but I cannot say that I have felt this much.
The true cause of my disquietude arises from a certain feature in my own
mind, which I can hardly describe ; a kind of unregulated ardour, in
46 LETTER TO MR. GURNEY. [CHAP. iv.
any pursuit which appears to me to be of great importance, which takes
captive all my faculties, and binds them down to that pursuit, and will
not let them or me rest till it is accomplished. I hate this ; it is so un-
pleasant to wake, and to go to sleep, with your head full of vats and
tubs ; and I disapprove it more than I hate it. No man, I think, can
have more abstract conviction of the folly and futility of such engage-
ment of heart upon objects so utterly trifling and undurable. I see that
it is an infirmity: I deeply feel that it chokes the good seed, and is a
most pernicious weed, and I feel the breaches that it makes in my own
quiet : yet so much am I its slave, that it will intrude into the midst of
such reflections, and carry me off to my next gyle.* How sincerely I
do often wish that I could direct this fervent energy about temporals
into its proper channel — that I could be as warm about things of infinite
importance, as I am about dust and ashes !
" If I cannot accomplish this, I wish we could divide it — I keep half
for my business, and give you half for your book.f How can you, my dear
brother, be languid and spiritless, with such a thing before you, and with
such a capacity for doing it excellently ? Are you not ashamed that I
should be more anxious about making porter than you are about
making Christians? At it, my dear fellow! at it with vigour; but
when you find your mind unsuited for it, write me another letter, for
the last was a great pleasure to
" Your affectionate brother,
" T. F. BLXTOX."
* A " gyle " is the technical name for a brewing.
f On the ' Evidences of the Christian Religion.' See the Works of
Joseph John Gurney.
1816.] ADVENTURE WITH A MAD DOG. -17
CHAPTER V.
1816, 1817.
Adventure with a Mad Dog — Distress in Spitalfields — Mr. Buxton's
Speech — Letters — Establishment of Prison Discipline Society — Death
of Charles Buxton — Journey on the Continent — Letters — Incident at
the Brewery — Book on Prison Discipline.
AN incident which occurred during the summer of 1816 is thus
mentioned by Mr. Buxton in a letter to his wife, who fortunately
was absent at the time : —
"Spitalfields, July 15, 1816.
" As you must hear the story of our dog Prince, I may as well tell
it you. On Thursday morning, when I got on my horse at S. Hoare's,
David told me that there was something the matter with Prince, that
he had killed the cat, and almost killed the new dog, and had bit at
him and Elizabeth. I ordered him to be tied up and taken care of, and
then rode off to town. When I got into Hampstead, I saw Prince
covered with mud, and running furiously, and biting at everything. I
saw him bite at least a dozen dogs, two boys, and a man.
" Of course I was exceedingly alarmed, being persuaded he was mad.
I tried every effort to stop him or kill him, or to drive him into some
outhouse, but in vain. At last he sprang up at a boy, and seized him
by the breast; happily I was near him, and knocked him off with my
whip. He then set off towards London, and I rode by his side, waiting
for some opportunity of stopping him. I continually spoke to him, but
he paid no regard to coaxing or scolding. You may suppose I was se-
riously alarmed, dreading the immense mischief he might do, having
seen him do so much in the few preceding minutes. I was terrified at
the idea of his getting into Camden Town and London, and at length
considering that, if ever there was an occasion that justified a risk of life,
this was it, I determined to catch him myself. Happily he ran up to
Pryor's gate, and I threw myself from my horse upon him, and caught
him by the neck : he bit at me and struggled, but without effect, and I
succeeded in securing him, without his biting me. He died yesterday,
ravincr mad.
"Was there ever a more merciful escape? Think of the children
being gone ! I feel it most seriously, but I cannot now write more fully.
48 ADVENTURE WITH A MAD DOG. [CHAP. v.
I have not been at all nervous about it, though certainly rather low,
occasioned partly by this, and partly by some other things.
" I do not feel much fit for our Bible meeting on Wednesday — but I
must exert myself.
" P.S. Write me word whether Fowell has any wound on his fingers,
and if he has one made by the dog, let it be cut out immediately ; mind,
these are my positive orders."
He afterwards mentioned some particulars which he had
omitted in this hurried letter.
" When I seized the dog," he said, " his struggles were so desperate
that it seemed at first almost impossible to hold him, till I lifted him up
in the air, when he was more easily managed, and I contrived to ring
the bell. I was afraid that the foam, which was pouring from his
mouth in his furious efforts to bite me, might get into some scratch, and
do me injury; so with great difficulty I held him with one hand while I
put the other into my pocket and forced on my glove ; then I did the
same with my other hand, and at last the gardener opened the door,
saying, ' What do you want ? ' ' I've brought you a mad dog,' replied
I ; and telling him to get a strong chain, I walked into the yard, carry-
ing the dog by his neck. I was determined not to kill him, as I thought,
if he should prove not to be mad, it would be a great satisfaction to the
three persons whom he had bitten. I made the gardener, who was in
a terrible fright, secure the collar round his neck and fix the other end
of the chain to a tree, and then walking to its furthest range, with all
my force, which was nearly exhausted by his frantic struggles, I flung
him away from me, and sprang back. He made a desperate bound
after me, but finding himself foiled, he uttered the most fearful yell I
ever heard. All that day he did nothing but rush to and fro, champing
the foam which gushed from his jaws ; we threw him meat, and he
snatched at it with fury, but instantly dropped it again.
" The next day, when I went to see him, I thought the chain seemed
worn, so I pinned him to the ground between the prongs of a pitch-
fork, and then fixed a much larger chain round his neck. When I
pulled off the fork, he sprang up and made a dash at me, which snapped
the old chain in two. He died in forty-eight hours from the time he
went mad."
He writes to his wife a day or two afterwards : —
" I shot all the dogs and drowned all the cats. The man and boys
who were bitten are doing pretty well : their wounds were immediately
attended to, cut, and burnt out.
1816.] DISTRESS IN SPITALFIELDS. 49
•• \Vliat a terrible business it was! You must not scold me for the
risk I ran ; what I did I did from a conviction that it was my duty, and
I never can think that an over cautious care of self in circumstances
where your risk may preserve others is so great a virtue as you seem to
think it. I do believe that if I had shrunk from the danger, and others
had suffered in consequence, I should have felt more pain than I should
have done had I received a bite.''
The winter of 1816 set in early, and with great severity ; the
silk trade was almost stagnant, and the weavers in Spitalfields,
always trembling on the brink of starvation, were plunged into
the deepest misery. It was increased by the constant influx into
the parish of the poorest class of London work-people, who could
find no lodging elsewhere. A soup society had been long before
established, but the distress far exceeded the means provided for
its alleviation. Under these circumstances it was determined to
hold a meeting on the subject at the Mansion House. Mr.
Buxton and Mr. Samuel Hoare delayed their usual visit to Nor-
folk, in order to explore and assist in relieving the sufferings of
the Spitalfields poor.
TO MRS. BUXTON, AT EARLHAM.
" Spitalfields, Nov. 9, 1816.
" * * * S. Hoare and I came from Hampstead to attend a committee
this morning, and afterwards visited the poor. The wretchedness was
great indeed, but I felt most compassion for a poor old creature of
eighty, living alone without a fire or blanket. She seemed quite be-
wildered by the sight of silver ; her twilight of intellect was lost in grati-
tude and amazement. Poor old thing ! that she, with all the infirmities of
age, and without one earthly consolation, should look upon the prospect
of a good meal as a cause of extravagant joy and real happiness, and
that we, with the command of every comfort, in full strength, without
a bodily want, should ever repine at trifling discomforts, is, I hope, a
lesson. We are going to have a public meeting, and I trust a profitable
one, for without a large supply of money we must suspend our opera-
tions. George Kett sent me 50/. to-day."
" Spitalfields, November 22, 1816.
" I did not write to you yesterday because really I had not a moment's
time ; the committees and my own business occupy every moment. I
had a pleasant journey up to town. 1 had much upon my mind — our
conversation about the eclipse. The vastness of the creation is indeed
E
50 MR. BUXTON'S SPEECH. [CHAP. v.
a subject for meditation. ' The heavens declare the glory of God, and
the firmament showeth his handiwork.' ' When I consider the stars
which thou hast made, and the heavens which are the work of thy
hands, what is man that thou art mindful of him ?' How truly do these
words describe the thoughts to which the vast spectacle of nature,
especially the heavenly bodies, rolling in their appointed orbits, give
rise ! What a sermon these are upon the mightiness of the Creator,
and upon the insignificance of man ! and yet that we, who are truly dust
and nothingness, should have the presumption to defy the power of the
Almighty, to resist his commands, and to place our whole souls and
hearts upon that which he tells us is but vanity ; this is (if nothing else
were) a demonstration that the heart of man is ' deceitful above all
things, and desperately wicked.' On the other hand, that a Being so
infinitely great should condescend to invite us to our duty, and to call
that duty his service, proves as strongly that he has crowned us with
loving kindness and tender mercy.
" I am well, and our proceedings about the poor prosper; — but oh,
my speech ! When shall I be able to think of it ? I fear that I shall
goto the meeting with it all in a jumble, and this would be wicked, as it
would injure the good cause. I do try, I hope, not to mingle too much
of self in my earnest desires for its success, and I am not forgetful of my
usual resource in difficulty — prayer.
"I am now going to the workhouse. I shall reach Earlham on
Tuesday. S. Hoare and Abraham Plastow will be with me, and I hope
the latter will be treated with deserved distinction, as he was for the
first twelve years of my life the dearest friend 1 had."
"November 27, 1816.
" Well, our meeting went off capitally. I felt very flat, and did not
go through the topics I meant to touch upon, and upon the whole con-
sidered it as a kind of failure ; but as I had entreated that what \vas
best might be done, I did not feel at all disheartened, but, to my great
surprise, all others took a very different sense of it.
" Tell dear Priscy I send her the ' Morning Chronicle,' that she may
read Papa's speech, and I hope it will make her desirous of serving the
poor."
A brief extract may be given from this speech. After men-
tioning the causes which had produced, he says, " a degree, an
expanse of distress utterly beyond my powers to describe," he
continues —
" I could detain you till midnight with the scenes we have witnessed.
From these rough minutes which I hold in my hand, taken on the spot,
1816.] MR. BUXTON'S SPEECH. 51
. ft .
in the very houses of the poor, drawn not from the fictions of a warm ima-
gination, but from scenes of actual life — from the sad realities before us,
I could disclose to you a faithful though a faint picture of such desperate
calamity and unutterable ruin, that the heart must be stony indeed that
did not sicken at the sight. First, I would lead you to the roof of a
house hardly deserving the name of a garret; there sat three human
beings, each seventy years of age — each with the ghastly lineaments of
famine ; a few bricks were their only chair and their only table ; a little
jof our soup their only provision ; a little straw and some shreds of an
old coat their only bed ! Next, I would show you a family of nine ; the
father disabled — the mother sickly— their furniture, their bed, their
looms — every article of present use, the very implements of future labour,
had been surrendered to the demands of hunger ! I will not exhaust
your feelings by further recitals of what has met our eyes, but hasten to
a larger topic.
" My Lord, I feel more and more that I cannot do justice to the dis-
tress. I wish I could prevail upon you to see it with your own eyes.
Come when you please, select almost your own street, almost your own
house in that street, your own room in that house, and I undertake that
in that room you will find a proof that our picture is faint and feeble.
Come amongst us, and we will show you the father of a large family,
whom we found in the act of pulling down his stove, to exchange it for
food. The dread of future cold was less violent than the cravings of
immediate hunger. Come by day, and we will lead you to a widow in
the last stage of illness, yet — the only blanket of the dying wretch has
been sent to procure bread ! Come by night, and we will show you the
baskets and the sheds of our markets filled with these wretched crea-
tures— there they find their nightly lodging, and there amongst its scraps
and refuse they pick out their daily food. * * In ordinary times the
poor are the best friends of the poor. There is (and happy is it) a
sympathy in affliction (we find it as a ray of light amid the gloom), a
fellow-feeling in distress, a kind of benefit society to which all the
wretched are free, — a society not indeed enrolled and registered by Act
of Parliament, but by higher authority, and with more awful sanction,
by the instincts which Providence has implanted in the human heart ;
but this is a virtue for better times. The poor man can hardly support
himself, and therefore can hardly assist others. I do not mean to say
that he does not. We have met with instances which have exalted our
respect for human nature — instances which recall the widow recorded in
the New Testament, who 'out of her want gave all her living;' — and
the widow of Sarepta in the Old Testament, whose whole possession
was ' a handful of meal in a barrel, and a drop of oil in a cruse,' yet she
was willing to share them with the afflicted stranger. But if this prove
E2
52 LETTER FROM WILBERFORCE. [CHAP. v.
that the poor are not bereft of every ordinary support, is it not a lesson
tons? If the poor man who is obliged to deny his unsatiated appe-
tites,— who, having divided sufficient from his only loaf to support life,
but not to satisfy hunger, hides the remainder for the next day's meal, —
if he yet find some place for mercy in his soul, and, miserable himself,
is yet impelled to share his remaining crust with the more miserable, —
if the strong impulse of humanity urges him to so dear a sacrifice, does
it not teach the man who is clothed in soft raiment and fares sumptuously
every day, to give something more than the crumbs that fall from his
table to the wretchedness that surrounds his gate ? But why this supe-
rior mercy in the poor ? Because he has learned it in the school of
affliction. He knows what it is to want bread, and this has opened his
heart and enlivened his affections for those who are exposed to the
rigour of the season and the craving importunities of hunger ; but the
rich man cannot feel this. He can experimentally know nothing of
what it is, when the poor man, willing to strain every nerve in labour,
is denied the employment which might stanch the tears of his wife and
appease the cries of his children, — when, like the wretch I have men-
tioned, he is willing to suffer, if he might suffer alone, firm against his
own afflictions, but, when he looks around him, sunk to the effeminacy
of tears."
He might fairly be surprised by the universal attention
which this speech received. Nothing could be more com-
mendatory than the mention made of it in the newspapers ;
and letters of congratulation poured in from all sides. One
from Mr. Wilberforce, the first written by him to his future ally
and successor, may be deemed almost prophetic.
" Kensington Gore, November 28, 1816.
" My dear Sir, — I must in three words express the real pleasure
with which I have both read and heard of your successful effort on
Tuesday last, in behalf of the hungry and the naked. * * * But I can-
not claim the merit of being influenced only by regard for the Spitalfields
sufferers, in the pleasure I have received from your performances at the
meeting. It is partly a selfish feeling, for I anticipate the success of
the efforts which I trust you will one day make in other instances, in an
assembly in which I trust we shall be fellow-labourers, both in the
motives by which we are actuated, and in the objects to which our
exertions will be directed.
" I am, my dear Sir,
" Yours sincerely,
>' W. WlLUKKFORCB."
1816.] SUCCESS OF THE MEETING. 53
The speech reappeared in publications of the most widely dif-
ferent character. It was republished by the Spitalfields Benevo-
lent Society, as the best means of creating sympathy with their
exertions ; it was republished by Hone and the democrats, as the
best statement of the miseries permitted under the existing
government ; and it was republished by the friends of that go-
vernment, " because," said they, " it forms so beautiful a con-
trast to the language of those wretched demagogues, whose
infamous doctrines would increase the evils they affect to
deplore."
" By this one meeting at the Mansion House," says the report
of the Spitalfields Benevolent Society, " 43,369/. \vere raised."
Two days after it had been held, Lord Sidmouth sent for Mr.
Buxton, to inform him, that " the Prince had been so pleased
by the spirit and temper of the meeting, and so strongly
felt the claims that had been urged, that he had sent them
5000/."
With these exertions for the poor around him, Mr. Buxton's
public career may be said to have commenced. He was now
launched upon that stream of labour for the good of others,
along which his course lay for the remainder of his life. His
letters show the eagerness of his desire to be employing his ener-
gies in warring against the evils around him. " I want to be
living in a higher key," he remarked, " to do some good before
I die." His prayers were incessant that God would employ
him as an instrument of spreading his kingdom, and of doing
good to mankind. He had great delight in the service of his
Lord and Master; nor did lie ever forget to thank God with
deep gratitude when any opportunity, however trifling, was
afforded him of exerting himself for others. To one of his
relations, who had entered upon a benevolent undertaking which
required considerable personal sacrifices, he writes, —
" For my part, I cannot lament for and pity those who make great
sacrifices in compliance with conscience ; such dedication of self is, in
my view, much more a matter of envy. Assuredly, if we could look at
such sacrifices throughout their whole extent, in their consequences here
to others, and hereafter to ourselves, we should perceive that the per-
mission to be so engaged is a privilege of inestimable value. I am
certain that you are only actuated by a conviction of duty, and shall I
54 MRS, FRY— VISIT TO NEWGATE. [CHAP. v.
repine and grieve because you are enabled to follow so high a director ?
Or shall I not rather heartily rejoice that you are called to such a
service, and that the call is not resisted ? I often think of those verses
in the Acts, ' rejoicing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame
for his name ; and daily in the Temple, and in every house, they ceased
not to teach and to preach Jesus Christ.' And so I am half inclined to
envy you, and more than half to wish that, somehow or other, I were
as well engaged."
It was no part of his character to indulge in vague desires
without a bold struggle for their accomplishment. Having done
what he could in relieving the miseries of his poor neighbours,
he soon entered upon a wider field of benevolence.
One day, while walking past Newgate with Mr. Samuel
Hoare, their conversation turned upon the exertions of their
sister-in-law Mrs. Fry, and her companions, for the improvement
of the prisoners within its walls ; and this suggested the idea of
employing themselves in a similar manner. They soon entered
into communication with Mr. William Crawford, Mr. Peter
Bedford, and other gentlemen, who were also anxious to improve
the condition, at that time deplorable to the last degree, of the
English gaols.
The exertions of Mrs. Fry and her associates had prepared the
way ; public attention had been drawn to the subject ; and in
1816 the Society for the Reformation of Prison Discipline was
formed. In the list of the committee, Mr. Buxton's name
stands between those of Dr. Lushington and Lord Suffield (then
the Hon. E. Harborcl), both of whom were afterwards so closely
associated with him in the attack upon negro slavery.
On January the 5th, 1817, he writes from Hampstead to
Mrs. Bnxton, —
" After I had written to you yesterday, I went with Peter Bedford
and Charles on a visit to Newgate. I saw four poor creatures who are
to In1 executed on Tuesday next. Poor things! God have mercy on
them ! The sight of them was sufficient for that day. I felt no further
inclination to examine the prison. It has made me long much that my
life may not pass quite uselessly ; but that, in some shape or other, I
may assist in checking and diminishing crime and its consequent misery.
Surely it is in the power of all to do something in the service of their
Master ; and surely I among the rest, if I were now to begin and
endeavour, to the best of my capacity, to serve Him, might bo the
1817.1 ILLNESS OF CHARLES BUXTON. 55
means of good to some of my fellow-creatures. This capacity is, I feel,
no mean talent, and attended with no inconsiderable responsibility. I
must pray that I may at length stir myself up, and be enabled to feel
somewhat of the real spirit of a missionary, and that I may devote
myself, my influence, my time, and, above all, my affections, to the
honour of God, and the happiness of man. My mission is evidently not
abroad, but it is not less a mission on that account. I feel that I may
journey through life by two very different paths, and that the time is now
come for choosing which I will pursue. I may go on, as I have been
going on, not absolutely forgetful of futurity, nor absolutely devoted to
it. I may get riches and repute, and gratify my ambition, and do some
good and more evil; and, at length, I shall find all my time on earth
expended, and in retracing my life I shall see little but occasions lost,
and capacities misapplied. The other is a path of more labour and less
indulgence. I may become a real soldier of Christ ; I may feel that I
have no business on earth but to do his will and to walk in his ways,
and I may direct every energy I have to the service of others. Of these
paths, 1 know which I would most gladly choose : ' but what I would,
that I do not ; but what I hate, that do I.' In short, the cares, and
the pleasures, and the business of this world choke the good seed, and
we are perpetually deceived. We would sow to the spirit, and we sow
to the flesh ; we desire heaven, and we are chained to earth."
He now began to entertain thoughts of entering Parliament,
and at the election of February, 1817, he went down to Wey-
mouth, at the invitation of Mr. \V. Williams, to stand on the
same interest. He did not, however, offer himself as a can-
didate.
" Weymouth, Feb. 1817.
" I am far from regretting that I came, as I do not doubt it will
secure me an independent seat next election : that word ' independent '
has been the obstacle upon this occasion. I intend to spend a good
portion of the next two years in preparation for the House. I hope I
shall either do good, or receive pleasure, when I get there : as yet, I
have had in politics neither one nor the other. I am pining for home :
nothing suits me worse than this kind of busy leisure ; too much to do
to have time to myself, and too little to do to occupy my time."
" Hampstead, April 5.
" Last Sunday I was at Fakenham, with Charles, who is very unwell.
God grant he may recover ! I have much to thank God about with re-
gard to him, his increased and increasing piety and seriousness. For my-
self I sometimes fear my treasure is too much in my business, it is too much
56 DEATH OF CHARLES BUXTON. [CHAP. v.
my amusement, the topic to which I turn with pleasure. South says,
' Whatsoever a man accounts his treasure, that he places his whole
delight in : it entertains his eye, refreshes his fancy, feeds his thoughts,
and affords him a continual feast.' God grant that I may so meditate
in his law, and so dwell within the walls of his spiritual temple, that He,
and my duties towards Him, may be my chief delight."
Soon afterwards he became absorbed in anxiety about his
brother Charles, who had shown symptoms of a decline, which
at length proved fatal. A more grievous calamity could
scarcely have befallen Mr. Buxton. Though their characters
stood far apart, the two brothers had some points of strong and
endearing resemblance. The lively gladness of heart which
threw a constant sunshine over the countenance of the younger,
would often relax the graver brow of the elder brother ;
and, indeed, though the pressure of care and business gave Mr.
Buxton an habitually grave aspect, and though it was a part of
his character to be so absorbed by the pursuit he had in hand
as to seem abstracted, yet there was in him throughout life a
vein of playfulness which showed itself often when least ex-
pected. Even when he himself was somewhat silent and op-
pressed, he courted the cheerfulness of others, and delighted in
it. But the friend that could best enliven him was lost when
his brother sunk into the grave.
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" Weymouth, July 4, 1817.
*' My dearest Wife, — How difficult it is to pour out all the feelings
of this day ; memorable as it will be to me, for as bitter pain on the
one hand, and as strong and joyful gratitude on the other, as ever I
passed through ! After such a tumult of feelings, I am now quite dull
and confused, hardly crediting that it is anything but a dream, or that he
that was my earliest friend, and so very near my heart, and with whom the
ties of friendship were so exquisitely tender, should be passed away for
ever, or rather for the short period of this pilgrimage ; but if I feel the
grief of having these ten thousand links of brotherhood snapped asunder,
I hope and I think that I do more strongly feel the strong and sufficient
consolations that surround us. Dear as he is to me (and there is an
inexpressible fondness over his memory), I would not recall him to
earth. If this world be a state of probation, he has passed through it,
and is, I am persuaded, with the Saviour on whom he depended. I
1817.] DEATH OF CHARLES BUXTON. 57
cannot say the satisfaction I feel in his state of mind of late — the
deepest humility as to himself, mixed with the firmest confidence in the
sufficient merits of Christ. ... I will now tell you events as they have
passed. At Andover I found a letter from Anna, saying he was worse ;
and that I might be too Jatc. I shall not easily forget the ride between
Andover and Salisbury. I could only see the dark side, the deep and
irreparable loss, and one chief joy of my life gone for ever. The re-
mainder of the journey to Dorchester was rather anxious than anything
else. I particularly desired to see him once more, and I strongly hoped
to have that comfort, but at Dorchester I heard of his peaceful end.
Poor dear fellow! Between that and Weymouth, after indulging for a
short time in groanings for us who remain, I felt the deepest gratitude
on his account. I was so happy in his fate, ani so sensible of the all-
righteous hand which directed it ! ... Infinitely beyond all, how mer-
ciful and gladdening it is that those words, ' in sure and certain hope of
a blessed resurrection,' are not at all too strong to express my convic-
tions about him ! He is bound to the very inmost recesses of i/iy heart,
when I recall and call up in my heart a thousand endearing recollec-
tions, his tenderness towards me, his playful manner, his ready sympathy
in all that touched me, his nice sense -of honour and delicate feeling
When all these rush into my mind (and they are twined round all the
events that are past), I should be a mourner indeed if I had not an
unfailing sense of consolation, ' a present help in time of trouble,' in
the conviction of his happiness, and in the earnest hope of being again
restored to him, in a state free from the impurities and imperfections of
this world. Oh ! how I do long to take to the warning of his example,
to detach myself from the frailties and vanities of this world, to become
a disciple and soldier of our Lord Jesus Christ, to remember ' righteous-
ness, temperance, and the judgment to come!' and how I do feel that
this admonition, like other deep ones which I have had, may pass away,
and that I may be one of those of whom it may be said, ' it would have
been better for him never to have known the ways of righteousness !'
" His being now in the land of Spirits before his Maker, and in the
company of his Redeemer, in whom he so fully believed, and whom he
loved, gives to me a familiarity with death which I never experienced.
There is, I have almost thought, a community and sameness of feeling
between brothers which is only equalled by that between husband and
wife. Oh ! how I feel that this is gone ! but I do not forget that I
have others left, who are perhaps as dear to me, besides yourself, my
love. I went into the room by myself, wishing to return thanks, with
his remains before me, for the inexpressible mercy displayed to him, and
to pray that we who are left may be preserved from evil.
'• Martha told me that Charles, on Tuesday, could not swallow ;
58 DEATH OF CHARLES BUXTON. [CHAP. v.
when she observed how sorry she was, he answered by repeating the
story of the Samaritan woman at the well, and concluded by saying,
' Though I cannot eat, and though I cannot drink, yet if I can but
drink one glass of cold water at that living spring, I shall never thirst
any more.'
" When somebody said to him, ' We must repent and then we shall
be forgiven by Christ,' he said, ' You begin at the wrong end : we must
first seek Christ, then He will give us repentance and forgiveness.' He
was fully aware the last moment was approaching, and his soul seemed
at times as if it were already in heaven. Send this to my aunt Gurney
and Anna ; with my dearest love to all."
" July 6, 1817.
" If we only consider the loss we have sustained, we must go mourn-
ing all the day long; if we consider the gain to him, it extracts the
anguish from the wound. I cannot help following him in his present
state. He, with whose views and prospects, and feelings and joys, I
have till within a few days been so conversant, is now in a scene so new,
so grand, so inexpressible, so infinitely beyond the rags arid vanities of
earth." — " I do not expect to feel Charles's funeral much," he says in
another letter; " I have dwelt so much upon him as ascended to heaven,
that I cannot, or rather do not, so very closely connect the idea of him
and his remains. I mean, in committing them to the earth, I do not
feel as if I were committing him there."
Twenty years afterwards, in reviewing the leading occurrences
of his life, he thus refers to this event : —
" I know of no tie, that of husband and wife excepted, which could
be stronger than the one which united Charles and me. We were what
the lawyers call ' tenants in common ' of everything. He was, I think,
the most agreeable person I ever knew. A kind of original humour
played about his conversation. It was not wit; it was anything rather
than that species of humour which provokes loud laughter ; it was not
exactly naivete, though that comes nearest to it ; it was an intellectual
playfulness which provided for every hour, and extracted from every
incident a fund of delicate merriment. He died at Weymouth in the
year 1817; — and thou knowest, O Lord, and thou only, how deeply I
loved, and how long and how intensely I lamented him."
His brother's widow and children were the objects of his
tender care. lie took a house for them near his own at Hamp-
stead, and as his brother-in-law, Mr. Samuel Iloare, rrsidcd in
the same place, the three families became ujiited in habits of the
closest intercourse.
1817.] VISIT TO THE CONTINENT. 59
In the winter of 1817, Mr. and Mrs. Buxton and Mr. S. and
Mr. J. J. Gurney went over to France, with the Rev. Francis
Cunningham, who was anxious to establish a branch of the Bible
Society at Paris. Mr. Buxton and his brothers-in-law took a
great interest in this undertaking, and were also desirous to pro-
cure information as to the excellent systems of prison discipline
adopted in the jails of Antwerp and Ghent.
In crossing over to Boulogne the party met with an adven-
turowhich might have turned out seriously. Soon after leaving
Dover, they were surrounded by a dense fog, in which they
drifted about for two clays and nights, without being able to con-
jecture what course the vessel was pursuing. To this anxiety
actual suffering was soon added, for the packet contained many
passengers, and there was no sleeping accommodation, and
scarcely a morsel of food on board. A few mouldy biscuits and
a piece of cheese were furnished at a high price from one of the
sailors, with which the hungry party were obliged to be con-
tented. In the course of the second night the braying of an ass
warned them of their near approach to land, and having narrowly
avoided running the vessel ashore, a short dispersion of the fog
at length enabled them to enter the harbour of Calais. After
referring to this incident, Mr. Buxton proceeds in his diary : —
" I would not willingly forget the lesson taught of the value of
food — of the pain of being restricted in it ; these lines will recall my
feelings : —
' Take physic, Pomp,
Expose thyself to feel what wretches feel,
That thou mayst shake the superflux to them.' "
The following are extracts from his diary : —
" Nov. 1, 1817.
" One cannot pass over from Dover to Calais without being struck
with the immense expenditure which has been lavished upon the animo-
sities of the two countries. We hear with astonishment of some hun-
dred thousand pounds raised in England for the dispersion of the Bible
through the world ; of 20,000/. per annum raised to send missionaries
to communicate to heathen nations the blessings of Christianity. Such
exertions excite our admiration, elevate our country in our eyes, and
even oxalt our nature. But turn for a moment to the opposite picture,
and observe ten times these enormous sums expended upon twenty acres
60 VERSAILLES— ST. CLOUD. [CHAP. v.
of land at Dover, and as many at Calais, — not to promote civilisation or
happiness, but for purposes of mutual hostility, defiance, aggression, and
bloodshed. I do verily believe that the true, genuine, valorous, mili-
tary spirit, is the true and genuine spirit inspired by the enemy of man,
and I hope that I shall never refuse or be ashamed to avow these
strange, extraordinary sentiments."
" Paris, Nov. 10.
" Thus far I have thoroughly enjoyed my journey; the people are
civil and engaging, and full of life. What an odd thing it is that our
mutual rulers should have deemed it expedient that we should have
spent the last twenty-three years in cutting each other's throats ; and
that we should so often have illuminated at the grateful intelligence that
ten thousand of these our lively friends were killed, and twenty thou-
sand wounded ! Surely we must now think this a strange reason for
rejoicing. Seeing the natives is an antidote to the pleasure of destroy-
ing them. If it be our duty to love our enemies, the military prepara-
tions are an extraordinary mode of displaying our affection. In truth it
is a sad thing, that
' Straits interposed
Make enemies of nations, which had else,
Like kindred drops, been melted into one.'
" 11/A. — We went to Versailles to breakfast. Almost every bush
has its statue. The fauns, tritons, Neptunes, heroes, Venuses, Dianas,
mixed with the statues of Louis le Grand and Louis le Desire (whose
features defy all meaning), present an assemblage of fiction and fact,
much to the advantage of the former.
" After visiting Versailles, we went to St. Cloud. This is a very
comfortable and splendid abode, the furniture very beautiful and costly,
and as much surpassing Versailles in cheerfulness as falling short of it
in melancholy grandeur. It is the second record of departed glory
which we have seen to-day : the third comes more home to our hearts.
We this night, on our arrival at Paris, heard of the death of our Prin-
cess. We have all felt it as if she were bound to ourselves by the ties
of kindred.
" 12th. — We went to the Palace of the Luxemburg, and there saw
Talleyrand ; — a bishop in the reign of the King — an abjurcr of Chris-
tianity when reason was deified — prime minister of Buonaparte till his
Spanish expedition — one of the first to betray him — on his return
offering his insidious assistance again to betray him — and now in full
power !
"15M. — Went to the Legislative Assembly, and saw the rooms for
the Peers. Wonderfully smart — too much so. Very different, indeed,
1817.] PRISONS OF GHENT AND ANTWERP. 61
are both these chambers from the negligent grandeur of the British
Parliament.
" 16//J. — Francis Cunningham and I went to various persons for the
purpose of establishing a Bible Society. We found only M. Juillerat
at homo, with whom we had some encouraging conversation. His de-
scription of the state of religion in the country is truly deplorable. The
Protestants are sadly indifferent, and the Roman Catholics are either
quite philosophically careless or thoroughly bigoted.
" Baxter says, in his Life, something of this kind : — ' I did not know
till now what a great sin tyranny is, which thus prevents the propaga-
tion of the Gospel :' and the difficulties we have this day felt in the
establishment of the Bible Society from the restraints of Government
have united me in the same feeling.
" Went again to the Louvre, and greatly admired the Italian paint-
ings ; and, particularly, some of Claude's. I cannot like Rubens' great,
sprawling, allegorical Deities."
His diary contains very full particulars relative to those pri-
sons at Ghent and Antwerp which it was one purpose of his
journey to examine. He was especially struck with the admir-
able management of the Maison de Force in the former town,
and he determined to lay his account of it before the Prison
Discipline Society in London.
" At Ghent we were told that when Buonaparte was emperor he
demanded of the Roman Catholic College an approbation of his mar-
riage with Maria Louisa, which they steadily refused. Soon after, he
sent them a bishop who was not properly ordained by the Pope, and
they refused to obey him. On this he ordered a detachment of soldiers
to surround the college, and to take every priest and student. He then
sent them all off to his armies as soldiers ; and of 330 thus sent but
fifteen returned alive ! "
" Sunday, Calais.
" Here we arrived at ten o'clock this morning, being compelled by
the regulations of the fortified towns to travel some distance on this day.
We regret this, as we would not willingly lend even our feeble counte-
nance to the violation of the Sabbath, which this country everywhere
presents.
" We all felt grateful for the encouraging intelligence that a Bible
Society had been formed in Paris. I ardently hope that it may be the
means of much direct good by the circulation of the Scriptures, and of
much indirect good by causing intercourse between the Protestants of
France and England. France, indeed, needs everything that can be
62 THE LONDON PRISONS. [CHAP. v.
done for her religious welfare. Religion is, as it were, almost abolished.
I speak generally, but I trust, and indeed I am persuaded, that this
generality admits of very many exceptions; but, altogether, there is
little appearance of religion. The amusements and businesses of the
Sunday — the utter absence of the Scriptures — the perpetual reiteration
of ' Mon Dieu ' in every sentence — the indifference as to truth — in
short, all that strikes the eye and the ear, indicates the absence of any
spiritual understanding."
Upon Mr. Buxton's return to England he communicated to
the Prison Discipline Society the information which he had
acquired with respect to the Maison de Force at Ghent, and this
led to a request from the committee that his description of it
might be published. " When I sat down to this task," he says,
in the preface to his book, " the work insensibly grew upon my
hands. It was necessary to prove that evils and grievances did
exist in this country, and to bring home to these causes the in-
crease of corruption and depravity. For this purpose repeated
visits to prisons were requisite."
Accordingly, accompanied by Mr. Hoare, Mr. William Craw-
ford, and others, he visited at different times the principal Lon-
don jails, and examined with the utmost care into every part of
the system pursued in them.
TO THE REV. FRANCIS CUNNINGHAM.
" Spitalfields, Dec. 1817.
" Since my return I have been much engaged in the London prisons,
and my inquiries have developed a system of folly and wickedness which
surpasses belief. A noise must be made about it, and (will you believe
it ?) I am going to turn author, and am preparing a pamphlet upon the
subject of prisons.
" The recollection of our journey acquires new charms in my eyes,
and I heartily rejoice we were induced to take it.
" Tell C that if the result should in any way diminish the quan-
tum of misery that is endured, and of vice which is hatched in our
prisons — if it should be the means of encouraging the Protestant ministers
of France, and of dispersing the Bible through its forlorn population —
I shall think we were almost repaid for the terrible, monstrous, shocking
dangers we incurred when exposed to all the horrors of a calm.
" Can you give Major Close the name of the regiment, at Mont i
which had no Bibles? If so, they will be immediately supplied."
1817.] REFLECTIONS. 63
TO A FRIEND.
" Dec. 1817.
" I never enjoyed my home more. I hardly ever was so sensible of
enjoyment in it as since my return from France. To be happy I must
be employed, and on a useful object, for between ourselves (but this
is a profound secret) I am sick of having my heart in my vats."
He closed the year 1817 with the following reflections in his
common-place book : —
" This year has been chequered with events of deep interest — some
joyful and some dressed in the darkest sable. But how encouraging is
it to be able to recognise in all, and especially in the mournful circum-
stances of the year, the hand of a merciful Providence ! This day last
year I Sj>cnt with my beloved brother ; together we went to our usual
place of worship, to hear our (especially his) beloved minister,* and
together we wandered through the future.
' But God has wisely hid from human eyes
The dark decrees of Fate.'
" Very soon afterwards I was called to Weymouth to the election. I
need not now enter into the reasons which induced me not to stand ;
suffice it to say, I would not be dependent. With my determination I
have been well satisfied. I fancy my election at a future period is very
probable : if it will tend to my real good or the good of others, I believe
it will be so determined by Providence ; if not, I earnestly pray God to
avert the fulfilment of my wishes. I am too well aware of my own
blindness to have my heart much set on it. : * While I was at
Weymouth, my sweet boy, Harry, got through the bars of his nursery
window, and was discovered merely holding by his hands with the
utmost unconcern. What was not his mother — what was not I spared !
* * * What shall I render to the Lord for all his mercies to me, of
which (next to his inestimable love in the redemption of the world) my
wife is fur the greatest ? * * * I often wonder at the goodness of
God, in giving to one so unworthy so rich a treasure.
" Soon after my return from Weymouth began the heaviest affliction
of my life — the illness, the gradual and perceptible decay, alas ! the
death, of my dearest brother. No day passes in which something or
other does not recall his beloved image, his lively manners, his unity of
heart. I trust that few days pass in which I forget to thank God for
this dispensation, and to rejoice that he has, as I doubt not he has, ' for
this corruptible put on incorruption.'
* The Rev. Josiah Pratt.
64 INCIDENT AT THE BREWERY. [CHAP. v.
" His widow and her three children have been staying with us for
some time, — much to my comfort, and, I hope, somewhat to hers. I
have read and heard of acts of faithful affection ; but I never heard, or
read, or saw anything to compare with the affection, kindness, attention,
and generosity displayed by S. Hoare to her.
" On Saturday last, in consequence of an almost obsolete promise to
sleep in town when all the other partners were absent, I slept at Brick-
lane. S. Hoare had complained to me that several of our men were
employed on the Sunday. To inquire into this, in the morning I went
into the brewhousc, and was led to the examination of a vat containing
170 ton weight of beer. I found it in what I considered a dangerous
situation, and I intended to have it repaired the next morning. I did
not anticipate any immediate danger, as it had stood so long. When I
got to Wheeler-street chapel, I did as I usually do in cases of difficulty,
— I craved the direction of my heavenly Friend, who will give rest to
the burthened, and instruction to the ignorant.
" From that moment I became very uneasy, and instead of proceeding
to Hampstead, as I had intended, I returned to Brick-lane. On ex-
amination I saw, or thought I saw, a still further declension of the iron
pillars which supported this immense weight; so I sent for a surveyor;
but before he came I became apprehensive of immediate danger, and
ordered the beer, though in a state of fermentation, to be let out.
Wrhen he arrived, he gave it as his decided opinion that the vat was
actually sinking, that it was not secure for five minutes, and that, if we
had not emptied it, it would probably have fallen. Its fall would have
knocked down our steam-engine, coppers, roof, with two great irou
reservoirs full of water, — in fact, the whole Brewery.
" How the new year may pass, who can tell ? I may not see the
end of it ; but these are the active objects I propose for myself : —
To write a pamphlet on Prison Discipline.
To establish a Savings Bank in Spitalfiekls.
To recommence the sale of salt fish in Spitalfields.
To attend to the London Hospital, and to endeavour to make the
clergyman perform his duties, or to get him superseded.
To establish a new Bible Association.
" May the grace of God assist me in these objects ; may He sanctify
my motives, and guard me from pride, and may I use my utmost exer-
tions, making His will mine."
In February of the ensuing year he published his work entitled
( An Inquiry whether Crime be produced or prevented by our
present System of Prison Discipline.' "While composing it, he
always began his writing with prayer that he might " be guided
1817.] WORK ON PRISON DISCIPLINE. 65
aright, and that he might do his duty without any regard to self,
but simply for the service of God." The work was received
with a degree of attention to which he had never aspired, run-
ning through six editions in the course of the first year ; and
a very considerable impulse was given to general feeling upon
the subject of which it treated. The work was thus alluded to
in the House of Commons by Sir James Mackintosh.
" The question of our penal code, as relating to prison abuses, has
been lately brought home to the feelings of every man in the country
by a work so full of profound information, of such great ability, of such
chaste and commanding eloquence, as to give that House and the
country a firm assurance that its author could not embark in any under-
taking which would not reflect equal credit upon himself and upon the
object of his labours."
Mr. Wilberforce wrote to him on the same subject, and, after
warmly congratulating him on the weight it appeared to carry,
he adds,
" May it please God to continue to animate you with as much bene-
volent zeal, and to direct it to worthy objects. I hope you will come
soon into Parliament, and be able to contend in person, as well as with
your pen, for the rights and happiness of the oppressed and the friend-
less. I claim you as an ally in this blessed league."
The good effects of this book were not confined to England :
it was translated into French, and distributed on the Continent.
It even reached Turkey ; and in Indiana gentleman of the name
of Blair, having chanced to read it, was induced to examine into
the state of the Madras jails. He found them in a wretched
condition, and did not rest till a complete reformation had been
effected.
<:c HIS FIRST ELECTION. [CHAP. vi.
CHAPTER VI.
1818, 1819.
Election, 1818 — Letter from Mr. J. J. Gurney — Thoughts on entering
Parliament — First Speech, on Criminal Law — Committees on Criminal
Law and Prison Discipline — Letters — Debate on the Manchester Riot.
IN the spring of 1818 a dissolution of Parliament took place,
and Mr. Buxton now offered himself as a candidate for Wey-
mouth. He did not take this step without much prayer for
guidance in the matter. " It appears to me," he said, " to be
the sphere in which I could do most for my Master's service,
but I am perfectly willing to fill a lower place. It is only that
I shall be as a common soldier instead of an officer : if I can
but serve him, let him choose what work I shall do." While
upon his canvass he thus writes from Bellfield : —
" June 4th.
" I think we shall have a contest and a sharp one, and the result is
doubtful ; however, I am very comfortable, and not at all anxious. If
it is right for me to succeed, I do not doubt I shall ; and if it is not right,
I hope I shall not. I should return to privacy and the dear enjoyments
of my own family without disappointment or vexation, and I think per-
sonally as well content with little as with great things. Joseph, in our
ride from Hampstead to London, mentioned a text which has been a
very comfortable companion to me. ' In all thy ways acknowledge
Him. and He will direct thy paths.' This text, and another, ' Thou
wilt keep him in perfect peace, whose heart is stayed on thee,' are con-
stantly in my thoughts. My continual prayer is, that the Lord would
work that termination which his infinite wisdom knows to be the best ;
which is, I think, very probably praying against my own success."
" June 8.
" I am easy in my mind, leaving the event to Him who knows whether
the busy engagements of a public life will draw mo nearer to, or separate
me further from Him ; and who also knows whether He chooses me as
an instrument of good ; and if lie docs, He will bring the means used to
a successful issue."
1818.] CHOSEN MEMBER FOR WEYMOUTH. C7
Elections at this time presented very different scenes from
what they now afford ; and, very frequently, the voters were
anxious to decide the matter, as Irish counsel used to decide
their causes, by fighting it out. This was so much the case at
Weymouth, that Mr. Buxton was obliged to entreat his friends
to use moderation towards their opponents. "Beat them," said
he, " in vigour, beat them in the generous exercise of high prin-
ciple— beat them in disdain of corruption, and the display of pure
integrity ; but do not beat them with bludgeons."
Four days before the election terminated, he writes : —
" June 26, 1818.
" I am very nearly sick of the bustle, and my expectations of success
are considerably diminished this morning ; but this is only my own opi-
nion. I am exceedingly popular with my party, except as to one point.
We (that is the party, for I have had nothing to do with it) have made
some most bitter attacks upon Sir for his conduct in Spain.
But when I heard from a private friend of his, that he was quite sunk
and wretched, I expressed in my speech yesterday the disdain I felt at
promoting my cause by slander, and said, that as he had been acquitted
by a competent tribunal, he must be considered as innocent. The vio-
lence of my party could hardly bear this, and for the first time they gave
some indications of disapprobation. I told them plainly that I would do
what I considered an act of public justice, though it offended every friend
I had in the town."
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" June 29, 1818.
" The election is over. I am now going to the Hall to return thanks
to my constituents. And so I am a member of Parliament. Well, I
have not yet wished to decide the matter myself. My only feeling has
been, if it is right, I trust it will take place ; and if not, I equally trust
it will be prevented. I wish you were here to see me chaired. The
town is in an uproar. The bugle-horn is at this moment playing, and
hundreds of persons are collected on the Esplanade. Everybody has
blue ribbons. I hope the children at Hampstead wear them."
Mr. J. J. Gurney writes to him on this important point in his
career, —
" Norwich, 7 mo. 8th, 1818.
" My dear Brother, — My congratulations come late, which has arisen
from want of time, not of interest. I have seldom felt more interested
in anything than in thy parliamentary views. Many years have passed
F 2
G8 LETTER ON WHIG PRINCIPLES. [CHAP. vr.
over our heads since I first ex pressed my opinion to thee, that Parliament
would be thy most useful and desirable field of action. My wishes are
now accomplished ; and, till the Parliament meets, I shall indulge myself
freely in pleasing anticipations of thy usefulness and thy success. Not
to flatter thee, thou hast some qualities which fit thee admirably well for
this station Nor have I any fears of the effect of a public
career upon thy own soul. It is undoubtedly true that so extended a
field of action will require at thy hands increased watchfulness and great
fidelity ; but I am sure thy judgment is too sound, and thy heart too
much alive to the dictates of plain truth, ever to allow thee to be puttied
up for those things in which thou hast a stewardship indeed, but no fee.
' Not more than others thou deserv'st —
But God has given thee more.'
Let the five talents become ten, and the ten, twenty, and let them be
rendered up at last from hands pure and undefiled, to Him from whom
they came !
" Nothing is more beautiful in the world of morals than the great man,
in talents, who is the little child in religion. ..... With regard
to a political course I have only two things on my mind. I believe that
one great object taken up upon safe, sound, and religious grounds, and
pursued with unabating and unabatable vigour, is a much better thing for
a man of talents, who is willing to be of some service in the world, than
many objects pursued without accuracy, without perseverance, and with-
out effect. Thou wilt, of course, be considered by everybody as the
representative of the prison cause. To that cause thou art pledged. But
in itself it will not afford thee sufficient scope. I fully believe that thy
chief aim cannot be directed to any object so worthy of all thy efforts as
the amelioration of our Criminal Code. It is a glorious cause to take up.
My monitions are, I dare say, very pragmatical ; nevertheless, I shall
add one more. Do not let thy independence of all party be the means
of leading thee away from sound Whiyyism. I may shortly express my
opinion that there is a great work going on in the world; that the human
mind, under the safeguard of religious education, is advancing to the
shaking off of many of its trammels, and many of its prejudices; that
society is at present in a state of much corruption, but that, if this work
goes on, generation after generation will become more enlightened, more
virtuous, and more happy ; that the liberty of truth will prevail over every
obstruction. I consider this progress of the human mind perfectly sale,
as long as it takes its spring from the unchangeable and most reasonable
principles of the Christian religion. I am sure that these principles must
ever prevent, in those on whom they act, any steps towards wicked inno-
vation and licentious change. But let us not admit any check to the
1818.] WISH TO DO GOOD. 69
progress of true light, whether moral, political, or religious; and let us
take especial care to avoid the spirit of Toryism ; I mean that spirit
which bears the worst things with endless apathy, because they are old;
and with which reason and even humanity arc nothing, and the authority
of creatures, as fallible as ourselves, everything."
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" Hampstead, Dec. 6, 1818.
"* * * I have passed a remarkably comfortable Sunday ; after break-
fast I sat down to Law's Spirit of Prayer. I wonder why his writings
are not more popular ; there is about them a warmth and a liveliness of
persuasion, combined with a force of reason, which makes them very
attractive to me. We then went to Wheeler-street Chapel, where Mr.
Pratt gave us one of his best sermons. I dare say any other person of the
party would have complained of their distractions if they had only been
as attentive as I was ; but compared with myself in general, I had my
mind much fixed on the service, and was much struck with many things
in the Prayer Book which I have read a thousand times without notice.
S. Hoare and I stayed the sacrament, which I entered into more I think
than I ever did before. When I returned to my seat I went through a
kind of service of prayer, which I by practice have formed ; first for
myself, that I may press forward towards the mark for the prize of the
high calling of Christ, and that I may be enabled to count all things but
loss in comparison ; next that I may be led to useful objects — that I may
be allowed to do something for the service of mankind ; then that my
motives in this may be cleansed and purified, and that I may act as unto
the Lord and not unto men. Next, for protection and health, and the
blessings of this life — that is, if they are to conduce to my good, for I am
afraid to ask for anything absolutely The point, however,
which has been all day most upon my mind is a desire that I may work
for others in Christ ; that is, that His Spirit may actuate me to do what
good I can, that I may have the high privilege of being His servant, and
that the performance of His will, and not the applause of man, may be
the wages I seek. This verse has been very forcibly before my mind :
— ' Never turn away thy face from any poor man, and then the Lord will
never turn away his face from thce.'
" You will hardly believe that, at the beginning of the day, I had a
kind of longing for Norwich Meeting. In the shape of religious service,
a Friends' Meeting, with Joseph and Priscilla for teachers, is the most
congenial to my mind, more so I think than anything else
I saw Mr. Pratt after church, who is in high spirits, and says that a
hundred Blacks in Africa are true Christians, and some of them are even
missionaries."
70 PLANS FOR THE POOR. [CHAP. vi.
" Dec. 9.
" I rode to Upton to breakfast this morning, since which I have been
engaged in some important calculations. These, however, have been
interrupted by a visit from the manager of the Friar's Mount School.
He gives the most satisfactory account of the expenditure of the money
I raised for them last year ; two new schools have been established, and
two, which were about to be given up, are revived. He has formed a
plan by which six thousand children, now uneducated, will be instructed.
The money is all that is wanting, viz. 4500/., and I think I shall try.
You will suppose I am mad, but this is not the case. Certainly nothing
of a charitable nature, in which I have ever been engaged, has given me
so much satisfaction as these Sunday Schools ; and I feel, I hope, some
gratitude for the great favour of being allowed to be an instrument of
good to some hundreds of children during the past year. I never think
of these schools without pleasure. With dearest love to you and the
children, and with a joyful heart at the expectation of meeting you and
them,
''Yours, "T. F. BUXTON."
It will be remembered that at the commencement of the year
1818 he had determined to carry out several plans for the benefit
of the poor in Spitalfields, and for other purposes of a similar
character. In a paper written on New Year's day, 1819, he
enters very fully into the details of his exertions on each of the
five tasks he had set himself, not one of which had been neglected.
The first of them had been " to write a pamphlet on Prison Dis-
cipline," and after alluding to the unexpected success of his work
on that subject, he adds, —
" It has excited a spirit of inquiry on the subject, which I trust will
do much good. I only hope that what has benefited others has not
injured me. 1 cannot render myself insensible to the applause it has
received. In my heart, however, I know that it is no work of mine, but
that the Lord has been pleased, in great mercy, to make me one of his
instruments in this work. Lord, I entreat thee, in this and in all things,
to purify my motives, and to enable me to act as unto theo. and not unto
man. Oh ! guard my heart from the delusions of vanity. Make me to
know how frail and powerless I am in myself, and to cherish with grati-
tude, but with humility, the inestimable privilege of being in any way
thy servant."
The paper closes vvitli the following reflections upon the burden
of responsibility which he had lately undertaken. It is interest-
1819.] THOUGHTS ON ENTERING PARLIAMENT. 71
ing to see in what spirit he entered that arena, on which he was
for twenty years to fight the battle of the oppressed.
" Now that I am a member of Parliament, I feel earnest for the
honest, diligent, and conscientious discharge of the duty I have under-
taken. My prayer is for the guidance of God's Holy Spirit, that, free
from views of gain or popularity, — that, careless of all things but fidelity
to my trust, I may be enabled to do some good to my country, and
something for mankind, especially in their most important concerns. I
feel the responsibility of the situation, and its many temptations. On
the other hand, I see the vast good which one individual may do. May
God preserve me from the snares which may surround me ; keep me
from the power of personal motives, from interest or passion, or prejudice
or ambition, and so enlarge my heart to (eel the sorrows of the wretched,
the miserable condition of the guilty and the ignorant, that I may ' never
turn my face from any poor man ;' and so enlighten my understanding,'
that I may be a capable and resolute champion, for those who want and
deserve a friend."
Upon first taking his seat in Parliament, his attention was ex-
clusively directed to the different forms of judicial punishment.
In the beginning of 1819 he took part in two or three debates
upon the subject of convict transport ships, the state of which
was proved by Mr. Bennett and other members to be horrible in
the last degree ; still the reformation of prisons was the subject
nearest to his heart.
TO J. J. GURNET, ESQ.
" Feb. 25, 1819.
" When I last spoke (on the state of convict ships) there was no cry
of question, but, on the contrary, marked attention: but alas! most un-
deserved, for, like a blockhead, I rose, having nothing to say, without
a moment's premeditation. This has mortified me, which proves that
my motives are not purified from selfish desires of reputation ; and that
all my anxiety is, not eagerness for the reform of prisons and the penal
code, but, in truth, debased and alloyed by a desire for the reputation of
T. F. B. I despise this vanity. On Monday next comes on the ques-
tion of prisons; on Tuesday, the question of the penal code. On the
latter I shall speak with my arguments and facts clearly before me. If
I then fail, the failure is final— I may serve the cause as a labourer, but
neither this, nor any other, as an advocate — and we must be satisfied.
I endeavour to divest my mind of too much carefulness about the matter,
persuaded that, whatever the event may be, that event is right both for
me and for the cause."
72 SPEECH ON CRIMINAL LAW. [CHAP. vr.
On the 1st of March Lord Castlereagh's motion for a com-
mittee to inquire into the state of Prison Discipline was carried,
and on the next evening a motion for a committee on the Cri-
minal laws was made by Sir James Mackintosh, and seconded by
Mr. Buxton, whose speech met with success abundantly sufficient
to dispel his fears of uselessness in the House of Commons.
He began by demonstrating that the capital code then existing
was not a part of, but an innovation on, the ancient common law ;
that, indeed, the greater part of these capital enactments had
been made within the memory of man. " There are persons
living," he said, " at whose birth the Criminal Code contained
less than sixty capital offences, and who have seen that number
quadrupled, — who have seen an Act pass, making offences capital
by the dozen and by the score ; and what is worse, bundling up
together offences, trivial and atrocious, — some, nothing short of
murder in malignity of intention, and others, nothing beyond a
civil trespass, — I say, bundling together this ill-sorted and incon-
gruous package, and stamping upon it ' death without benefit of
clergy.' "
His speech, the chief merit of which lay in the lucid and
logical arrangement of a large mass of facts, tended to show
that the law, by declaring that " certain crimes should be punished
with death, had declared that they should not be punished at all.
The bow had been bent, till it had snapped asunder. The acts
which were intended to prevent evil had proved acts of indemnity
and free pardon to the fraudulent and the thief, and acts of ruin
and destruction to many a fair trader."
TO J. J. GURXEY, ESQ.
" Brick Lane, March 4, 1819.
" Well, the effort is over. Last night came on the grand question.
I spoke for nearly an hour. I was low and dispirited, and much tired
(bodily) when I rose. I cannot say I pleased myself. I could not, at
first, get that freedom of language which is so essential, but I rose with
the cheers of the House, and contrived to give much of what was on my
mind. Everybody seems to have taken a more favourable opinion of
the speech than I did. The facts were irresistible: and, for fear of
tiring my auditors, I confined myself principally to facts. You will see
by the papers that we obtained a victory. As for myself, I hope 1 did
1819.] ENCOURAGING SUCCESS. 73
force myself into something like indifference to my own success, pro-
vided the cause succeeded."
TO THE REV. FRANCIS CUNNINGHAM.
"March 4, 1819.
u I made a long speech yesterday, with which the House seemed
very well satisfied. I am on both the committees, for prisons and penal
law, and so shall have enough to do. I however rejoice that I am in
the House, for it is well worth while to sacrifice money, time, pleasure,
everything except eternity, to such important objects. I often think
of your advice, and wish for more of it. Last night I was meditating
upon speeches, compliments, &c., and this reflection rushed upon my
mind : ' And what of all these, if I forsake this book, the Bible ?' I
am writing in a little room full of about twenty members, all talking,
so excuse errors, and everything else."
At the close of the debate many of the most distinguished
members of the House came up and introduced themselves to
him ; Mr. S. Hoare sat under the gallery, watching, with delight,
the success of his friend. " I am sure," said he afterwards,
" if I had been received in the House as he was, I should not
have recovered from the elevating effect of it for twenty years."
But the opinion of an impartial observer may be more valuable.
Mr. "W. Smith (M.P. for Norwich) writes to Mr. J. J. Gurney —
" You will see the result of last night's debate by the papers.
Buxton acquitted himself to universal satisfaction. The House is pre-
pared to receive him with respect and kindness ; and his sterling sense,
his good language, and his earnest manner, fully keep up the prepos-
session in his favour, so that I recollect very few who have made their
debut with so much real advantage, and seem so likely to maintain the
station thus early assumed."
If we have dwelt at some length upon the success of this early
effort in Parliament, it has not been from any wish to give his
speeches more credit than they deserved. Their eloquence was
less remarkable than their force; they were deeply stamped with
his own character, which, as Mr. Wilberforce orice remarked, was
that of " a man who could hew a statue out of a rock, but not cut
faces upon cherry-stones."
His speeches were not sparkling or splendid ; their end was
utility ; their ornaments, clearness, force, and earnest feeling.
74 THE PRISON BILL. [CHAP. vi.
He was not one of those orators, described by Lord Bacon, " that
hunt more after words than matter, arid more after the choiceness
of the phrase, the sweet falling of the clauses, and the varying
and illustration of their works with tropes and figures, than after
the weight of matter, worth of subject, or soundness of argument."
He usually bestowed much care in preparation ; not in embellish-
ing the style, but in bringing together supplies of facts, and
marshalling them in one strong line of argument. Speaking, as
he did, from the heart, and for the most part on subjects which
appealed to the feelings as well as to the judgment, he sometimes
rose into passages of impassioned declamation ; occasionally there
was a burst of indignation, and not unfrequently a touch of
playful satire ; but the usual character of his oratory was a lucid
and powerful appeal to the reason of his audience.
In accordance with the motions on the 1st and 3rd of March,
two select committees were appointed, in both of which Mr.
Buxton was included. The one was to inquire into the feasi-
bility of mitigating the Penal Code, of which he writes, March
llth, 1819—
" I conjecture that no man on the committee goes so far as I go —
namely, to the abolition of the punishment of death, except for murder ;
but all go a very great way, and if we merely make forgery, sheep and
horse stealing, not capital, it is an annual saving of thirty lives, which
is something, and satisfies me in devoting my time to the subject. I am
confident that our opinions on prisons and Criminal law will ultimately
prevail ; in short, I am in high spirits on the whole matter."
The other committee was appointed to examine the state of
gaols throughout the kingdom ; and here we may briefly state the
final result of the exertions made for the improvement of Prison
Discipline. The committee published its first report in 1820,
and the government was thereby induced to bring in a bill for
consolidating and amending the prison laws then in existence.
This bill was referred for revision to a select committee, of which
Mr. Buxton was a member.
"You will be delighted," he writes soon afterwards to a friend, "to
hear that the Prison Bill is going on wonderfully well, beyond ;ill ex-
pectation. I made a speech the first day, stating the principles on
which I thought we ought to proceed, and the committee have subse-
1819.] THE PRISON BILL. 75
quently adopted almost all of them ; so that I do believe that this part
of the business of my life will be done effectually."
After much patient investigation, a bill was prepared by the
committee, and immediately adopted by the two Houses of Par-
liament; and thus the English gaols, instead of remaining "the
nurseries and hotbeds of crime, the almost inevitable ruin of all
who entered within their walls," have become, generally speaking,
places where the improvement as well as the punishment of the
criminal is attempted. Perfection, of course, is not yet attained ;
the new system has been of no avail in those prisons where exer-
tions have not been used to enforce it : but no man can read the
descriptions of the state of gaols, from twenty-five to thirty years
ago, and compare them with those of the present day, without
being astonished at the extent of the evil and of the reform.
JOHN HENRY NORTH, ESQ., TO T. FOWELL BUXTOX, ESQ.
" Dublin, April 14, 1819.
"During the whole of the last Circuit, which is just terminated, I
was seized with an inexpressible longing to write you an interminable
epistle, but the labours of Nisi Prius forbade, and, now that they are at
an end, I have begun to think that, with the whole criminal law upon
your hands, your prisons, penitentiaries, and ' Colony of Antipodes,'
you will be better pleased to receive a moderate letter than one of
overgrown dimensions. I hope I need not tell you with what exceeding
pleasure I read your admirable book, or how delighted I was with the
praises that were everywhere bestowed upon it. It has done you infinite
honour. The general language applied to it here is, that it is the most
interesting book that has been published for many years. I had some
satisfaction, too, in observing a few little traits by which the author dis-
covered himself to me immediately. The zeal that your exertions have
excited in this country, on the subject of prisons, is really surprising.
We have now a society in Dublin, for the improvement of prison dis-
cipline, of wh'ch I am an unworthy member. Here is a committee of
ladies, who visit Bridewell in turns every day, and who have in a very
short time effected considerable improvement, and their example has
been followed in some of our country towns. At the last Galway
Assizes, Judge Johnson, in his charge to the Grand Jury, recommended
this plan, and alluded to your book and Mrs. Fry's exertions in terms
of the highest approbation. It will gratify you to find that the seed
which you have scattered has fallen upon good ground."
70 PARLIAMENTARY ELOQUENCE. [CHAP. vr.
Mr. Buxton replies.
s
TO J. H. NORTH, ESQ.
" April 19, 1819.
" A report has reached me that you are likely to get a seat in Par-
liament. Is there a bit of truth in it ? Is there the remotest probability
of so joyful an event ? Pray do not conceal it from me a moment, for
I speak only truth when I say it would materially add to my happiness.
I have plenty of acquaintance, but hardly a familiar friend in the House,
and this is a very needful thing. I much want some one with whom I
can freely communicate, and who would honestly tell me when I am
right and when I am in error ; and I need not tell you how fully my
wishes would be satisfied if we were there together. Perhaps you will
like to hear the impression the House makes upon me. I do not wonder
that so many distinguished men have failed in it. The speaking re-
quired is of a very peculiar kind : the House loves good sense and
joking, and nothing else ; and the object of its utter aversion is that
species of eloquence which may be called Philippian. There are not
three men from whom a fine simile or sentiment would be tolerated ; all
attempts of the kind are punished with general laughter. An easy flow
of sterling, forcible, plain sense is indispensable ; and this, combined
with great powers of sarcasm, gives Brougham his station. Canning is
an exception to this rule. His reasoning is seldom above mediocrity ;
but then it is recommended by language so wonderfully happy, by a
manner so exquisitely elegant, and by wit so clear, so pungent, and so
unpremeditated, that he contrives to beguile the House of its austerity.
Tierney has never exerted himself much in my hearing. Wilberforce
has more native eloquence than any of them, but he takes no pains, and
allows himself to wander from his subject : he holds a very high rank
in the estimation of the House.
" And now let me tell you a secret; these great creatures turn out,
when viewed closely, to be but men, and men with whom you need not
fear competition. I again, therefore, say ' Come among us,' and I shall
be greatly deceived if you do not hold a foremost place.
"My line is distinctly drawn. I care but little about party politics.
I vote as I like ; sometimes pro, and sometimes con ; but I feel the
greatest interest on subjects sucli as the Slave Trade, the condition of
the poor, prisons, and Criminal law : to these I devote myself, and
should be quite content never to give another vote upon a party ques-
tion. I am upon the Jail and Criminal law committees, and devote
three mornings in the week to one, and three to the other ; so 1 am
contented, and feel as little inclination, as ability, to engage in political
contentions. My body is strong enough, but any stress upon my mind,
1819.] MR. NORTH. 77
just now, deranges me instantly. ' Indolent vacuity of thought ' is my
only remedy ; but it is not a very convenient medicine for one who has
such a multitude of engagements. How fares the law ? Is Ireland
blessed with abundant litigation, or does poverty deny this, the chief of
luxuri
"Never mind discouragements. If you live and labour, you must
stand in the front of that society in which you may be placed, be it
the Dublin Courts, or St. Stephen's. So I have always thought and
said, and so I still think and say. I wish you were with us. I know
you will be a Tory : you always were one in heart, and your wife will
make you still worse : but we will contrive to agree together, for I am
not a Whig. I am one of those amphibious nondescripts called Neu-
trals ; but how can I be anything else ? I cannot reconcile to myself
the doctrine of going with a party right or wrong. I feel with you that
my objects would prosper much better if [I sat behind the Treasury
Bench ; but then I must often vote against my convictions ; i. e., do
wrong that right may come ; and I do not feel this to be my duty, even
for prisons and Criminal law. Has Wyndham Quin's business made
much noise in Ireland ? It occupied about a week of our time, and the
House were so amused they would do nothing else. Smith's evidence
was excellent, and true ; for Gould's there are more appropriate phrases.
Plunkett made a speech which did not please the House : it was special
pleading, which they hate."
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" Weymouth, August 15, 1819.
. . . . " I suppose M. has given you a full account of our travels.
During the first ten miles I did not quite recover my composure, nor
forget the horror I experienced at the rape of my apples. All the
remainder of the journey was very pleasant. We read diligently, though
with a lew intervals for conversation. Our book was Lord Russell's
Life. No wonder his friends admired him, and his wife adored him ;
he was the noblest of all the nobles I ever read of. His intrepidity
and gaiety in the prospect of death are unrivalled. A man of the name
of Rich, who packed the jury, and thus caused Lord Russell's condem-
nation, had formerly belonged to his party, and had deserted to the
Court. He brought down the death-warrant to Newgate : when he
was gone, Lord Russell said to Burnett, ' I felt a great mind to tell
Rich (only it is indecent to joke in these matters) that he and I should
never sit again together in the House of Commons to vote for the ex-
clusion of the Duke of York.' Perhaps you will not much admire this
anecdote, but it is quite charming to me ; it shows a mind so entirely at
ease.
78 INDEPENDENT PRINCIPLES. [CHAP. vi.
" Here I am continually in the air, and certainly have already found
the benefit of it. I rode this morning for two hours on the Wyke
sands before breakfast. I have determined not to canvass, but to be
constantly walking about : the worst of it is, I do not know above a
third of their faces, and the names of about one in a hundred, so I am
in momentary danger of grasping the hand, and inquiring with the
kindest solicitude after the welfare of the wife and family of a man who
never saw Weymouth before in his life Weymouth is a striking
place in one respect ; it brings me into contact with some whose course
is nothing short of tremendous, and this trying question always recurs :
' You know better things ; by mercy you have been led into other
society, and the truth has been discovered to your judgment upon the
comparison of this world and eternity; then is your course as much
superior to theirs as your light is — in short, with all the instruction
and knowledge given you, are you seeking heaven with your whole
heart ?' "
In November the riot which had taken place at Manchester,
and the severe measures to which the magistrates of that city
had resorted, were brought before Parliament. Before the
debate Mr. Buxton writes: —
TO HIS UNCLE, CHARLES BUXTON, ESQ., AT BELLF1ELD.
" Nov. 1819.
" I quite agree with you in reprobating the Radicals. I am per-
suaded that their object is the subversion of religion and the constitu-
tion, and I shall be happy to vote for any measure by which the
exertions of their leaders may be suppressed, but I fear we shall much
differ as to the nature of those measures. I most strongly condemn the
conduct of the magistrates at Manchester, and I equally condemn the
conduct of the ministers in giving them public thanks ; and I think,
in justice as well as in common prudence, that wretched affair ought to
be strictly scrutinised, and it will be very awkward if it should turn
out that these magistrates, having been thanked, deserve to be
punished.
" You will believe that I did not pass over, without due attention,
your remark—' I shall feel much disappointed and vexed if you do not
exert yourself, and I am sure you will give great offence to most of your
Weymouth friends.' I think you must know how sincerely sorry I
should be to vex and disappoint you, and I am not indifferent to the
goodwill of my Weymouth friends; but it would be the most con-
temptible baseness in me, if I were to allow the fear of giving offence
to operate on my conduct.
1819.] DEBATE ON THE MANCHESTER RIOT. 79
" When I entered Parliament, I determined to allow no personal
consideration, of any description, to influence my votes ; and on this
occasion I do hope I shall not shrink from doing my duty, whatever
may be the point to which that duty appears to lead.
" I go to London to-morrow, and I wish you could contrive to come
there now. I doubt not we could manage to agree very well, in spite
of Radicals and Ministers."
TO J. J. GCRNEY, ESQ.
" Nov. 25, 1819. '
" I must give you a line to tell you how things have gone on in the
House. We have had a wonderful debate ; really it has raised my idea
of the capacity and ingenuity of the human mind. All the leaders
spoke, and almost all outdid themselves. But Burdett stands first ; his
speech was absolutely the finest, and the clearest, and the fairest dis-
play of masterly understanding that ever I heard ; and with shame I
ought to confess it, he did not utter a sentence to which I could not
agree. Canning was second ; if there be any difference between elo-
quence and sense, this was the difference between him and Burdett.
He was exquisitely elegant, and kept the tide of reason and argument,
irony, joke, invective, and declamation flowing, without abatement, for
nearly three hours. Plunkett was third ; he took hold of poor Mackin-
tosh's argument, and griped it to death ; ingenious, subtle, yet clear and
bold, and putting with the most logical distinctness to the House the
errors of his antagonist. Next came Brougham — and what do you think
of a debate in which the fourth man could keep alive the attention of
the House from three to five in the morning, after a twelve hours' de-
bate ? Now, what was the impression made on my mind, you will ask.
First, I voted with ministers because I cannot bring myself to subject
the Manchester magistrates to a parliamentary inquiry ; but nothing has
shaken my convictions that the magistrates, ministers, and all, have done
exceedingly wrong. I am clear I voted right; and, indeed, I never
need have any doubts when I vote with ministers, the bias being on
the other side. Did the debate inflame my ambition ? Why, in one
sense, it did. It convinced me that I have the opportunity of being a
competitor on the greatest arena that ever existed ; but it also taught
me that success in such a theatre is only for those who will devote their
lives to it. Perhaps you will admire the presumption which entertains
even the possibility of success. I am, I believe, rather absurd ; but I
hold a doctrine to which I owe — not much, indeed, but all the little
success I ever had, — viz., that with ordinary talents and extraordinary
ranee all things are attainable. And give me ten years in age,
ten times my constitution, and oblivion of the truth which paralyses
80 ON SELF-DEDICATION. [CHAP.VI.
many an exertion of mine, that ' vanity of vanities, all is vanity,' and
especially that fame is so,— I say, give me these things, and I should
not despair of parliamentary reputation ; but to one who cannot bear
fatigue of mind, who loves sporting better than glory, who will not
enlist under the banners of party, — to such a being fame is absolutely
forbidden. I am well content ; I cannot expect the commodity for
which I will not pay the price.
" So far I scribbled yesterday, and then I went to the levee.* * * The
rooms were tolerably splendid ; but, upon the whole, I never was less
attracted by anything than courtiership, and would not be obliged to
attend regularly for all the ribbons of all the colours of the rainbow.
At dinner, afterwards, I had a great deal of conversation with the two
Grants, Denman, and the Attorney-General, and then I went home
with Wilberforce, and spent a most pleasant evening. His family
prayers were nothing short of delightful. I hope I shall see him a
good deal while I am in town.
" P.S. Bootle Wilbraham (who is a Lancaster magistrate) was de-
fending his brethren in the debate, but did it in so low a tone of voice
that nobody could hear him ; somebody whispered about, that lie was
reading the Riot Act."
The following letter was addressed to his sister, Mrs. Forster,
whose husband was preparing to go to America, on what the
Society of Friends term " a religious visit " to the members of
their community.
" Earlham, 1819.
" My dear Sister, — Your letter has been much upon my mind, and has
raised a variety of feelings. The first impression was one of much
sorrow, that your plans and prospects of home happiness should be
interrupted, and for so long a time; but I must confess, I have been
speedily almost reconciled to it ; that is, I have brought it home to my
own mind, and have considered, whether it would not really be the greatest
of blessings, if by any means my duty would call me to such a sacrifice,
and the call were not to be disobeyed. After all, it is a noble thing —
it is the noblest of all things — to be permitted to be a servant of the
Infinite Ruler of the world ; and how low and earthly is that wisdom
which could prefer any delights before the delights of such self-dedication !
We know but few things for certain ; but this is one of them ; — a
promise is given to him, who leaves father or mother, or wifo or
children, for Christ's sake. How can I mourn then, that William
should accept the terms of such a promise ? I rejoice that he is counted
worthy to suffer for Christ's sake. I have always felt particularly
interested with the vision of the man of Macedonia, calling Paul to come
1819.] ON SELF-DEDICATION. 81
over and help them, comparing it with the Epistle to the Philippians.
The discouragements at first were so great, and yet the Epistle de-
scribes such an abundant and happy produce. Who can tell how many
may have eternal reason to rejoice at the obedience of the Apostle, and
who can presume to limit the effect which Providence may please to
produce by William's visit? We may differ on some points, but not
on this — that his call is from above. I am persuaded it has been
sought in the right spirit. I believe it is sent in mercy to others — in
eminent mercy to him and to you ; and I am willing that you should
undergo the pains of separation. But, my dear Anna, you must not
imagine I am indifferent about this. Let me ask, Have you determined
to remain behind ? I do not give an opinion upon the subject. All I
wish to express is, that you must not stay from motives of economy.
... .Of course, we shall see you before his departure. I will hear of
nothing else. With love to you both, and not without thankfulness
that there is something of a missionary spirit among you,
" I am your affectionate brother,
" T. F. BUXTON."
82 DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. [CHAP. vir.
CHAPTER VII.
1820, 182L
Election — Domestic Afflictions — Letters — Cromer Hall — Priscilla
Gurney — Correspondence — Speech on Criminal Law.
AT the commencement of the year 1820, Mr. Buxton thus
enumerates the subjects which he hoped to accomplish in the
course of the year : — " First ; to assist, to the best of my ability,
in Parliament, to amend our Criminal Code ; and, secondly, to
amend our prisons. Thirdly ; to obtain a return of the number
of widows who burn themselves at their husbands' funeral
in India, preparatory to a law prohibiting such enormities.
Fourthly ; to establish a fund for supporting the Sunday-schools
(on the plan of that at Friar's Mount) in Spitalfields." He
then mentions, that his thoughts had been principally engaged
upon the Criminal Code, till incapacitated for study by an
attack of illness, his health having been indifferent for some
months previously.
"Now what a lesson is this," he says, "not to delay preparation for
death till our death-beds ; till our bodies, weakened and wasted, arc
unfit for every exertion !
" ' Let us work while it is called to-day.' I have prayed for love to
God, for faith in Christ, and for the spirit of prayer, constant and
warm/'
The death of the King, and the consequent prospect of a
dissolution of Parliament, occasioned some anxious thoughts.
" I have felt some doubt," he says, on the 6th of February,
" whether I should stand ;" and he mentions his "' eight children "
among the reasons against doing so. He adds,
" Lord, guide my heart and will aright, and lead me to determine for
the best. Oh that I could from this day offer myself a living sacrifice
to the Lord, doing or abstaining, speaking or being silont, spending or
forbearing to spend, simply because it was the will of God !
1820.] SECOND, ELECTION FOR WEYMOUTFI. 83
" Oh that I could thus put off the old man and put on the new man !
I think the time that is past should suffice me to have wrought my
own will ; and for the future let me try all things by this standard, ' Is
if the will of God ?' Oh, gracious God, this is what I would be; but
what am I ? Is one hundredth part of my time, talents, money,
strength, spent for God ? No !"
He determined at length to stand again for Weymouth. He
was successful, and after announcing his re-election he proceeds :
— " I heartily hope I may make some good use of my present
privilege, and that some of the oppressed may be less miserable
in consequence." From Weymouth he went to Braclpole to
see his brother-in-law, Mr. W. Forster, before his departure to
America.
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
''March 11, 1820.
" I came here to-day, and have much enjoyed seeing them. William,
however, is grave and low. Now I think he has no right to be low ;
he barters his present happiness for a price incontestably above its real
value, and having made up his mind to change perishable for imperish-
able, and imperfect for perfect, he ought only to rejoice that he has
been wise enough to make so good a bargain. However, the sacrifice
is a noble one, for I think I never saw two people more possessing their
hearts' content."
TO J. J. GURNEY, ESQ.
" Bradpole, March 12, 1820.
" I have here a full opportunity of learning a lesson of humility. It
is very well to do good and to serve one's country, while at the same
moment we are feeding our ambition and gratifying our pride ; but
what are the sacrifices I make ? I may call them sacrifices, but their
true name is, the pleasures I enjoy. Here, however, the pleasure and
the sacrifice are totally at variance. How truly and exactly do the
words, ' They left all and followed him,' convey my view of William's
two years' absence from a home, a wife, a boy (not to mention the dear
horse, and ducks, and flowers), the very darlings of his heart, all his
wishes and desires centering in this spot! Well, I cannot pity him, I
am more inclined to envy one who is wise enough to make a bargain so
incontestably good. I went to Meeting with him twice to-day ; his
morning sermon on ' Trust in the Lord with all thine heart, and lean
not unto thine own understanding. In all thy ways acknowledge him,
and he shail direct thy paths,' was one of the very best I ever heard.
G 2
84 BRADPOLE. [CHAP. vir.
But the text is one particularly interesting to me. I return home on
Wednesday, and mean to study hard till Parliament meets, having at
this time the following subjects in my mind : — The Criminal Law ;
The Prisons ; The Police ; Botany Bay ; The Slave Trade ; The Prac-
tice of burning Widows in India, by Authority of the English Resident ;
Lotteries; Colonization, viz., Land for supporting Schools, and Eman-
cipation of Slaves ; The Prosecution of the Quarterly Review by order
of the House, for Libels on America : — cum multis aliis.
" So you see, my dear brother, I am likely to be fully engaged, —
whether usefully or not is at His disposal, who disposes all things ; but
I am thankful that He has given me a desire (mixed, indeed, and pol-
luted, but still a desire) to serve my brother men.
"The race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong ;
and there are some very few occasions in which labour fails ; but labour
unactuated by selfish considerations, and solely fixing its eye on the goal
of duty, and steadfastly determined to reach it, is, I believe, never
defeated.
' His way once clear, he forward shot outright,
Not turned aside by danger or delight.'
" This spirit — high objects — and what is ten times better than either,
a mind uninfected by vanity, no eye to self — these together will just
accomplish everything except impossibilities."
Thus far Mr. Buxton's career had been one of almost un-
chequered prosperity, — as a member of Parliament ; as a man of
business ; as a husband ; as the father of a large and promising
family, his heart's desires had been fulfilled. His public under-
takings were becoming daily more important and engrossin°-
and his home was a scene of unclouded happiness.
His valued friend, the Rev. Charles Simeon, thus writes to
him from Cambridge : —
"Jan. 14, 1820.
" My dear Friend, — Certainly if I should live to visit your house
again, I shall do it with no little joy, for I do not expect to see in this
world a brighter image of heaven than I was there privileged to be-
hold. A sweet savor of love remained upon my spirit for a long time
after, and I am not sure that it is quite evaporated yet. But I do not
know that I shall not thrash you for supporting the Radicals. I look
to you, under God, to be an instrument of great good in the House of
Commons ; and I would not that you should subvert the influence which
your habits and talents are so calculated to command. ... I am
1820.] DEATH OF HIS ELDEST SON. 85
no politician ; but I feel a regard for you, and seem to think that the
more I know of you, the more my heart will be knit to you ; so you
must bear with this impudent letter, from one who is, with no common
affection, yours,
" CHARLES SJMEO.V."
But all this happiness was about to be marred by a rapid
succession of calamities. Mr. Buxton had been hastily sum-
moned back from the election, in consequence of the alarming
illness of one of his children. His eldest son, a boy of ten years
old, had been sent home from school unwell, but no suspicion of
danger was at first excited ; his disorder, however, proved to be
inflammatory; and, in the course of a very few days, he sank
under it. His father writes in his Journal —
" Thus have we lost our eldest son, the peculiar object of our anxious
care ; a boy of great life and animation ; of a most beautiful countenance ;
of a most sweet disposition : and, blessed be God, we feel that in the
whole event His mercy has been extended to us. We can rejoice and
mourn together, — mourn at our loss, and rejoice that, without exposure
to the trials and temptations of the world, it has pleased God to take
him to himself. We feel the most certain assurance that he is with
God, and we feel persuaded that, if we could but be permitted to see
him as he now is, we should never bewail him for another instant. ' He
pleased God, and was beloved of Him, therefore, being among sinners,
he was translated ; yea, he was speedily taken away, lest that wicked-
ness should alter his understanding, or deceit beguile his soul.' ' He is
gone unto Mount Zion.' If these things be true, and true they most
certainly are, can we repine, can we wish to recall him ? For myself,
my heart's desire and prayer has been, that this event may wean me
from the world and fix my heart on God To-night I read
Hopkins' most admirable sermon, ' Death disarmed of its sting.' O
God, make me thy servant and soldier, was and is my prayer
I went this morning and sat down on the top of the hill above my
house ; I then prayed for myself, my wife, each of my children,
especially Edward, now my eldest son ! and Harry ; for my servants ;
for the heathen; for the sanctification of my pursuits: and God grant
that my prayers are heard !"
His faith was destined to be more severely tried. The
younger children, who were already suffering from the hooping-
cough, were seized within a i'ew days with the measles. He
writes —
86 DOMESTIC AFFLICTIONS. [CHAP. vu.
" April 9.
"This week has passed away in great anxiety for the remainder of
my flock."
" Sunday night, April 16.
" How wonderful are the ways of the Lord ; how sweet his mercies ;
how terrible his judgments ! The week past has been one of the most
acute anxiety. Oh ! when one affliction flows in upon us after another,
may they burst the bonds by which we are tied to earth, may they
direct us heavenward, and may we, having our treasures in heaven, have
our hearts there also In myself how much is there
of unholiness, of worldliness, of pride, of spiritual deadness ! and, for
myself, I would only now ask that the Lord would eradicate and ex-
tinguish these, at whatever cost, at whatever sacrifice. I have just been
out walking, viewing this splendid starry night ; what immeasurable
mightiness does the firmament display ! And when we consider that for
all these innumerable worlds there is one Arbiter, one Sovereign Di-
rector, can we say aught else than ' Thy will be done ?' Cannot He
who rules the universe decide what is best for the children he has lent
me ? May I yield to that will !"
The sacrifice was required from him, for in less than five
weeks after the death of his son it pleased God also to take to
himself the three infant daughters whose illness had excited such
deep feeling. On the death of the eldest, a child of four years
old, he writes : —
" ' Though He slay me, yet will I trust in him.' I had much desired
her life, but willingly do I resign her into the hands of the Lord, pray-
ing him that he would mercifully make her death the means of turning
me more nearly to the Lord.
" Thus, in little more than a month," he adds, " have we lost the
darlings and delights of our life ; but they are in peace: and, for our-
selves, we know that this affliction may redound to our eternal benefit,
if we receive it aright How are all our most choice and
comely blossoms cut off; how naked do we appear, how stripped of
our treasures ! Oh, my God, my God! Be thou our consoler, and
comfort us, not with the joys of this world, but with faith, love, obedi-
ence, patience, and resignation."*
" Tunbri.Ii:.' Wdl>, May 14, 1820.
" We came here, with the fragments of our family, on Wednesday
* " Eheu ! Eheu ! " was the simple epitaph he placed upon the tomb of
his four children.
1820.] CROMER HALL. 87
last, in hopes that the retirement and peace of this place may recruit the
strength of my beloved wile. May God give her every blessing; and,
tor myself, my prayer is that this trial may not pass away, but may leave
a durable impression."
The diary from which this melancholy narrative has been
drawn closes at this date ; and, of the summer, which was chiefly
spent at Tunbridge Wells, there are few notices, except that
before mentioned of the passing of the Prison Discipline Bill,
and an allusion, on the 8th of June, to the Queen's proposed
trial.
" Last night came on in the House the great events of the Queen,
and I think I never spent an evening to so much advantage as this last.
The case is this ; we are going into an inquiry which will lay bare the
most disgraceful scenes in the Royal family on both sides ; the probable
consequence will be the impeachment of the Queen. The nation will
be divided, and all the lower orders will be on her side ; and the certain
consequences, disturbances, riots, and bloodshed,
" These considerations pressed much on my mind, and I called
Wilberforce out of the House, and persuaded him to move for a delay
of two days, for the purpose of preventing the necessity for such painful
and disgraceful disclosures, which motion I seconded in a short, warm,
decided, and yell-applauded speech ; and the whole House were so
much with us, that the Ministers were obliged to give way. I have
been most warmly thanked by both sides. Brougham said, ' You may
live fifty years, and do good every day, but you will never do as much
as you have done this night.' In short, the effort succeeded beyond
expectation, and I am glad that I was able to persuade Wilberforce to
take so decisive a step. He wavered a good deal, but when he spoke,
he spoke most beautifully, and at considerable length : his fine fancy
played upon the subject."
In the autumn of 1820, Mr. Buxton, who was no longer
obliged to give much attention to the Brewery, and greatly
needed rest and change, gave up his house at Hampstead, and
became a resident, permanently as it proved, in the neighbour-
hood of Cromer.
At first lie resided at Cromer Hall, an old seat of the "Wynd-
ham family, which no longer exists; having many years ago
been pulled down and replaced by a modern edifice.
It was situated about a quarter of a mile from the sea, but
sheltered from the north winds by closely surrounding hills and
88 PRISCILLA GURNEY. [CHAP. vn.
woods; and, with its old buttresses and porches, its clustering-
jessamine, and its formal lawn, where the pheasants came down
to feed, had a peculiar character of picturesque simplicity. The
interior corresponded with its external appearance, and had little
of the regularity of modern buildings; one attic chamber was
walled up, with no entrance save through the window, and, at
different times, large pits were discovered under the floor, or in
the thickness of the walls, used, it was supposed, in old times by
the smugglers of the coast.
Upon first settling at Cromer Hall he received under his roof
Mrs. Buxton's youngest sister, Priscilla Gurney, who was then
in an advanced stage of consumption, under which she sank in
March, 1821.
This lady was a minister in the Society of Friends, like her
sister Mrs. Fry, whom she greatly resembled, in uniting un-
common resolution and originality of character with the most
winning gentleness of demeanour. Mr. Buxton had the highest
opinion of her judgment and piety ; and she exercised, as we
shall see, a peculiar influence upon his subsequent career. He
thus describes her : —
" I never knew an individual who was less one of the multi-
tude than Priscilla Gurney. In her person, her manners, her views,
there was nothing which was not the very reverse of commonplace.
There was an air of peace about her, which was irresistible in reducing
all with whom she conversed under her gentle influence. This was the
effect on strangers ; and in no degree was it abated by the closest inti-
macy : something there was, undoubtedly, in the beauty of her counte-
nance, and in the extreme delicacy which constituted that beauty ; in a
complexion perfectly clear ; in the simplicity and absence of all decora-
tion but that of the most refined neatness, which, altogether, conveyed
to every one's mind the strongest conception of purity. And these
attractions of person were aided by manners which nicely corresponded.
No less remarkable were the powers of her mind. I have
seldom known a person of such sterling ability ; and it is impossible to
mention these mental powers without adverting to that great, and in
my estimation, that astonishing display of them which was afforded by
her ministry. I have listened to many eminent preachers, and, many
speakers also, but I deem her as perfect a speaker as 1 ever heard. The
tone of her voice, her beauty, the singular clearness of her conception,
and, above all, her own strong conviction that she was urging the truth.
and truth of the utmost importance — the whole constituted a species of
1821.] COACH ACCIDENT. 89
ministry which no one could hear, and which I am persuaded no one
ever did hear, without a deep impression."
Whilst attending from time to time his duties in London, he
thus \\ -rites to Mrs. Buxtoii, who had remained at Cromer Hall
to nurse her sister : —
" Dec. 5, 1820.
" I am going to dine at St. Mildred's Court,* and, at 11 o'clock,
two persons connected with the police come to me, and we go together
through all the receptacles of rogues in the east end of the town. It
will occupy about the whole of the night, but I think it right to do so.
I never was more called into action than this time of being in town, so
many objects of great good and importance offer themselves. To-day I
have been much interested by the African Institution."
" London, Jan. 13, 1821.
" I wrote a line yesterday just to mention my safe arrival, and to-day
I have hardly time for more, for a flood of business has overtaken me.
I have an engagement already for every day this week, and next week I
shall have to bring forward a motion in the House, which will require
some time and thought ; but it is the weight and multitude of business
which makes me happy. At Earlham I read a piece of Palev's philo-
sophy, which I found admirable. I was quite delighted with the vigour
of thought which runs through it, and it gave me a train of thought
which lasted almost to Ipswich I have felt very much leaving
you all ; but though I should enjoy being with you, I could stay no
longer from Parliament with an easy mind, so we must be satisfied."
" Bellfield, Jan. 17, 1821.
" I arrived here safely yesterday, but with an adventure on the road.
Just on this side of Andover, about 5 o'clock in the morning, my sw eet
slumbers were impaired by the coach suddenly coming over with a most
noble crash. I directly perceived that I was unhurt, and my first
feeling was one of thankfulness. As I was not injured, so I did not feel
in the slightest degree hurried or disturbed, though rather anxious lest
my books and apples should be lost through the prostrate window ; so I
first collected these, then I put on my spectacles, then exchanged my
cap for my hat, and then ascended through the broken window and got
upon the body of the coach, where I immediately delivered a lecture to
the coachman on the impropriety of swearing at any time, but especially
at the moment of deliverance from danger. We then went in various
directions for help, with which, in about an hour and a half, we contrived
* With Mr. Fry.
90 ON SELF-DEVOTION. [CHAP. vn.
to place the machine on its legs. My thoughts in the course of the
journey had been dwelling on Providence a great deal ; and, at the same
time, I had been looking forward to future and distant plans, and had
been strongly impressed with the recollection that all these might be
baffled by the fracture of a linch-pin, or by any other slight cause, under
the guidance of Him who rules the minute as well as the great events
of life, and had had the text, ' Thou fool, this night,' &c., in my
mind.
" I find my constituents in very good humour, but my coming was
quite indispensable."
" Palace Yard, Sunday, Jan. 25.
" I slept last night at Hampstead, and came this morning to Wheeler*
street Chapel, where the service was very unusually affecting and inte-
resting to me. My mind has been dwelling, or rather it has been fixed, on
the love and mercy of God. I look upon myself as so signal an instance of
his extreme mercy. As for my course of life, in that I have no pleasure
and no confidence ; I feel that I am halting between two opinions, that
my heart is not His, who said, ' Give me thine heart:' that there is a
certain lukewarmness in things spiritual which forms no part of my
character in things of much less importance : in a word, I seem to be
' stopping short ' of that full dedication of self, which is, not a part, not
merely an essential, but the very substance of the Christian character.
I see before me a path far nobler than the one which I am treading.
I could be an effectual servant of the Lord, directing the talents which
he has placed at my disposal to his service (when I say talents, I mean
not intellectual talents so much as circumstances, fortune, influence, &c.) ;
and being not in some small degree, as is the case, nor almost, but
altogether set upon serving God and man. Well ! this is the mercy,
that, negligent as I have been, yet he has still permitted me this day to
draw near to Him in prayer. He has not rejected me altogether : he
has this day permitted me to taste and know how good and how gracious
he is ; and the difference between the implacability of my own heart
and the plenteous forgiveness which is with God has powerfully exercised
my mind.
" I think I never so much longed for you, but every time I do so
I rejoice to think I have given you to my darling Priscilla. Do not
think I repine at our separation. I am most thoroughly satisfied, ami
enjoy giving her anything I prize so highly. What a pleasure and a
blessing has her visit to us this last autumn been ! ' giving thanks always
in every remembrance of her' is exactly my fooling. She must not fancy
I pity her: I can most truly say I would this moment joyfully exchange
situations with her, except that I should not like to cheat her into a
bad bargain.
182 1.1 ON (H'XTLKNESS. 91
li Then as to ,* what do you think I have felt about her after
all ii iv complaints ? only unmixed admiration for the good she did in
.spite of me. I say unmixed approbation of her zealous, unwearied,
eil'cctual services. I always strive at one thing, and that is to look at
the truth. Passion, prejudice, temper, and twenty other weeds of the
earth may have absolute occupancy and direction of my actions, but they
shall not, if I can help it, pervert my judgment ; and to my judgment
he'- activity and effectuality have been admirable. Still, I think it ought
to be a matter most seriously weighed by her, whether it would not be
better to execute her objects more mildly, even at the expense ot exe-
cuting much less. The most attractive of all things is female gentleness,
and besides it is the most influential of all things. It has a power which
nothing else has upon the ruder bosoms of the lords of the creation.
does not know how much we require to be soothed and petted
and coaxed, and how we are to be led by a thread, when a cart-rope will
not drag us. In short, she must not be vehemently good, nor give to
feebler brethren like myself a distaste for things which are excellent by
her excessive ardour in the pursuit. From every good action there
ought to be a double fruit, good to the object in contemplation, and
good to the bystanders by example. Now it is very odd I should have
run on thus, for I can truly say I have, since we parted, repeatedly
scolded and upbraided myself, and only commended her. But I hope
your giving her some of these hints, and reading her Pascal on the art of
persuading (where he shows that, for one man who is subdued by force,
ten are allured by ' des agremens '), may be of use ; and so my very kind
love to her."
" Hampstead, Jan. 27.
" I have had my hands brim full of business this last week, but it has
not fatigued me as parliamentary business does ; there is no stress on the
mind, no anxiety, no apprehension that a good cause may suffer by my
inattention or incapacity, which is wearisome in Parliament. We had a
pleasant dinner party at the Duke of Gloucester's yesterday. I had
spent the morning with \Vilberforce, who was quite delightful. I begin
to think, that of all men he is the most subjected and controlled, and
invariably in the right frame of temper. I say ' begin,' because he is
beginning to share the seat in my mind which Joseph has so long
occupied I shall finish my examination of the boys when I am
at Cromer, so let Miss tremble. Tell her from me, that I look
with unmixed satisfaction to her superintendence of their education; and
I am sure, if she give them vigour of mind — ' a mind not to be changed,'
a determination to accomplish their object by dint of resolution, and an
* A guest who had lately been staying at Cromer Hall.
92 THE AFRICAN INSTITUTION. [CHAP. vu.
unconquerable fixed will to succeed, she will give them what is worth
more than wealth, or rank, or anything else, except one thing, which if
they have not, I trust they never will have this energy, because this
energy is a great instrument, and, if ill employed, a great instrument
of evil."
TO ONE OF HIS LITTLE BOYS.
" Jan. 28.
" I have had a fine gallop this morning on your capital horse ' Radical.'
I ride him and Abraham every day, and always as fast as they can go,
because I have so much to do that I cannot behave like little Lord Linger.
I hope that when you are a man you will be very industrious and do all
the good you can. There are a great many poor people who are very
sick, and yet have no money to buy food, or clothes, or physic ; and
there are many more so ignorant that they never heard of the Bible,
and think they do very right when they roast and eat their enemies !
If you think this is very right, and that it is kind to stick a man on a
spit and dress him like a pig, why, don't try to prevent it ! But if you
think it very wrong, then be sure you do all you can to stop it. Do you
know, one good industrious man may do a great deal ; and, if you wish
to be of that sort, you must begin by being diligent now. But there is a
much more important thing than even being diligent, that is being good.
I don't much like to bring you a horn, because I am sure you will disturb
the hen- pheasants, and so we shall have no young ones."
Mr. Buxton belonged, it has been said above, to the African
Institution, the Society set on foot by Mr. Wilberforce and his
coadjutors, in order to watch over the law, which with so much
difficulty had been obtained in 1807, abolishing the Trade in
Slaves between Africa and our Colonies. Having in a great
measure effected this purpose, and secured the ostensible ac-
quiescence of France, Portugal, and other nations, in the same
measure, the Institution had at length sunk into a state of com-
parative inactivity.
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" Jan. 30.
" I had engaged to go down to Coggeshall yesterday, shoot there
to-day, and return to-morrow night ; happily, as I think, I got notice of
the meeting of the African Institution for to-day, so I put off my shoot-
ing excursion. In the course of the meeting an opportunity occurred,
which I could not pass over, of declaring my mind, as to the inactivity
and ineffectiveness of the Society. I told them that it was certain we
once had the confidence of the country ; and it was now certain the
1821.] MR. WILBERFORCE. 93
public knew little and cared little on the subject. I have often spoken
plainly and been condemned by others ; a few times I have done so and
blamed myself, but in this instance I really felt, and still feel, exceedingly
grateful that I did not shrink from the duty. My remonstrance was
well received, and a meeting was appointed for Saturday next, at Lord
Lansdownc's, of all the members of both Houses interested in the
subject, and perhaps it may be a means of great good. I tell all this
long story for my dear Priscilla, who exhorted me not to neglect this,
the first and most melancholy of all subjects. I thoroughly enjoyed the
dear boys' letters, but I can't think that I shall find they know so much
as they talk about when I get home. My hands are rather full :
Thursday, the Brewery. Friday, Cape of Good Hope Slave Trade.
Saturday, Lord Lansdowne's. Monday, Prison Bilk Tuesday,
Brougham's Bill on Education. Wednesday, I made a speech to the
children in Spitaltields. Thursday, Brewery and Mail Coach.
Friday, home ! I want two heads, two bodies, and the power of being
in two places at once."
" Feb. 3.
" I was quite astonished at Wilberforce yesterday. I had not seen
him since my vehement reprobation of the African Institution.
Yesterday he was warm to excess ; over and over again he thanked
me for the boldness and openness of my remarks, and said they had
penetrated deeply into his heart."
" March 8.
" I really do earnestly desire to write to you more fully, and to
express how much my heart is yours and with you, but how can I ?
I left the House last night at one o'clock, very hot, and could not get
to sleep : up this morning and full gallop to Hampstead ; then to the
Brewery on important business ; then a gallop to a meeting of Daniel
Wilson's society for the education of young clergymen, where, among
the rest, I saw John and Francis Cunningham ; I was quite pleased to
see them again. The meeting was highly interesting, and the society
seems doing so much good, that I am not sure but I shall to-morrow
send them a large donation. I did not to-day, for I am not fond of
doing such things under the impulse of feeling.
" I afterwards saw R., who appeared to me to be doing her duty to
her father ; and, in my estimation, besides the duty to her father, the
habit of doing it, and the credit of doing it, are of the highest importance
to her.
" Poor dear Priscilla, how sorry I am that she should have any pain !
but she is near the land where neither sorrow nor pain enters, and might
with much more reason pity us than receive pity from us. Wilberforce
was charmed with her message."
94 ILLNESS AND DEATH [CHAP. vii.
" March 12.
" John and Francis Cunningham came and dined at my lodgings, and
we had a very pleasant evening. I almost determined to go over to
Harrow yesterday, as John has a lecture for me on the neglect of
private prayer. Alas ! there is more truth in the charge than he knows,
and since I heard his notions as to myself the subject has been much on
my mind."
" March 15.
" Wilberforce dined with me on Tuesday last, and was quite delight-
ful.— He gave us a long account of his early life and friends, and said
one thing which has much stuck by me. I asked him, who was the
greatest man he ever knew? He said, ' Out of all comparison, Pitt!
but,' he added, ' I never think of his superiority without reflecting, that
he who is least in the kingdom of God is greater than he.' Now I see
clearly that in this world I shall never be anything but a mere moderate
— ' behind the foremost, and before the last.' But for this I really do
not care. I am, however, thoroughly discontented with my progress in
better things, and wonder at myself whenever I reflect on them at all.
Did Francis tell you of the lecture designed for me at Harrow ? I
must and will have it, for I am much inclined to think that my lower
state in such matters arises from my neglect of spirituality, and of the
appointed method of attaining it. I am in a sad scrape at VVeymouth.
They are going to have races, ' to the great benefit of the town and
amusement of the company — fully calculate on my subscription and
Williams's.' He wrote, acceding, but I have refused, for I feel a
scruple against them. My dearest love to you all. Let the boys tell
me what I am to buy them as presents."
His sister-in-law's illness was now rapidly increasing. He
writes —
" London, March 20.
" As for dearest Priscilla, I neither grieve for the bad account of
yesterday, nor rejoice at the more favourable one of to-day. I feel her
given to the Lord, and I am sure that lie is about her bed, and that
He loves her, and that whatsoever shall happen to her will be sent in
peculiar tenderness ; and in these certain truths I commit her to Him
without fear or repining. She is inexpressibly dear to my inmost soul,
but I look upon her as a saint already in the hands of the Lord
I have tried to pray for her, but I cannot. My prayers turn into
praises, and my mourning into joy. And, after all, if we lose her, what
is it? Let our thoughts range through eternity, dropping only the
trifle of the next fifty years, and what can we desire beyond h<?r present
state? We are sure that her God, whom she served in her strength,
1821.] OF PRISCILLA GURNEY. 95
protects, cherishes, and will guard her from evil in her sickness. If
she is destined to dwell in His presence for evermore, will not this
satisfy those w ho love her dearly ? I say again, I am satisfied and
joyful in her state, and can with unbounded and satisfied confidence
commit her to the Lord, and shall be almost glad if you tell her I send
no message of hojx! or fear, neither can I hope or fear."
" March 22.
" On receiving your letter, the first impulse was to set oft' directly,
but a meeting about the Slave Trade to-morrow morning, and a debate
about the Slave Trade to-morrow evening ; a meeting with Stephen on
the same subject on Wednesday ; and that of the Sunday School
children on Wednesday evening, are reasons which seem to supersede
every inclination. On the other hand I ardently long to see my beloved
Priscilla again, and the recollection, that she desired you to tell me
that she had something to say to me, weighs in the strongest manner
upon me. I would not, on any account, lose whatever this may be,
whether of love, or advice, or reproof. Circumstanced, however, as
I am, I have determined to wait, at least till to-morrow's account
comes."
He soon after left London, and reached Cromer Hall in time
to receive those dying injunctions which his sister-in-law had
been so anxious to lay upon him. What these were we shall see
hereafter. After her death* he was compelled to return almost
immediately to London. He writes thence : —
" I was quite out of heart all yesterday, and could neither speak at
the public meeting, nor study at night. However, I was determined
not to yield to low spirits, and, by dint of obstinacy, I at length did get
to work, and continued till one o'clock in the morning."
A few days later he speaks of " working very, very hard."
In addition to the questions of Prison Discipline, Criminal Law,
and the Slave Trade, in which he took so much interest, his
attention had been drawn, chiefly through the facts laid before
him by the Rev. Mr. Peggs, a Baptist missionary just returned
from India, to the subject of Suttee, viz. the self-immolation of
Hindoo widows. Having collected a large mass of information,
he determined to bring it before Parliament ; and, in the course
of the session, he made two motions on the subject. In his
speech on the second occasion he proved, that within the last
* A letter of Mr. Simeon's on this occasion will be found in page 551 of
his memoir.
96 SPEECH ON CRIMINAL LAW. [CHAP. vn.
four years, in the Residency of Fort William alone, 2366 widows
had been committed to the flames ! — that the French, Dutch,
and other powers in India had abolished the custom in their ter-
ritories, while the stigma of its continuance still rested on the
British Government; and he showed that, so far from being vo-
luntary, this cruel martyrdom" was generally forced upon the
unhappy widow, either by superstitious priests or interested
relations.
Several years, however, elapsed before anything of importance
was accomplished in this matter, the question being one which
fell within the province of the India House, rather than of the
House of Commons.
The Committee which had been appointed in the preceding
year to inquire into the working of the Criminal laws, had now
closed its labours, and Sir James Mackintosh's bill for the abro-
gation of the punishment of death, in cases of forgery, arose
from its report. A speech of Mr. Buxton's upon this bill*
excited great notice at the time ; the drift of it was to prove that
the law as it stood was at once inhuman and ineffective ; that the
severity of the punishment induced judges and jurors to strive
for an acquittal ; and that the uncertainty of the greater penalty
was therefore more readily incurred than the certainty of the
lesser one.
" We have gone on long enough," said Mr. Buxton, " taking it for
granted that capital punishment does restrain crime, and the time is now
arrived in which we may fairly ask, Does it do so?
" It has been tried long enough — we have tried nothing else for the
last century. And on a scale large enough — the law of England has
displayed no unnecessary nicety in apportioning the punishment of
death : kill your father, or a rabbit in a warren, the penalty is the
same ! Destroy three kingdoms, or a hopbine, the penalty is the same !
Meet a gipsy on the high road, keep company with him, or kill him,
the penalty by law is the same !
'• The system, then, having been tried long enough, and largely
enough, what are the results? Has your law done that which you ex-
pected from your law ? Has crime decreased ? Has it remained sta-
tionary ? Certainly not. Has it increased ? It certainly has, and at
a prodigious rate.f Why, then, your system has failed ! "
* May 23, 1821.
t in tvrtlic .. • had increased fourfold.
1821.] TWO EXPERIMENTS TRIED. 97
Only one experimental fact had been brought forward on the
other side. In the case of larceny from the person, mitigation
had been tried; and the convictions for that crime had inma--u<l.
But then every other crime had increased in an equal or greater
ratio. That is to say, no more had been gained by inflicting
capital punishments than by not inflicting them.
" We have done as well without as with the capital punishment. That
is, our case is proved. To inflict death needlessly can be called by no
other name than that of legal murder.
" Now, at the same period, two experiments were tried. In the one
case, we proceeded from lenity to rigour ; in the other, from rigour to
lenity. Here, then, principle is opposed to principle, system to system,
and the result is before us. First, in 1807, forgery of stamps was made
a capital crime. And the question is, with what effect ?
" By the confession of the solicitor of the Excise the crime has not
abated, but the prosecutions have abated to one-half. The excise was
better protected by your former lenity than by your late rigour.
" But another experiment was tried, very different in its nature, and
(I rejoice to say) as different in its effects. In 1811 the linen- bleachers
came to Parliament .... praying for a mitigation in the law against
stealing from bleaching grounds. That prayer was conceded ; in this
House cheerfully. In another place acquiescence was granted somewhat
in the same spirit in which the satirist describes the deities of old as
yielding to the foolish importunities of their votaries.
' Evertere domes tolas, optantibus ipsis
Di faciles.'
And here it was determined to punish these romantic petitioners with
the fulfilment of their prayer, and to inflict upon them the penalty of
conceded wishes.
" With what effect ? . . . .To answer this question, I will enter,"
he says, " into a comparison of which no man will deny the fairness. I
will take the last five years during which the crime was capital— and the
last five years during which it lias not been capital. Now, if I prove
that this offence has increased, but only in the same proportion with
other offences, I prove my point for reasons which I have already
assigned. But if I go a step farther, and prove that, while all other
offences have increased with the most melancholy rapidity, this, and
this alone, has decreased as rapidly, that there is one only exception to
the universal augmentation of crime, and that one exception is in the
case in which you have reduced the penalty of your law ; if I can do
this, and upon evidence which cannot be shaken, have I not a right to
H
98 SPEECH ON CRIMINAL LAW. [CHAP. vn.
call upon the noble lord opposite, and upon his Majesty's ministers,
either to invalidate my facts or to admit my conclusion ?"
He then read the official returns of crimes committed in the
duchy of Lancaster, whence it appeared that, before the mitiga-
tion of the law, this offence had been as rife as the other capital
offences ; but, since that mitigation, all the capital offences had
increased prodigiously,* while this offence had decreased two-
thirds.
"No man," he continued, "would justify severity for the sake of
severity itself, or would love executions in the abstract. We have dis-
pensed with them in one case, and the consequence is, fewer crimes, —
greater security to property. Shall we stop there?"
He then adverted to the punishment of forgery : —
" For a multitude of years," he said, " every wretch who was over-
taken by the law, without regard to age, or sex, or circumstances in
extenuation, was consigned to the hangman. You accomplished your
object, no doubt ! By dint of such hardness you exterminated the
offence as well as the offenders ; forgeries of course ceased in a country
under such a terrible method of repressing them ! No ! but they grew,
they multiplied, they increased to so enormous an extent — victim so
followed victim, or rather one band of victims was so ready to follow
another, that you were absolutely compelled to mitigate your law,
because of the multitude of the offenders — because public feeling and
the feeling of the advisers of the crown rebelled against such continual
slaughter.
" Have I not then a right to cast myself upon the House, and to im-
plore them no longer to continue so desperate and so unsuccessful a
system ; and to lay side by side the two cases — forgery and stealing
from bleaching grounds, — both offences only against property — both
unattended with violence ? In the one we have tried a mitigation of
the law, and have succeeded beyond our most sanguine expectations; in
the other we have tried severity to the utmost extent — and to the utmost
extent it has failed. Well then : are we not bound — I will not say by
our feelings or by tenderness for life — but by every principle of reason
and equity, of common sense and common justice, to discontinue a
system which has so utterly failed, and to embrace a system which has
been so eminently successful ?"
Such were the results of the experiments made in our own
time and country. He furnished others from history. Henry
* For instance, stealing from dwelling-houses was a capital offence: it
had increased eleven-fold.
1821.] HISTORICAL KX I'KiMKM'K. 99
A' 1 1 1 . hanged 72,000 persons for robbery alone ; yet Sir Thomas
More wonders that " while so many thieves were daily hanged,
so many still remained in the country, robbing in all places."
Queen Elizabeth hanged more than 500 criminals a year; yet
complained bitterly that the people would not carry out her
laws, and was obliged to appoint stipendiary magistrates to
inflict these penalties. We find from Strype that the people
would not prosecute and the magistrates would not act.
So ill, in these two cases, had the rigorous system succeeded.
He then noticed the happy effects resulting from the relaxation
of penalties by King Alfred ; and in modern times by the Duke
of Tuscany and by the United States of America, and he con-
cluded his observations upon this part of the subject with this
remark : —
" Crime has increased in England as compared with every other
country — as compared with itself at different periods. Now what
species of crime has increased ? Precisely those lesser felonies which
are capital now, but were not formerly — which are capital in England,
but in no other country ! "
He had next to remove a common but false impression that
the Criminal Code was part of the Common Law.
He first made quotations from the codes of the Saxons, Danes,
and Normans, which were palpably at variance with the spirit
of our Penal Code. They were as tender of human life as the
Code was reckless in destroying it. He proved this also from
Coke, Blackstone, and Spelman.
" It is a fact," said he, " that six hundred men were condemned to
death last year, upon statutes passed within the last century."
After showing the hurried and careless manner in which bills
for inflicting death without benefit of clergy had continually
passed the House, without debate or discussion, he stated his
affection and reverence for the English Common Law, and the
unwillingness he would have felt to attack it, and therefore
claimed " a right to gather confidence and encouragement from
finding a friend and advocate in that pre-eminent authority."
He continues,
" There is no country in which public co-operation is not important
H2
100 SPEECH ON CRIMINAL LAW. [CHAP. vn.
to the execution of the law ; but in England this concurrence between
the people 'and the law is absolutely indispensable. It is taken for
granted, that he who can, will inform — that the person aggrieved will
prosecute. All this is taken for granted, and was justly so taken, as
long as public feeling went along with the law ; but now a man's life is
at issue, and this at once seals the lips of the man who could inform,
pacifies the prosecutor, silences the witness, and sometimes even sharpens
the merciful astuteness of the judge. In fact, and in truth, it effects the
deliverance of the felon.
" But worse than this, there is a price which we have to pay, of
which, if I can prove the existence and extent, no man will deny that in
itself it more than countervails every conceivable advantage, — I mean
the perjury of jurymen."
After giving a number of instances where juries had clearly
perjured themselves in order to save the lives of prisoners,
" I hold in my hand," he says, " 1200 cases of a similar description.
Is it then policy or prudence — I say nothing of its wickedness — to
tamper with what is so very delicate, or even to permit the reputation of
that oath to be impaired, or any stain to be cast upon its purity ? But
when the public see twelve respectable men, in open court, in the face
of day, in the presence of a Judge, calling God to witness that they
will give their verdict according to the evidence, and then declaring
their belief in things, not merely very strange or uncommon, but actual
physical impossibilities, absolute miracles, wilder than the wildest
legends of monkish superstition — what impression on the public mind
must be made, if not this — that there are occasions in which it is not
only lawful, but commendable, to ask God to witness palpable and
egregious falsehood ?"
Referring to the evidence which had been given by a multi-
tude of persons in very different situations, of very different
habits and opinions, as to the pernicious effects of the system of
severe punishment upon all classes of society,
" I ask," he said, " how happens it that persons so various — filling
situations so various — merchants, bankers, solicitors of the Excise, shop-
keepers, solicitors of the Old Bailey, officers of the police, clerks of the
police offices, magistrates, and jurymen — men bound together by no
similarity of pursuit, no identity of interest, — by no party feeling, poli-
tical or religious, — how happens it, I ask, that such persons should
' Wi-ave such agreeing truths, or how, or why,
Should all conspire to client us with a lie ?'
1 >-'!.] . THE SYSTEM AND ITS COST. 101
.... " Shall \ve accede to this rational solution of the uniformity
of their testimony ? Shall we not rather conclude that they all spoke,
alike because they all spoke the truth, and that the uniformity of the
evidence arose from the uniformity of the observation ?
" And this opinion of practical men being corroborated by the
opinions of men of profound thought and great learning — of Chilling-
worth, Johnson, Franklin, Pitt, Fox ; of More, Bacon, Coke, Cla-
rendon, Ashburton, and Blackstone ; I say, when I see that the con-
clusion at which the wisest men have arrived by dint of reason is
the same conclusion at which the most practical men have arrived by
dint of experience ; and that this, the speculation of the learned, and the
observation of those that gather up their notions from the busy scenes of
life, has been put to the test in America and in Tuscany, and that there
it has realised more than the most sanguine expectation; — and further,
that this system is the common law of England, and is common sense: —
I say, when I have such a body of evidence and argument — of fact and
authority — of reason and experience, — and when our adversaries, mem-
bers of a committee which sat for many months, never once ventured to
hint at an authority, or to produce a witness who could gainsay the truth
of those doctrines which I am maintaining ; — when I have so much in
my favour, and so very little against me, I cannot but indulge the hope
that the noble Lord opposite and the Government will do justice to the
country by aiding the milder but more efficient doctrines of penal legis-
lation which we have endeavoured to promulgate."
He concluded his speech thus : —
" My argument then is this. Our system is before us. The price
we pay for our system is, — the loss of public opinion, and the aid (the
best, the cheapest, and the most constitutional) which the law gathers
from the concurrence of public opinion ; the necessity of doing that by
spies, informers, and blood-money, which were better done without
them ; the annual liberation of multitudes of criminals ; the annual per-
petration of multitudes of crimes, perjury, and the utter abandonment of
the first of your duties, the first of your interests, and the greatest of all
charities — the prevention of crime. This is what you pay. And for
what ? For a system \vhich has against it a multitude of divines,
moralists, statesmen, lawyers, — an unrivalled phalanx of the wise and
good ; a system which has against it the still stronger authority of
practical men, who draw their conclusions from real life ; a system
which has against it the still stronger authority of the Common Law
of England ; which, if wrong now, is wrong for the first time ; a system
which has against it the still stronger authority of experience and
experiment, in England on the one hand — in Tuscany, in America, and
elsewhere, on the other: and, finally, a system which, in its spirit and
102 CRIMINAL LAW. [CHAP. VH.
its temper, is against the temper and the spirit of that mild and merciful
religion which ' desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he
should turn from his wickedness and live !' "
Numerous were the expressions of approbation which this
speech called forth. Sir James Mackintosh said in the House,
that it was " the most powerful appeal that he had ever had the
good fortune to hear within the walls of Parliament."* And
in a subsequent debate Mr. (now Lord) Denman remarked, that
" more of wisdom, more of benevolence, more of practical de-
monstration he had never heard in the course of his parliamentary
career, than was contained in the energetic speech of his honour-
able friend."
When, however, the division took place on the question,
" That the bill for the mitigation of the punishment of death for
forgery do pass," the Ayes were 115, and the Noes 121 : and
the bill was consequently lost !
On the 5th of June, 1822, Sir James Mackintosh again brought
forward the question, and was again seconded by Mr. Buxton.
They succeeded in carrying by a majority of sixteen the motion,
" That the House will in the next session consider the means of
increasing the efficacy of the Criminal Law, by abating the
rigour of its punishments."
In 1823, however, the resolutions proposed by Sir James
Mackintosh were rejected, and he and his friends were still
struggling against a superior force, when in 1826, Mr. Peel, on
his accession to office, undertook the momentous task of re-
modelling the whole penal code.
An account will be given, in its proper place, of the final
result of the movement for the mitigation of that sanguinary
code by which, at the period when first Sir Samuel Romilly, and
afterwards Sir James Mackintosh and Mr. Buxton brought the
subject forward, two hundred and thirty offences were punishable
with death !
* Hansard, May, 1821.
1821.] LETTER FROM W1LBERFORCE. 103
CHAPTER VIII.
SLAVERY. 1821—1823.
Mr. Buxton is chosen by Mr. Wilberforce as his Parliamentary successor —
Common confusion of " Slavery " with " Slave Trade " — Previous im-
pressions on Mr. Buxton's mind — Priscilla Gurney's dying words — He
studies the subject — Long deliberations — Fear of Servile Revolt —
Undertakes to advocate the Question — Letters from Mr. Wilberforce —
Reflections — Suttee — The Quakers' Petition — Letter to Earl Bathurst
— The First Debate on Slavery — Mr. Canning's Amendments — Ameli-
orations in the Slave's condition recommended to the Colonists — Letter
to Sir James Mackintosh.
THE evening after Mr. Buxton had delivered his speech on
Criminal law lie received the following letter from Mr. Wil-
berforce : —
" London, May 24, 1821.
" My dear 3uxton, — It is now more than thirty-three years since,
after having g'vcn notice in the House of Commons that I should bring
forward, for tie first time, the question concerning the Slave Trade, it
pleased God t» visit me with a severe indisposition, by which indeed I
was so exhausted that the ablest physician in London of that day declared
that I had no; stamina to last above a very few weeks. On this I went
to Mr. Pitt aid begged of him a promise, which he kindly and readily
gave me, to fckc upon himself the conduct of that great cause.
" I thank God I am now free from any indisposition ; but from my
time of life, aid much more from the state of my constitution, and my
inability to bear inclemencies of weather and irregularities, which close
attendanceon the House of Commons often requires, I am reminded,
but too intelligibly, of my being in such a state that I ought not to look
confidentlyto my being able to carry through any business of importance
in the Iloue of Commons.
" Now .or many, many years I have been longing to bring forward
that great ubject, the condition of the negro slaves in our Trans- Atlantic
colonies, aid the best means of providing for their moral and social im-
provc-inenl and ultimately for their advancement to the rank of a free
peasantry : a cause this, recommended to me, or rather enforced on me,
by every onsideration of religion, justice, and humanity.
104 LETTER FROM WILBERFORCE. [CHAP. vm.
" Under this impression I have been waiting1 with no little solicitude
for a proper time and suitable circumstances of the country, for introduc-
ing this great business ; and latterly, for some Member of Parliament,
who, if I were to retire or to be laid by, would be an eligible leader in
this holy enterprise.
" I have for some time been viewing you in this connection ; and
after what passed last night I can no longer forbear resorting to you, as
I formerly did to Pitt, and earnestly conjuring you to take most seriously
into consideration the expediency of your devoting yourself to this
blessed service, so far as will be consistent with the due discharge of the
obligations you have already contracted, and in part so admirably ful-
filled, to war against the abuses of our Criminal law, both in its structure
and its administration. Let roe then entreat you to form an alliance with
me, that rnajr truly be termed holy, and if I should be unable to com-
mence the war (certainly not to be declared this session) ; and still more,
if, when commenced, I should (as certainly would, I fear, be the case)
be unable to finish it, do I entreat that you would continue to prosecute
it. Your assurance to this effect would give me the greatest pleasure :
pleasure is a bad term — let me rather say, peace and consolation ; for
alas ! my friend, I feel but too deeply how little 1 have been duly assi-
duous and faithful in employing the talents committed to my steward-
ship ; and in forming a partnership of this sort with you I cannot doubt
that I should be doing an act highly pleasing to God, ard beneficial to
my fellow creatures. Both my head and heart are quite full to over-
flowing, but I must conclude. My dear friend, may it please God to
bless you, both in your public and private course. If it beHis will, may
He render you an instrument of extensive usefulness ; but above all,
may He give you the disposition to say at all times, ' Lord, vhat wouldest
thou have me to do or to suffer? ' looking to Him, through Christ, for
wisdom and strength. And while active in business aid fervent in
spirit upon earth, may you have your conversation in hea'en, and your
affections set on things above. There may we at last ncet, together
with all we most love, and spend an eternity of holiness and happiness
complete and unassailable.
" Ever affectionately yours,
" \V.
Many causes had been concurring to prepare Mr. lux ton for
entering upon this " holy enterprise." His attention lad, at an
early period, been drawn, though slightly, to the qiestions of
Slavery and the Slave Trade. In one of his private nemoranda
he enumerates among the causes for thankfulness, " vie strong
impression on my mother's mind, transfused into min? in very
1821.] "SLAVERY" AND "SLAVE TRADE." 105
early life, of the iniquity of Slavery and the Slave Trade ; "
and he notices a remark which she often made, '' while we con-
tinue to commit such a sin how can we ask forgiveness of our
sins ? " He mentions also that he used to ridicule his eldest
sister for refusing1 to eat slave-grown sugar; "but," he adds,
" her doing so made me think. Singular, too, that my first
speech on entering college was upon the Slave Trade, and my
first speecli on entering life was at the Tower Hamlets on the
same subject."
We have seen that he had become an active member of the
African Institution ; and although that body devoted its atten-
tion to the Slave Trade alone, and did not take up the kindred
question of Slavery, yet his connection with it no doubt con-
tributed to turn his mind to the varied sufferings of the negro
race.
The reader need scarcely be reminded that the importation of
fresh negroes from Africa to our colonies had been declared
illegal in 1807, after a twenty years' struggle on the part of
Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Stephen, Mr. Clarkson, and their distin-
guished coadjutors ; and England had no sooner abolished her
own trade, than with characteristic energy she strove to obtain,
by persuasion or by purchase, a similar measure from the other
European powers. Whilst, however, the British Slave Trade
had been abolished, British Slavery remained. Though no fresh
Negroes could now be introduced into our colonies, yet those
who had been already imported were still held in bondage. It
is singular how often the Slave Trade is confounded with Slavery,
even in quarters where such a blunder would be least expected.
There were various reasons which prevented those who had
effected the abolition of the Slave Trade from attempting also the
emancipation of the slaves ; * but we see in Mr. Wilberforce's
letter that the latter was a subject which constantly weighed
upon his mind, and filled him with painful solicitude.
When Mr. Buxton first entered Parliament, his attention was
drawn to this question by a letter from his brother-in-law,
Mr. William Forster, who, after describing the interest taken by
Mr. Buxton's friends in his efforts for the improvement of prison
* In 1807 Earl Percy (afterwards Duke of Northumberland) proposed the
emancipation of the negro children, but without effect.
106 PREVIOUS IMPRESSIONS. [CHAP. vin.
discipline, expresses their earnest desire that he would " take up
another most important and extensive question, the state of Africa,
and of the slave population in the West Indies." " The atten-
tion and exertions of the wise and good," proceeds Mr. Forster,
" have been directed, and, through the Divine blessing, not with-
out much success, towards staying the progress of evil in the
abolition of the Slave Trade ; but now it is certainly time to
turn the mind of the British public towards the situation of those
in actual slavery."
Another circumstance, to which Mr. Buxton often referred,
had prepared his mind for accepting the proffered advocacy of the
Anti-slavery cause. He thus mentions it in a letter, dated Oct.
22, 1821:—
" Two or three days before Priscilla Gurney died, she sent for me,
as desiring to speak to me about something of importance. The moment
she began to speak she was seized with a convulsion of coughing, which
continued for a long time, racking her feeble frame. She still seemed
determined to persevere, but, at length, finding all strength exhausted,
she pressed my hand and said, ' The poor, dear slaves!' I could not
but understand her meaning, for during her illness she had repeatedly
urged me to make their cause and condition the first object of my life,
feeling nothing so heavy on her heart as their sufferings."
It was not, however, till after long and mature deliberation,
that he accepted the weighty charge involved in Mr. Wilberforce's
proposal. Indeed, he does not appear to have fully resolved upon
undertaking it till a year and a half after the receipt of Mr. Wil-
berforce's letter ; but he spent the interval, as far as his other
avocations would permit him, in a close study of the question in
all its bearings. In this he was materially assisted by the present
of a large collection of books connected with the subject from
Mr. Hoare, one of the earliest members of the African Insti-
tution.
Many of his other friends encouraged him to enter upon this
arduous undertaking, especially Mr. Samuel and Mr. Joseph John
Gurney ; from whom, as from Mr. Samuel Hoare, he received
unremitting assistance throughout the contest against slavery.
What chiefly led' him to hesitate in adopting this question as
his own, was the fear that the discussion of it in England might
1822.] STUDIES THE SUBJECT. 107
lead to a servile insurrection in the AVest Indies. He deeply felt
the weight of this responsibility, and it Mas the subject of long
and anxious thought. " If," said he, " a servile war should
break out, and 50,000 perish, how should I like that ?" But
even this extreme supposition he met by the consideration, " If I
had two sons, I would rather choose to have one free and one
dead, than both living enslaved." In his first Anti-slavery
speech he enters at length into this difficulty, and mentions some
of the considerations which had removed it from his mind ;
showing how often insurrections had been foretold by the West
Indians, and, that their predictions had never been fulfilled ; and
further, that, even were this fear well grounded, • the English
government ought not to be terrified by it from examining into
the infinitely greater evil in question.
He appears to have arrived at his final decision in the autumn
of 1822; in the course of which Mr. Wilberforce and Mr.
Macaulay visited Cromer Hall, for the purpose of discussing the
question with him, and also with Dr. Lushington and Lord
Suffield. Then was drawn the first outline of those plans in
M'hich each, from this time, took his respective and important
share.
Mr. Wilberforce writes after leaving Cromer: —
" Oct. 5, 1822.
" My dear Buxton, — We brought much away from Cromer Hall, but
we left there, as I have just discovered, O'Meara's ' Voice from St.
Helena.' My dear friend, never I believe, while I remember any-
thing, shall I forget the truly friendly reception we experienced under
your hospitable roof. I love to muse about you all, and form suitable
wishes for the comfort and good of each member of your happy circle —
for a happy circle it is— and surely there is nothing in the world half
so delightful as mutual confidence, affection, and sympathy — to feel
esteem as well as good-will towards every human being around you, not
only in your own house, but in the social circle that surrounds your
dwelling, and to be conscious that every other being is glowing with the
same esteem and love towards you. I hope it is not profane to say
that when associated with heavenly aspirations and relations, such a
state is a sort of little heaven upon earth. My dear friend, never shall
I direct henceforth to Cromer Hall without a number of delightful
associations. God bless you all, — and so I trust He will. It is quite
refreshing in such a world as this to think what a globule of friendship
103 LONG DELIBERATIONS. [CHAP. vm.
has been accumulated at Cromer from different little drops sprinkled
over the sea-side. Give my kind remembrances to Mrs. Buxton, Pris-
cilla, the Hoares, Mrs. Upcher, and indeed to all friends ; to Mr. and
Mrs. J. Gurney, and my old friend Mr. Hoare ; to the Lushingtons and
Lord Suffield, whom I hope to know better. Meanwhile,
" I am, ever affectionately yours,
" W. WlLBERFORCE."
A short time afterwards Mr. Wilberforce again wrote, to
request that he would visit him at Marden Park, to arrange their
plan of operations for the ensuing session. He adds, —
" I have often rejoiced of late years in thinking of my having you for
an associate and successor, as indeed I told you. Now, my dear Bux-
ton, my remorse is sometimes very great, from my consciousness that
•we have not been duly active in endeavouring to put an end to that
system of cruel bondage which for two centuries has prevailed in our
West Indian colonies ; and my idea is, that a little before Parliament
meets, three or four of us should have a secret cabinet council, wherein
we should deliberate to decide what course to pursue."
Mr. Macaulay and Mr. Buxton accordingly arrived at Marden
Park on the 8th of January ; and (in the words of the biogra-
phers of Mr. TVilberforce) " long and deep were their delibera-
tions, how best to shape those measures which were to change
the structure of society throughout the Western World." *
It is pleasing to observe 'the spirit in which Mr. Buxton en-
tered upon that session of Parliament, in which he was to com-
mence his arduous Anti-slavery career. In his Commonplace
book, after lamenting that " he was making no advance in
spiritual things," he proceeds : —
" Has not my time been squandered in unworthy objects for one who
has but a short time to prepare himself for immortality ; for one who
sees before him so much misery and so much vice, and who feels that
labourers only are wanting to abate both the misery and the vice ? I am
sure that we live in days in which a strenuous advocate of what is right
is nearly certain of success. I have no reason for despondence. The
Prison cause and the Criminal law cause have both signally prospered.
Grant, O Lord God, that I may not spend my money for that which is
not bread, and my labour for that which satisfieth not ; but that I may
;Life of Wilbcrforcc,' vol. v. p. 160.
1823.] REFLECTIONS. 109
choose for my first objects those which merit the dedication of all my
jiowc'rs, possessions, energies, and influence. Now, what are the objects
thus deserving ? The salvation of my own soul and the service of God,
promoting the salvation of others and their welfare.
" Oh for that spirit of devotion, of gratitude, of love to Christ, of in-
difference to the world, which the Lord gave me in my illness! Let
me then never pass a day without serious and repeated prayer — that is
indispensable. Let me renounce the world as much as possible ; as
much as possible acknowledge God in all my ways and words, and let
me manfully resist every temptation which may assault and endanger
my soul. O God, grant these things through thy blessed Son ! Next,
how can I promote the welfare of others? In private, by more seri-
ousness in family devotions, and by much more command of temper ; by
more industry ; by more economy, sparing on my own pleasure and
expending on God's service. In public, by attending to the Slave
Trade, Slavery, Indian widows burning themselves,* the completion of
those objects which have made some advance, viz., Criminal Law,
Prisons, and Police. Send thy blessed Spirit, O great God, to my aid,
and for my guidance, that, renouncing sin, I may walk worthy of my
high vocation, in and through Jesus Christ my Lord."
TO MRS. UPCHER, AT SHERINGHAM, NEAR CROMER.
" London, Feb., 1823.
" My hands are entirely full with slaves, Indian widows, and the
beer question ; and with the Spanish ambassador, who is coming to
dinner. How far, how very far, do I prefer Cromer and its neighbour-
hood to this big town ! If I had my choice, and could exactly think it
right to follow* my own inclination, I should soon be disqualified for
franking. As for fame, ' that last infirmity of noble minds,' it is not
much of an infirmity of mine. To be sure I get but little of it, and that
very little I care as little about; but then Indian widows and Slavery, —
* He had been encouraged to hope that this question •would be taken up
by the ministers. He -writes in 1822: " I am highly gratified to find that
Government have some notion of taking up the subject of my Indian widows.
That would be delightful."
These hopes proved to be unfounded; and on the 18th of June, 1823, he
again brought the subject formally before the House, but without success.
Soon afterwards he says in a note to a friend, " I have been seeing the
Governor of India this morning, about the annual immolation of thousands
of poor widows. I do, from the bottom of my heart, wish that he, and such
as he, felt as much about them as I do." From time to time he brought the
subject before the House of Commons, remarking on the culpability of
Government in continuing to countenance this atrocious custom. The result
•will be given in a subsequent part of this narrative.
110 SLAVERY. [CHAP. vnr.
these are subjects worth any sacrifices : so no grumbling, in which I
was going to indulge."
TO JOHN HENRY NORTH, ESQ.
(After congratulating him warmly on his success at the Irish
bar),—
"Feb. 13.
" Now get into Parliament, and be wise enough to come there abso-
lutely independent. . . . Come into Parliament, and join us with all
your force on such subjects as the abolition of the Slave Trade and of
Slavery, the improvement of the Criminal law and Prisons, the advance-
ment of civilization and Christianity in India. Make these and such as
these your objects, and you will do vast service to mankind, to yourself,
and to your friends. I do not mean, however, that these should prevent
you from advancing in your own pursuits. I firmly believe that they
will promote your welfare, taking welfare in the most worldly sense."
To the same, soon afterwards.
11 I presume you have seen that the great subject of Slavery has fallen
into my hands. I count on you as an assured coadjutor. Will you
accept a few pamphlets, by way of brief, and some for circulation among
persons of influence ? How heartily and continually I wish you were
with me in the House ! If it does not suit you, and if you do not suit
it, I will give up all claims to the gift of prophecy."
TO HIS ELDEST SON.
" March 20.
" My dear Boy, — I was very glad to receive your letter. I hear
that you are very attentive to dear Mamma when you ride with her:
that is right. * * * You may tell her that I did not speak
last night; nobody replied to Wilberforce about the slaves, so I had
no opportunity of saying anything. I am glad your gardens are so nice
and neat and beautiful. I quite long to see you all, and find it rather
hard to be kept away ; but I am very busy, working hard for the poor
slaves. How glad I shall be to hear you make a speech, when you
are a man, in their favour !
" How are the pheasants, and the baby, and the rats, and the ponies,
and all the other animals ? LoVe to you all."
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" Maivh 22.
" Wednesday is the very earliest day I can be down with you, and it
requires all my energy and determination to keep to that. This minute
1823.] PUBLIC FEELING AROUSED. Ill
Wilmot, Under-Secretary of State, has been here, desiring me to call
on Lord Bathurst on Wednesday relative to my Slave bill. . . . I am
very earnest about Slavery ; it seems to me that this is to be the main
business of my life, — this and Hindoo widows ; I am well contented,
and want no other business. How odd the transitions of the human
mind are ! — how occupied mine was with pheasants and partridges till I
left Norfolk ! and I firmly believe I have not thought of them five times
during my whole stay in London ; but they certainly occupied too
much of my time in the autumn. You cannot think how affectionate
and loving Wilberforce was when I called on him yesterday. I think
it odd that we should suit so well, having hardly one quality in
Anti-slavery operations were now commenced with vigour,
and for some time all went on well. Dr. Lushington, Lord
Suffield, and several others, who had taken a prominent part in
the reformation of Prison Discipline, now threw all their energies
into this new undertaking. Early in March Mr. Wilberforce
published his well-known " Appeal on behalf of the slaves." At
about the same time the Anti-Slavery Society was formed (Mr.
Buxton being appointed a Vice- President), and the Committee
engaged warmly in the task of collecting evidence and spreading
information through the country. Public feeling was soon
roused into activity, and petitions began to flow in ; the lead was
taken by the Society of Friends, and it was determined that the
presentation of their appeal by the hands of Mr. Wilberforce
should be the opening of the parliamentary campaign. He intro-
duced it by saying that a similar petition which he had had the
honour of presenting nearly thirty years before, had been the
first effort against the kindred iniquity of the Slave Trade, and
that in presenting this one " he considered that the first stone
was laid of an edifice which would stand at some future period,
an ornament to the land."
Mr. Canning asked whether it was his intention to found any
motion upon it? Mr. Wilberforce said, "It was not, but that
such was the intention of an esteemed friend of his."
Mr. Buxton then gave notice that on the 15th of May " lie
would submit a motion, that the House should take into con-
sideration the state of slavery in the British Colonies."*
* Hansard, vol. viii. p. 627.
112 AMELIORATIONS SUGGESTED. [CHAP. vm.
A few weeks before his motion came on, he communicated his
intentions to the Government in the following- letter addressed
to Mr. "Wilmot Horton for the perusal of Earl Bathurst : —
" Spring Gardens Hotel, April 15, 1823.
" My dear Sir, — A severe indisposition is, I think, some, though a
poor, apology for not having performed my promise of writing to you.
" On the subject of the line I shall take about slavery, I must confess
that my views are not absolutely determined, but, such as they are, I
will state them. You will not, however, consider me absolutely and
closely bound to them.
"The subject divides itself into two parts: — the condition of the
existing slaves, and the condition of their children.
" With regard to the former, I wish the following improvements: —
" 1. That the slaves should be attached to the island, and, under
modifications, to the soil. 2. That they cease to be chattels in the eye
of the law. 3. That their testimony be received ' quantum valeat.'
4. That when any one lays his claim to the services of a negro, the
onus probandi should rest on the claimant. 5. That obstructions to
manumission should be removed. 6. That the provisions of the Spanish
law (fixing by competent authority the value of the slave, and allowing
him to purchase a day at a time) should be introduced. 7. That no
governor, judge, or attorney-general should be a slave-owner. 8. That
an effectual provision should be made for the religious instruction of the
slaves. 9. That marriage should be sanctioned and enforced. 10. That
the Sunday should be devoted by the slave to repose and religious
instruction; and that other time should be allotted for the cultivation of
his provision-grounds. 11. That some measures (but what I cannot
say) should be taken to restrain the authority of the master in punishing
his slaves ; and that some substitute be found for the driving system.
" These are the proposed qualifications of the existing slavery ; but
I am far more anxiously bent upon the extinction of slavery altogether,
by rendering all the Negro children, born after a certain day, free :
for them it will be necessary to provide education.
" God grant that His Majesty's ministers may be disposed to accom-
plish these objects, or to permit others to accomplish them !"
In reply to an urgent request for delay, he again writes to
Mr. Wilmot Horton : —
'• May 10.
" Your letter really gives me great pain. I do not like to refuse any-
thing you ask. I do not like to appear obstinate ; but the opinion of all
1823.] THE FIRST DEBATE ON SLAVERY. 113
the persons with whom I act is strongly opposed to any delay, in which
opinion I as strongly concur.
" The more the subject opens upon me, the more do I think that I
should be answerable for a great crime if I consented to let the session
slip away without proposing something. In short, pray excuse me for
saying that on Wednesday I will bring forward my motion."
On the 15th of May he wrote to Mrs. Upcher : —
" In five minutes I start for the House. I hope to begin at five
o'clock. I am in good health, in excellent spirits,' with a noble cause,
and without fear. If I am only given a nimble tongue, we shall do."
Then took place the first debate on the subject of Negro
Slavery. Mr. Buxton began it by moving a resolution, " That
the state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the British
Constitution and of the Christian Religion ; and that it ought to
be gradually abolished throughout the British Colonies with as
much expedition as may be found consistent with a due regard
to the well-being of the parties concerned."
In his opening speech he plainly declared " The object at
which we aim is the extinction of slavery — nothing less than the
extinction of slavery, — in nothing less than the whole of the
British dominions : not, however, the rapid termination of that
state ; not the sudden emancipation of the negro ; but such pre-
paratory steps, such measures of precaution, as, by slow degrees,
and in a course of years, first fitting and qualifying the slaves
for the enjoyment of freedom, shall gently conduct us to the
annihilation of slavery."
When we observe these words, and the propositions embodied
in Mr. Buxton's letter to Earl Bathurst, we cannot help feeling
astonished that the Abolitionists should have been so long and
so severely blamed for having rashly set the slaves free before
they had fitted them for freedom ; whereas, it was the Abo-
litionists who desired to approach emancipation by a long series
of preparatory measures. It was the planters, as the sequel will
prove, who rejected these preparatory measures, because they
were meant to pave the way to ultimate emancipation.
The plan unfolded in Mr. Buxton's speech exactly corre-
sponded with that contained in his letter to Mr. Wilmot Horton ;
but he especially urged the importance of emancipating all the
children of the slaves ; pointing out how surely, yet silently, the
i
114 THE PLANTER'S RIGHTS. [CHAP. vm.
curse of slavery would thus die away. He proved that this had
been done in other countries, without that noise and tumult with
which his opponents predicted that it would be attended. This
change was, in fact, at that very time silently proceeding in
Ceylon, Bencoolen, and St. Helena.
"Now one word," he said, " as to the right of the master. There
are persons whose notions of justice are so confused and confounded by
slavery, as to suppose that the planter has something like an honest
title to the person of the slave. We have been so long accustomed to
talk of ' my slave,' and ' your slave,' and what he will fetch, if sold —
that we are apt to imagine that he is really yours or mine, and that we
have a substantial right to keep or sell him. Then let us just for a
moment fathom this right. Here is a certain valuable commodity, and
here are two claimants for it — a white man and a black man. Now,
what is the commodity in dispute ? The body of the black man. The
white man says, 'it is mine,' and the black man, 'it is mine.' Now
the question is, if every man had his own, to whom would the black
body belong ? The claim of the black man is just this — Nature gave it
him — he holds it by the grant of God. That compound of bone and
muscles is his, by the most irreproachable of all titles — a title which
admits not, what every other species of title admits, a suspicion of
violence, or fraud, or irregularity. Will any man say he came by his
body in an illegal manner ? Docs any man suspect he played the knave
and purloined his limbs ? I do not mean to say that the negro is not a
thief — but he must be a very subtle thief indeed if he stole even so much
as his own little finger.
" At least you will admit this. The negro has a pretty good prima
facie claim to his own person. If any man thinks he has a better — the
onus probandi rests with him. Then we come to the claim of the white
man. What is the foundation of your right ? It shall be the best that
can be possibly conceived. You received him from your father — very
good. Your father bought him from a neighbouring planter — very
good. That planter bought him of a trader in the Kingston Slave
Market, and that trader bought him of a man-merchant in Africa. So
far you are quite safe ! How did the man-merchant acquire him ? He
stole him, he kidnapped him. The very root of your claim is robbery,
violence, inconceivable wickedness. If anything on earth was ever
produced by evidence, it was proved by the Slave Trade Committee
that the method of obtaining slaves in Africa was jobbery, man-stealing,
and murder. Your pure title rests on these sacred foundations. If
your slave came direct from Africa, your right to his person is abso-
lutely nothing. But your claim to the child born in Jamaica is (if I
1823.] MR. CANNING'S AMENDMENTS. 115
may use the expression) less still. The new-born infant has done, can
have done, nothing to forfeit his right to freedom. And to talk about
rights, justice, equity, and law as connected with slavery, is downright
nonsense. If we had no interest in the case, and we were only
speaking of the conduct of another nation, we should all use the same
language ; and we should speak of slavery as we now speak of slave-
trading — that is, we should call it rank, naked, flagrant, undisguised
injustice.
" Now, sir, observe the moderation with which we proceed. We
say, ' Make no more slaves, desist from that iniquity ; stop, abstain
from an act, in itself a& full of guilt, entailing in its consequences as
much of misery, as any felony you can mention.' We do not say,
' Retrace your steps,' but ' stop.' We do not say, ' Make reparation for
the wrong you have done ;' but ' do no more wrong ; go no further ;
complete what you have commenced ; screw from your slave all that
his bones and his muscles will yield you, — only stop there : ' and when
every slave now living shall have found repose in the grave, then let
it be said that the country is satiated with slavery and has done with it
for ever."
An animated debate ensued, and Mr. Canning moved and
carried certain amendments to Mr. Buxton's resolution ; the
most important of which was the insertion of the words, " with
a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private pro-
perty." Plausible as this addition seemed, the Anti-slavery
party feared, and, as we shall see, but too justly, that it would
afford the West Indians a handle on future occasions ; but the
discussion grew warmest when Mr. Canning brought forward
his plan, that the proposed ameliorations should be suggested to
the colonial legislatures, but should only be enforced in the
island of Trinidad, which being one of the crown colonies had
no legislature of its own, with the further condition, however,
that any unexpected resistance to the suggestions should be met
by authority.
The following were the resolutions carried by Mr. Canning,
to which we shall have frequent occasion to refer in detailing
the proceedings during the subsequent ten years.
1st. " That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures
for ameliorating the condition of the slave population in his Majesty's
colonies.
2nd. " That, through a determined and persevering, but at the same
time judicious and temperate enforcement of such measures, this House
i 2
116 MR. BUXTON'S REPLY. [CHAP. vin.
looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the
slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those
civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his
Majesty's subjects.
3rd. "That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of this
purpose, at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the well-
being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and
with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private pro-
perty."
The debate concluded with a reply from Mr. Buxton, which
is mentioned by Mr. Wilberforce as having been " short and,
not sweet indeed, but excellent."* We will give one extract
from it.t It was in answer to the argument that the danger
arose not from slavery itself, but from the discussion of slavery
in the House.
" What then !" he exclaimed, " does the slave require any hint from
us that he is a slave, and that slavery is of all conditions the most
miserable? Why, sir, he hears this, he sees it, he feels it, too, in all.
around him. He sees his harsh, uncompensaled labour ; he hears the
crack of the whip ; he feels — he writhes under the lash. Does not this
betray the secret ?
' This is no flattery ; these are counsellors
That feelingly persuade him what he is.'
He sees the mother of his children stripped naked before the gang of
male negroes and flogged unmercifully ; he sees his children sent to
market, to be sold at the best price they will fetch ; he sees in himself
not a man, but a thing — by West Indian law a chattel, an implement of
husbandry, a machine to produce sugar, a beast of burden ! And will
any man tell me that, the negro, with all this staring him in the face,
flashing in his eyes, when he rises in the morning and when he goes to
bed at night — never dreams that there is injustice in such treatment
till he sits himself down to the perusal of an English newspaper, and
there, to his astonishment, discovers that there are enthusiasts in Eng-
land who from the bottom of their hearts deplore and abhor all nogro
slavery ? There are such enthusiasts ; I arn one of them ; and while we
breathe we will never abandon the cause, till that thing — that chattel
— is reinstated in all the privileges of man !"
* Life, vol. v. p. 1 78.
t Hansard's Debates. New Scries, vol. ix. p. 358.
1823-] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CANNING. 117
Although the emancipation of children was lost, and even the
alleviations of the slaves' condition were not to be compulsory,
yet this debate was an important step gained ; and Mr. Buxton's
emphatic words in his opening speech were verified : — " A few
minutes ago was commenced that process which will conclude,
though not speedily, in the extinction of slavery throughout the
British dominions."
Mr. Buxton had various communications with Mr. Canning
after the debate, and especially one long interview in company
with Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. William Smith. On this im-
portant occasion, for which he had carefully prepared, he
thoroughly ascertained Mr. Canning's opinions on all points
connected with the treatment, present and prospective, of colo-
nial slaves. He then wrote down what had passed, and sub-
mitted the statement to Mr. Canning. The document strikingly
displays the laborious accuracy and the sturdy determination to
verify every point of his case, which characterised his conduct
. throughout the entire contest. Mr. Canning returned the paper
.with many autograph notes upon it, and Mr. Buxton therefore
exactly knew what were the ministers' intentions at this period.
Neither party, however, were as yet aware of the difficulties of
the case.
In accordance with the Resolutions of the House, at the end
of May, Circular Letters were addressed by the Government to
the various colonial authorities, recommending them to adopt the
following reforms : —
1. To provide the means of religious instruction and Christian educa-
tion for the slave population.
2. To put an end to markets and to labour on the Sunday, and, in-
stead of Sunday, to allow the negroes equivalent time on other days for
the cultivation of their provision grounds.
3. To protect the slaves by law in the acquisition and possession of
property, and in its transmission by bequest or otherwise.
4. To legalise the marriages of slaves, and to protect them in the
enjoyment of their connubial rights.
5. To prevent the separation of families by sale or otherwise.
6. To restrain generally the power, and to prevent the abuse, of
arbitrary punishment at the will of the master.
7. To abolish the degrading corporal punishment of females.
8. To admit the testimony of slaves in courts of justice.
118 CIRCULAR SENT TO THE COLONIES. [CHAP. vm.
9. To prevent the seizure of slaves detached from the estate or plan-
tation to which they belonged.
10. To remove all the existing obstructions to manumission, and to
grant to the slave the power of redeeming himself and his wife and
children at a fair price.
11. To abolish the use of the driving whip in the field, either as an
emblem of authority, or as a stimulus to labour.
12. To establish Savings Banks for the use of the slaves.
Surely there was good ground for anticipating that the Colo-
nial Assemblies would gladly listen to these temperate and
salutary suggestions.
While anxiously awaiting the result, Mr. Buxton deliberately
weighed the propriety of accepting an invitation from Lord
Huntingdon to visit the West Indies in person ; but when this
plan was referred to Mr. Wilberforce he gave a most decided
opinion against it.*
Sir James Mackintosh had not hitherto taken any part in this
question ; and Mr. Buxton, being extremely anxious to engage
his brilliant abilities and benevolent heart in its favour, addressed
the following letter to him : —
" Cromer Hall, Nov. 30, 1823.
" My dear Sir James, — Your letter reached me just as I was leaving
town. I much regret that I was thus prevented from talking with you
on Criminal law and Colonial reform. The latter of these very much
occupies my mind. I feel that a question of greater magnitude, affect-
ing the happiness of a larger number of persons, has seldom been
agitated ; and I also feel that the crisis has arrived, in which we must
either begin to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and indeed to
* Mr. Buxton could not, as yet, have been aware of the reception which
his proposed reforms would meet with in the West Indies, and the deadly
hostility with which their author would be regarded, or he would not have
entertained for an instant the idea of this visit. Capt. Studholnie Hodgson,
of the 19th Foot, in his work called ' Truths from the West Indies,' after
mentioning " the volumes of abuse lavished upon Sharpe, Wilberforce,
Lushington, Stephen, Buxton, and'Admiral Fleming," continues : — " This
enmity seems to be more deadly towards the two latter than even that enter-
tained for the others ; and I will undertake to say, that were these two
gentlemen to arrive in any island in the West Indies, and venture to move
out unsurrounded by a guard of those grateful beings, who, night and day,
implore blessings upon them, they would inevitably be torn to pieces by the
Europeans, who would all vie as to who could most mangle their bodies." —
(P. 190.)
1823.] LETTER TO SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. 119
strike a blow at slavery, or in which slavery will be more firmly estab-
lished than ever. I ain, however, I must coni'ess, alarmed, not at the
reproach which is heaped on me, nor at the danger said to be produced
in the West Indies by rny motion. I disregard the former, and utterly
disbelieve the latter ; but I am alarmed at the prodigious strength of the
West Indian party, and at the inability of the person to whom the
cause of seven hundred thousand human beings is committed. How
often have I wished that that good cause were blessed with the full,
hearty, unreserved co-operation of yourself ! . . . If I have to fight the
battle without such aid, the cause of justice and humanity will undoubt-
edly suffer from the feebleness of its advocate. With that aid, and with
that of Brougham, of whom we are sure, I doubt not that the sons of
the present slaves will be raised to a state of villeinage, and their
grandsons will be freemen. . . . Now I have written this I am ready
to tear it to pieces, and to wonder at my own presumption in having
written it. It shall however go. It is an entreaty for more than half
a million of human beings who cannot supplicate for themselves, and
against whom there are many who can canvass and are canvassing
stoutly."
All his letters to Mr. Wilberforce have been destroyed ; an
unfortunate circumstance, for their number and interest are
attested by those of Mr. Wilberforce to himself, which still
remain. One of the latter, dated December 27, 1823, appears to
be a reply to Mr. Buxton's account of the laborious study of
documents which occupied him during that winter.
" My dear Friend, — Excellent! Excellent ! I highly approve of your
practice. Of course I approve with one understood condition, that you
endeavour to bear the apostle's precept in mind, — ' Whatsoever ye do,
in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus.' This will be
rendering your slavery studies ' Exercises unto Godliness.' But other-
wise I assure you I have found books steal away my heart from the
Sitrsnm corda habit (spirituality of mind I mean, living among invisibles)
more than worldly business. Excuse this hint ; it is prompted by true
friendship. You greatly disparage your faculties. If you require more
time to imprint things in your mind, it is because you cut the letters
deeply. Alas ! I know from experience, that superficial engraving is
too often and too easily effaced."
120 EXCITEMENT IN THE WEST INDIES. [CHAP. ix.
CHAPTER IX.
SLAVEBY. 1823—1826.
Excitement in the West Indies — The Negroes refuse to work — Severe
Measures — Death of the Missionary Smith — The Abolitionists bitterly
reproached — Mr. Buxton's Plan — Interviews with Mr. Canning —
Popular Clamours — The Government draws back — Anxieties and
Doubts — Letter from Mr. J. J. Gurney — The Debate — The Govern-
ment gives way — Mr. Buxton attacks them — Encouragements from
Mr. Wilberforce — Mr. Brougham's Speech on Smith's Case — Its effect
on the Country — Mr. Wilberforce retires — The small number of
Abolitionists in Parliament — Dr. Lushington — Mr. Macaulay — Mr.
Buxton's Policy — Free People of Colour — Treatment of Mr. Shrews-
bury — Debate — Deliberations — The London Petition — Mr. Den-
man's Motion — A Year's Pause.
THE news of Mr. Buxton's attack on what the planters considered
to be their just rights, and of the acquiescence of the Govern-
ment in his principles, were received in the "West Indies with
the most vehement indignation.* For some weeks after the
arrival of the despatches, not the slightest restraint seems to
have been put on the violence of their rage, which drove them
to the wildest designs. Thoughts were openly entertained of
resisting the innovations of the Government by force of arms.
It was even proposed to throw off the yoke of the mother
country, and place themselves under the protection of America.
They could find no language sufficiently bitter to express their
rancour ;t and the colonial legislatures unanimously refused
submission to the recommendations of the Government.
* To the honour, be it said, of the islands of Grenada, St. Vincent's, and
St. Christopher's, they did not join in the outcry raised by the generality of
the West Indian Islands.
t The following extract from the Jamaica Journal is a specimen of the
abuse lavished upon Parliament, Mr. Canning, Earl Bathurst. and " those
canting, hypocritical rascals," the Abolitionists. (No. 11, Saturday, June 28,
1823.) ..." We will pray the Imperial Parliament to amend their origin,
which is bribery ; to cleanse their consciences, which are corrupt; to throw
1823.] THE NEGROES REFUSE TO WORK. 121
When the Order in Council reached Demerara, the authorities
of the colony endeavoured to conceal the intelligence from the
black population. Their precautions were worse than useless ;
exaggerated rumours soon spread abroad. The negroes fancied
that u the great King of England " had set them free, and that
the planters had suppressed his edict ; and under this impression
the slaves on several estates refused to work. Compulsion was
resorted to — they resisted, and commenced outrages on the pro-
perty and persons of the whites. Martial law was proclaimed,
and the soldiers called out.
Destitute alike of organisation, of leaders, and of arms, the
slaves were at once reduced to subjection. In performing this
duty not one soldier was killed ; but pressed down and running
over was the measure of vengeance dealt to the unhappy
negroes.
" It was deemed fitting," said Mr. Brougham, " to make tremendous
examples of them. Considerably above a hundred fell in the field,
where they did not succeed in putting one soldier to death. A number
of the prisoners also, it is said, were hastily drawn out at the close of
the affray and shot. How many in the whole have since perished by
sentences of the court does not appear, but by the end of September
forty-seven had been executed. A more horrid tale of blood yet
remains to be told. Within the short space of a week ten were torn in
pieces by the lash ; some of these had been condemned to six or seven
hundred lashes ; five to one thousand each ; of which inhuman torture
one had received the whole, and two almost the whole at once." *
The colonists were not satisfied by the severity with which the
rebel negroes had been visited. For some time the attention of
religious men in England had been drawn to the wretched
ignorance and depravity of the lower orders in our colonial
islands. Various denominations of Christians had sent out mis-
sionaries to instruct them, and the Independents and Wesleyans
had distinguished themselves by their Christian zeal. It was no
path of flowers which these missionaries had chosen. The colo-
nists were violently opposed to change ; and with the usual
feelings of despotic masters, they could not endure the idea of
off their disguise, -which is hypocrisy ; to break with their false allies, who
are the saints ; and, finally, to banish from among them all the purchased
rogues, who are three-fourths of their number."
* Hansard's Debates. New Series, vol. xi. p. 995.
122 DEATH OF MISSIONARY SMITH. [CHAP. ix.
allowing their slaves to be educated ; yet, in the face of danger
and persecution, the missionaries persevered, and many of the
negroes were brought to the knowledge of religion. The
planters had tried every means to stop this " nuisance ;" and
when the rebellion broke out, they resolved to fix it upon the
Christian teachers of the negroes.
The particulars of " Smith's case," afterwards so ably treated
by Mr. Brougham, need not here be dwelt on. Suffice it to say,
that he was an Independent missionary ; was tried in a manner
not only unjust, but absolutely illegal, before a court-martial of
militia officers, and condemned to be hanged ; but his treatment
in prison destroyed his previously failing health, and he died in
his dungeon in time to anticipate the executioner.*
The news of the ferment among the colonists, with the rapidly
succeeding intelligence of the revolt of the negroes, of their
overthrow, and of the severities inflicted upon them and upon
their teachers, soon reached England. The disappointment and
grief of the leading members of the anti-slavery party were great
indeed ; their lukewarm partisans left them at once, and joined
in the loud outcry which arose against them. They were de-
nounced as the causes of the disaffections of the colonists and the
disorders among the slaves. The people at large, in looking at
the confusions of the colonies, did not remember how gentle a
remedy for the admitted evil of slavery was the one proposed by
Mr. Buxton ; that all parties in England had agreed, with some
modifications, as to its prudence ; and that only to the wilfulness
and prejudice of the colonists were these unhappy results to be
ascribed. But the angry reproaches which rang in Mr. Buxton's
ears were as nothing when compared with the mortification he
experienced on discovering that the Government, appalled by the
* While Smith was dying in his prison (which is described as a place
only suited to purposes of torture), he was compelled by his persecutors to
draw a bill upon the funds of the London Missionary Society, in order to
defray the expenses of his so-called trial. Many years afterwards the secre-
tary of that Society, in arranging some old papers, met with this bill. In
looking at it, his attention was drawn to one corner of the sheet, and, on
examining it more carefully, he found, written in a minute hand, the refer-
ence " -2 Cor. iv. 8, 9 :" on turning to which he found the text, " We are
troubled on every side, yet not distressed ; we are perplexed, but not in
despair ; persecuted, but not forsaken ; cast down, but not destroyed."
1824.] Mil. HfXTON'S POSITION. 123
consequences of the steps which they had taken, and apparently
as regardless of their own dignity as of the interests of their
black subjects, were determined to forfeit the pledge which Mr.
Canning had given — that, if obedience were not voluntarily
rendered by the colonial legislatures, it should be enforced.
Rumours to this effect soon spread abroad ; but they were of so
indefinite a character, that the Abolitionists could not tell what
steps the Government proposed to take, nor what preparations
should be made against them. All the circumstances seemed to
call on Mr. Buxton to stop, but far from staying his steps he
rather pushed forward. He was contemplating a new plan,
namely, the emancipation of all children under seven years of
age, ample compensation being granted to the masters : the
children were to be educated and maintained by the British
Government till they were seven years old, and then apprenticed
to their former masters ; after which they should be free.
The following letters will show fully how the sense of the
difficulty of his position, and of the necessity there was for firmly
maintaining it, gradually increased in his mind.
TO ZACHARY MACAULAY, ESQ.
" Ampton, Jan. 14, 1824.
" Here I am, and have had the satisfaction of finding Wilbcrforce in
good health. He seems by no means discouraged about our cause.
Clarkson appears to have done his work well. At Norwich our friends
were somewhat intimidated ; but he had a meeting there, which revived
all their ardour I have been hard at work, reading and making
extracts from all the parliamentary slave papers. I arn forming a dic-
tionary, in which I insert information under different heads ; I call it
' My Macaulay.' " *
On going to London in February he writes to Mrs. Buxton,
who remained for a week or two longer at Cromer Hall : —
" Feb. 9.
" As yet we have had no debate on Slavery, but our foes are so very
furious that I imagine we shall soon begin. I am intensely busy. On
* When any of Mr. Macaulay's anti-slavery friends -wanted information,
the}' used to say, " Let us look it out in Macaulay," and rarely were they
disappointed in their references to him.
124 ANXIETIES AND DOUBTS. [CHAP. ix.
Saturday we had a meeting, to which I read my plan. The more I
think of it, the more I like it. We meet again on Saturday : in the
interim, an attack will probably be made on us, which I am to answer.
I shall endeavour to do it with effect. We have a capital case as to the
Demerara insurrection. Smith is innocent. They have offered him
mercy if he will ask for it, and he has refused, standing on his innocence.
I am in excellent spirits, and hold my head very high in the matter, and
mean to be rather bold in my defence. I expect to see Canning to-
morrow ; he seems very cold to me, and the report is he will join the
West Indians. If he does, we shall go to war with him in earnest."
" Feb. 10.
" My interview with Canning is for the purpose of ascertaining what
Government means to do, and of seeing whether he is disposed to re-
ceive any plan from us."
"Feb. 11.
" I am so languid with over thought and over work, that I hardly
know how to write, but it is worth while to spend one's strength on that
which, if it succeeds, will change the condition, almost the nature, of
700,000 human beings. On Saturday we meet Canning at 12 o'clock,
and Brougham, and all the leaders of our party, at the Duke of Glou-
cester's, at 3 o'clock. Then we shall decide on our course. I am not
one bit discouraged, and heartily wish a discussion could be brought
about, as I think it would change public opinion. How much, how
very much happier I am in my Cromer retreat, than in the midst of all
this bustle and turbulence ! When you come, I shall be quieter, I hope.
I am obliged to attend constantly at the House."
" Canning's Office, 6 o'clock, Feb. 14.
" We have had a very unsatisfactory interview with Canning. *
The Government mean to forfeit their pledge, and to do next to nothing.
* * * * I have now seen Canning again. He promises to postpone
any declaration to Parliament till he sees my plan."
TO A FRIEND.
" Feb. 16.
" The degree of, opposition I will not call it, but virulence, against
me is quite surprising. I much question whether there is a more un-
popular individual than myself in the House just at this moment. For
this I do not care.
" 17th. — The Slavery question looks wretchedly. I begin to think
that, opposed as we are by the West Indians, deserted by Government,
and deemed enthusiasts by the public, we shall be able to do little or
nothing. However, I rejoice that we have tried."
1824.] UNPOPULARITY INCURRED. 125
It was indeed no light unpopularity which Mr. Buxton had
incurred. Both within and without the walls of the House, ridi-
cule and abuse were heaped upon the Abolitionists during the
first years of their attack on slavery. Their conduct was re-
ferred to the basest motives, and they were generally stigmatized
as fools or knaves, sometimes as both. When the storm was at
its highest, one of Mr. Buxton's friends asked him, " What shall
1 say when I hear people abusing you?" " Say !" he replied,
snapping his fingers, " say that. You good folk think too much
of your good name. Do right, and right will be done you"
Yet he was not indifferent to the odium which he incurred.
Several years afterwards, when public opinion had changed, he
expresses, in one of his papers, his gratitude to God, " that my
privileges and enjoyments in life have not been destroyed ; that
my enemies (enemies of mine, because I am the friend of the
enslaved) have not triumphed over me ; that I cannot now say,
as David did, and as I was once prone to repeat, ' Reproach
hath broken my heart.' "
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" Feb. 17.
" I see very clearly that I shall not be able to go down to Cromer ;
my absence would further intimidate our few friends, who are sufficiently
timid as it is. * * * I keep up my spirits pretty well, but what with
the mental fatigue I have undergone, and the disappointment we have
experienced, I cannot feel very light-hearted."
" Feb. 1824.
" We had a very bustling day on Saturday ; a meeting with Canning
at 12 o'clock, in which he told us, that Government had determined to
yield to the West Indian clamour, and do nothing, except in Trinidad,
where there is no Colonial Assembly. There they will do everything
they promised last year. This timidity is very painful. It frustrates all
our hopes, and it will enable the West Indians to say that we are wild,
enthusiastic people, and that the people of England ought to be guided
by the sober discretion of Government — which sober discretion is down-
right timidity."
TO JOSEPH JOHN GURNEY, ESQ.
" Feb. 24.
" II sent you, I believe, my plan. It has undergone material
improvements; when first promulgated, it met with no support. At
the first meeting at the Duke of Gloucester's it was received very coldly ;
126 DIFFERENCES OF OPINION. [CHAP. ix.
at the second it obtained some faint praise ; at the third, an unanimous
vote, supported by Lord Lansdowne, Brougham, Mackintosh, and
twenty others, sends it to Government, with the sanction of the meeting.
I have been reading Smith's trial. If ever I speak on that subject, as I
surely will, it will be without qualifying circumstances. He is as inno-
cent as you are."
The ministers refused to adopt Mr. Buxton's scheme ; and as
the 16th of March approached (the day appointed by Mr. Canning
for the discussion of the question), the Anti-slavery party, now
reduced to a very small number, became much discouraged^and
depressed. The Government did not conceal that they meant to
relinquish the policy of the preceding year ; and it seemed pro-
bable that, having thus come to a breach with the Anti-slavery
leaders, these latter would be treated as scapegoats on whom
public indignation might be poured. Under these circumstances,
a difference of opinion arose in the Anti-slavery councils asjto
the course to be pursued.
Many advised that the anticipated attack from Mr. Canning
should be received in silence, and that the Anti-slavery party
should not come forward to state their own case till some days
afterwards, when the first impression made by his eloquence
should have died away. On hearing that the venerable Mr.
Stephen concurred in this advice, Mr. Buxton exclaimed —
" 'T is odds, indeed, when valiant Warwick flies." *
To the course recommended he himself was altogether op-
posed : he wished to make a stand at once, and indeed to act on
the offensive, by exposing the vacillation of the Government, if
it should prove that they did not intend to fulfil the expectations
held out in the preceding year. In these views he was supported
by Dr. Lushington, Mr. William Smith, Mr. W. Evans, and
Mr. S. Hoare.
Mr. J. J. Gurney writes to him : —
;" Norwich, 3 mo. lOtli, 1824.
'• My dear Brother, — I feel very much for thee and for our cause
in the prospect of the approaching discussion in Parliament, and I
* Shakespere.
1824.] POPULAR CLAMOURS. 127
foci inclined to remind thee (however needlessly) of the apostle's in-
junction, ' Quit you like men, be strong.' * * * I look upon Colonial
Slavery as a monster who must have a very long succession of hard
knocks before he will expire. Why should we expect to get his ex-
tinction into full train in less than ten years? And why should we,be
discouraged overmuch, if the first knock has no other effect than to
render the gentleman more lively and energetic than usual ? * * With
regard to thyself, as I am fond of thy popularity, I am prone to dislike
the contrary. But I have a strong belief that, in due time, thy history
will afford a plain exemplification of the certainty of a divine promise,
' Them that honour me, I will honour ! ' Till then be content to suffer
thy portion of persecution, and let no frowns of adversaries, no want of
faith, no private feeling of thine own incompetcncy, cither deprive thee
of thy spirits or spoil thy speech."
Thus encouraged, Mr. Buxton resolved to persevere: the
other leaders gradually fell into his views, and the plan of opera-
tions was arranged. The previous division of opinion had, how-
ever, been a source of great anxiety to him ; and he was almost
worn out by his unremitting exertions, which had of late been
chiefly directed to the procuring digested proofs of the cruelty
with which the slaves were treated, and of the rapid decrease of
the black population. Pie writes on the 12th February, 1824 : —
" The weight of business, and, worse still, of thought, which over-
hangs me at this time, is greater than I ever experienced before ;"
and on another occasion, — " I am fatigued, I am distressed with
fatigue." The prospect before him was full of difficulties. The
small Anti-slavery party were attacked on all sides with fury. In
the House there were hardly more than half-a-dozen stanch
friends to the cause, while two hundred members were considered
to be more or less directly inimical to it ; and now, if the
Government were to be swayed by the tide of public opinion, and
abandon its schemes of the previous year, how could the small
unaided band of Abolitionists indulge the hope of even ultimate
success in their undertaking ?
Their fears were but too well founded. Mr. Canning care-
fully withdrew from his connection with those whose principles
and measures he had the year before, in a great degree, adopted
as his own, but whom he now discovered to be acting " under
the impulses of enthusiasm ;" and he informed the House that
the Government was determined to compel the ameliorations in
128 MR. CANNING GIVES WAY. [CHAP. ix.
Trinidad, but to apply for the present no measure more stringent
than " admonition " to the contumacious colonies. One specimen
of the graceful eloquence by which his speech was distinguished,
we cannot refrain from inserting. Having shown that the con-
duct of the people of Jamaica might well have justified severe
coercive measures, he adds, " Undoubtedly it would be easy to
select passages from the Jamaica gazettes which might put
Parliament in a towering passion, but my indignation is restrained
by consideration of the powerlessness of the body from which the
offence comes, compared to the omnipotence of that to which it is
offered. The consciousness of superior strength disarms the
spirit of resentment. I could revenge, but I would much rather
reclaim. I prefer that moral self-restraint, so beautifully ex-
pressed by the poet, when he represents Neptune as allaying the
wild waters, instead of rebuking the winds which had put them
in a roar, —
' Quos ego— sed motos praestat componere fluctus.' "
Mr. Buxton replied, and fearlessly attacked the Government
for its vacillating conduct. He read over the resolutions of the
year before, which he justly denominated " a distinct pledge
given by Government, that the condition of the slave population
should be ameliorated." Quoting also Mr. Canning's words,
that " if the colonial legislatures would not consent to these
ameliorations, — if any resistance should be manifested to the ex-
pressed and declared wish of Parliament, any resistance Avliich
should partake, not of reason, but of contumacy, — it would
create a case upon which His Majesty's Government would not
hesitate to come down to Parliament for counsel."
" Now," said Mr. Buxton, " if this full and comprehensive pledge,
this engagement given as to all the colonies, is to be frittered down, at
present at least, to a single island ; if the advantages promised are to be
granted indeed to the 30,000 slaves in Trinidad, but withheld from the
350,000 in Jamaica, and the 70,000 in Barbadoes ; if the ' earliest
period' is to be construed to mean some time, so undefined and distant
that no man can say in what century it will take place; if our pledge
to do this is now to mean no more than that we will suffer it to be done
by the slow and gradual course of admonition and example — then I see
no reason why ten centuries may not elapse before the negroes are freed
1824.] MR. BUXTON ATTACKS THE GOVERNMENT. 129
from their present state of melancholy and deplorable thraldom. We
who have cngagod in the cause, we, at least, will be no parties to such
a desertion of duty, to such a breach of faith.
" I well know," he added, " the difficult situation in which I stand.
No man is more aware than I am of my inability to follow the brilliant
and able speech which has just been delivered. But I have a duty to
perform, and I will perform it. I know well what I incur by this. I
know how 1 call clown upon myself the violent animosity of an ex-
asperated and most powerful party. I know how reproaches have rung
in my ears since that pledge was given, and how they will ring with
tenfold fury now that I call for its fulfilment. Let them ring ! I will
not purchase for myself a base indemnity with such a sting as this on my
conscience : ' You ventured to agitate the question ; a pledge was ob-
tained; you were, therefore, to be considered the holder of that pledge
to which the hopes of half a million of people were linked. And then,
fearful of a little unpopularity, and confounded by the dazzling eloquence
of the right honourable gentleman, you sat still, you held your peace,
and were satisfied to see his pledge, in favour of a whole archipelago,
reduced to a single island.' " *
He concluded his speech, in which he laid bare a series of acts
of atrocious cruelty in the treatment of the negroes, by stating
distinctly, " What I have now said I have said from a sense of
public duty. I have no hostility to the planters. Compensation
to the planter, emancipation to the children of the negro — these
are my desires, this is the consummation, the just and glorious
consummation on which my hopes are planted, and to which, as
long as I live, my most strenuous efforts shall be directed !" He
was well supported by Dr. Lushington, Mr. Evans, and Mr.
Wilberforce. The latter, who, as usual, was hopeful amidst
discouragements, thus addresses him on the day after the de-
bate : —
" " Brompton Grove, March 17, 1824.
" My dear Friend, — It was quite a disappointment to me not to see
you at the House to-day. There are points on which I shall be glad to
confer with you. Meanwhile I am strongly urged by my feelings to
express to you the solid satisfaction with which I take a sober estimate
of the progress which, through the goodness of Providence, we have
already made, and the good hopes which we may justly indulge as to
* Hansard's Debates. New Series, vol. x. p. 1115.
K
130 FORBEARANCE OP REVOLTED NEGROES. [CHAP. ix.
the future. To find the two Houses of Parliament, each full of mem-
bers to the brim, consulting about the interests and comforts of those
who, not long ago, were scarcely rated above the level of ourang-outangs,
is almost as sure an indication of our complete success ere long, as tne
streaks of morning light are of the fulness of meridian day. • I hope I
may live to congratulate you, even in this world, on the complete success
of your generous labours ; at all events, I trust humbly, that we may
rejoice and triumph together in a better world, for we, my dear friend,
may, more truly than the great historian, affirm that we are working for
eternity. And our KTT)/U« ts aei will be enjoyed, I trust, in common
with many, many of our poor black brethren, when all bondage and in-
justice, all sorrow and pain having ceased, love and truth, and mercy and
peace and joy, shall be our everlasting portion. Oh, my friend, let us
strive more and more earnestly for all that is right here, looking for-
ward to these glorious prospects ! "
On the 1st of June a motion respecting the missionary Smith
was brought forward by Mr. Brougham, in a brilliant speech of
four hours' length, which produced a strong effect upon public
feeling.
One remarkable circumstance by which the Demerara insur-
rection was distinguished, namely, the extraordinary forbearance
of the rebel negroes, is thus mentioned by him : —
" The slaves," he said, " inflamed by false hopes of freedom, agitated by
rumours, and irritated by the suspense and ignorance in which they were
kept ; exasperated by ancient as well as more recent wrongs (for a sale
of fifty or sixty of them had just been announced, and they were about
to be violently separated and dispersed), were satisfied with combining
not to work, and thus making their managers repair to the town and
ascertain the precise nature of the boon reported to have arrived from
England. The calumniated minister had so far humanised his poor
flock, his dangerous preaching had so enlightened them, the lessons of
himself and his hated brethren had sunk so deep in their minds, that
by the testimony of the clergymen, and even of the overseers, the
maxims of the Gospel of peace were upon their lips in the midst of re-
bellion, and restrained their hands when no other force was present to
resist them. ' We will take no life,' said they, ' for our pastors have
taught us not to take that which we cannot give,' a memorable pecu-
liarity which drew from the truly pious minister* of the Established
* The clergyman here referred to was the Rev. Mr. Austin, whose con-
duct in this transaction caused his exile from Deinerara, and drew from Sir
James Mackintosh the emphatic declaration, " that he needed nothing but a
1825.] MR. WILBERFORCE RETIRES. 131
Church there the exclamation, ' that he shuddered to write that the
planters were seeking the lii'e of the man whose teaching had saved
theirs.' "*
Sir James Mackintosh followed, and was succeeded by Dr.
Lushington, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Williams, and Mr. Denman.
The debate was closed by a powerful reply from Mr. Brougham.
This discussion, as had been predicted, changed the current of
public opinion. The nation, which before had partaken of the
consternation of the Government, began to awaken to the truth,
and from henceforth the religious public in England was strongly
enlisted on behalf of the oppressed missionaries and their perse-
cuted followers ; and this feeling soon increased into a detestation
of that system, of which such intolerance was the natural fruit.
On the loth of June the subject was renewed in the House by
Mr. Wilberforce, and a promise was wrested from the Govern-
ment of extending the Order in Council to St. Lucia and De-
merara, as well as Trinidad.
Mr. Buxton passed the autumn at Cromer Hall, recruitino-
his health, and at the same time strenuously exerting himself in
procuring information which might assist the future conduct of
the cause.
In the beginning of 1825 Mr. Wilberforce retired from Par-
liament. In a letter which he wrote to Mr. Buxton on the
occasion, he says, —
" I should like you to be the person to move for a new writ for
Bramber as my PARLIAMENTARY EXECUTOR. I can now only say, may
God bless you and yours ; bless you in public and private as a senator,
and still more as a man. So wishes, so prays for you, and all that are
most dear to you,
" Your ever sincere and affectionate friend,
" W. WJLBEBFORCE." -
Mr. Buxton thus mentions this event: —
" London, Feb. 10, 1825.
" I went, on the night of my arrival, to Wilberforce. He insists on
my moving the writ of abdication. I feel it just about the highest
larger and more elevated theatre, to place him among those -who •will be,
in all ages, regarded by mankind as models for imitation, and objects of
reverence.''
* Hansard's Debates. New Series, vol. xi. p. 994.
K 2
132 FEW ABOLITIONISTS IN THE HOUSE. [CHAP. ix.
honour I could have; and yet it gives me unaffected pain, from a con-
sciousness of my inability to be his successor. I must, however, labour
hard, and try how far labour will supply his talents and reputation. I
now begin to repent that I shot so much and read so little during my
long holiday, — and yet I did work pretty hard.
" Well, only one thing is absolutely necessary to do some good, and
that is a pure and fervent determination to do my duty in private and
in public.
" I can give you no information about our measures, but I have no
other notion than that we shall eventually succeed."
T. F. BUXTOX, ESQ., TO A FRIEM*.
" London, Feb. 24, 1825.
" I find I have got the character of being very rash and impetuous.
In our anti-slavery proceedings I have always been for vigorous measures.
I thought our cause invincible in itself, and that it was always to be
treated by us as if we had no distrust of its soundness ; and, therefore,
the maxim I quote in our deliberations is that of the navy in the last war,
' Always fight.' This is well known to our adversaries, and makes
them bitter against me to the last point. I can well bear this."
In 1822 Mr. Wilberforce had mentioned in his diary that
" the House was made up of West Indians, Government men, a few
partisans, and a few sturdy Abolitionists — William Smith, Bux-
ton, Butterworth, Evans, and myself." He, the great champion
of the oppressed, had now retired, and during the three inter-
vening years the very " few sturdy Abolitionists " had received
but small accession to their numbers, though, it may be con-
fessed, that the great ability and hearty zeal of Dr. Lushington,
the varied talents of Mr. Brougham, Sir James Mackintosh, and
Mr. Denman, in great measure compensated for their want of
numerical strength.
With Dr. Lushington Mr. Buxton maintained, from the be-
ginning to the end of the Anti-Slavery struggle, a peculiarly
close connection. " He has ever been," said Mr. Buxton, " as
disinterested, as honest, as generous a supporter of our great
cause as could be; and in private life a most kind and faithful
friend, with no other fault than too much zeal and too much
liberality." They had a perfect community of interest, of anxi-
ety, and of council. Indeed, if any credit whatever is due to Mr.
1825.] DR. LUSIIINGTON— MR. MACAULAY. 133
I>uxtoii for Iiis conduct of the Anti-Slavery campaign, an equal
share must be awarded to Dr. Lushington ; for every idea, and
every plan, was originated and arranged between them. Impor-
tant as was Dr. Lushington's parliamentary assistance, not one
tenth part of his exertions for the cause ever met the public eye.
It was in the long and anxious deliberations in which, day after
day, he used to be engaged with Mr. Buxton, that the cause
reaped the chief benefit of his great talents and far-sighted
policy.
Another essential member of the Anti-Slavery cabinet was
Mr. Zachary Macaulay. The parliamentary leaders derived the
utmost assistance from his matured judgment, and from those
vast stores of information which were treasured up in his memory.
He also was the editor of that important vehicle of information,
the " And- Slavery Reporter."
There are many who still remember Mr. Macaulay's stooping
figure, his entangled utterance, and neglected dress ; but within
there dwelt the spirit of a hero and a heart glowing with love to
God and man. From the moment of his embracing the abolition
cause till the day of his death, he flinched neither from toil nor
privations, neither from obloquy nor persecution, but sacrificed
himself, with the whole of his personal hopes, to advancing the
cause of humanity. The privacy of his course was only che-
quered by occasional bursts of animosity, from those who felt
their defeat to be in a great measure owing to his silent but
steady exertions. To labour and suffer without prospect of gain
or applause, in the simple hope of alleviating the miseries of
others, was the lot in life that he cheerfully fulfilled. There
may be a more graceful and more attractive career — can there be
one of more solemn grandeur? Still, however, we may hope
that posterity will grant him that just meed of honour, which,
during his life, was denied him.
During the first four years of the Anti-Slavery struggle, the
leaders were chiefly employed in clearing the ground for future
operations. Emancipation seemed far distant. They were there-
fore more occupied in investigating and bringing to light the
evils of the present state of things, than in framing plans for that
which they trusted would eventually succeed it.
In this endeavour great assistance was derived from the publi-
134 MR. STEPHEN. [CHAP. ix.
cation, in 1824, of the first part of Mr. James Stephen's ' Deli-
neation of Slavery,' described in one of Mr. Macaulay's letters
as " Stephen's mighty book which marks the hand of a giant."
Mr. Stephen had been, as is well known, one of the leading oppo-
nents of the slave-trade, and his success in enforcing the registra-
tion of slaves was of great importance, both in that struggle and
in the one which succeeded it. His endeavour now was to open
the eyes of Parliament and the public to the real character of the
system.
Early in 1825 Dr. Lushington exposed the unworthy treatment
of the free people of colour in the "West Indies, selecting, as a
prominent instance, the cruel usage of Messrs. Lecesne and
EscorFery.
In June of the same year Mr. Buxton brought before the
House the case of Mr. Shrewsbury. This gentleman was a "Wes-
leyan missionary in Barbadoes, " in whose conduct," as Mr.
Canning expressly stated in the House, " there did not appear
the slightest ground of blame or suspicion." But the planters
were exasperated against him for his exertions in the instruction
of the Negroes and free people of colour; and it was also
charged against him, that he had actually corresponded with Mr.
Buxton ! " Though," said the latter in the House, " I never
received from or wrote to him a single letter ; nor did I know
that such a man existed till I happened to take up a newspaper,
and there read, with some astonishment, that he was going to be
hanged for corresponding with me !"
On two successive Sundays in October, 1823, the doors of Mr.
Shrewsbury's chapel were stormed during the hours of divine
worship by a furious mob, who did not, however, at that time
proceed to actual outrage ; but a day or two afterwards a " Pro-
clamation" was published, calling on all the "true lovers of re-
ligion " to assemble in arms on the following Sunday, and pull
down the chapel and mission-house. This they accordingly did ;
but Mr. Shrewsbury had concealed himself in the house of a clergy-
man, " whose kindness," said Mr. Buxton, " then displayed to
a poor friendless missionary, hunted for his life by an infuriated
mob, I will now return — by concealing his name, knowing that if
I were to mention it with approbation, the fate of Mr. Austin, of
Demerara, would await him."
1825.] DEBATE ON MK. SHREWSBURY'S CASE. 135
" There is," he continued, " in this transaction at Barbadoes, as
there was also in that of Demerara, that which of all things I hate the
most — a rank, fierce, furious spirit of religious bigotry, dominant through-
out the island, and pursuing its victims, the one to death and the other
to exile. But there is that also which does honour to human nature, and
casts a glory round the church to which I belong, and which I prefer to
all others — namely, that these poor victims, Dissenters, Missionaries,
Methodists, though they were, found their best friends and their most
faithful advisers in the ranks of our clergy. Mr. Austin, for one of the
most noble acts which have been done in our days, is a ruined and ba-
nished man ; and I conceal the name of the other, in order to spare him —
the honours, indeed, but — the sufferings of martyrdom."*
He concluded, not by demanding any punishment on the guilty
parties, but simply by moving that they should be compelled to
rebuild the chapel. The House, however, would only join him
in a vote of censure upon those concerned in the crime.
In his reply at the end of the debate, he said —
" I wish it to be distinctly understood that it is my firm and unalter-
able resolution to devote all my life and my efforts to advocating the
cause of the slaves ; and that I will persist in that course, in spite of op-
position, unpopularity, obloquy, or falsehood."
TO A FRIEJTD.
" June 24, 1825.
" I have now to tell you the events of yesterday. At first the usual
fate of West India questions attended me — a great indisposition to hear
anything ; but I gradually won their attention, and gave my narrative
fully. No very lively interest betrayed itself, but they listened like
persons who wished to learn. * * * I am prepared for a poor re-
port in the newspapers, for even the reporters sympathise with the
House in detestation of slavery questions; and though Lushington made
a most capital speech last week on the Jamaica business, it was only re-
ported in a very superficial manner."
In the recess of this year we find him attending anti-slavery
meetings at Norwich and elsewhere ; and employed in arranging
and settling the division of labour with his coadjutors.
He tells Mr. Brougham : —
" Cromer Hall, Sept. 8.
" Lushington, Macaulay, and I, have now for several days met
* Hansard. New Series, vol. xiii. p. 1285.
136 PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. [CHAP. ix.
directly after breakfast, and employed ourselves in discussing various
questions relative to slavery. I now send you the results."
After detailing the projects for the ensuing session, he adds —
" Macaulay leaves me to-morrow ; Lushington stays for several weeks ;
he and I mean to continue our morning meetings."
SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO T. FOWELL BUXTON', ESQ.
" Harrowgate, Sept. 25, 1825.
" Dear Buxton, — I received your plan of campaign, but, as I am going
to Brougham's house in Westmoreland, I reserve my observations on it
till I have a conference with him. My health is now so much better than
ever I expected it would be, that I can with more than usual confidence
undertake to perform any task allotted me to the best of my abilities.
. The two great measures are, the Bill to enforce and generalise
the Order in Council, and the particular plan of Emancipation. I almost
think that both are too much for one session. ... I hope to be
in London in four weeks, where I shall wish to hear from you.
" Ever yours faithfully,
" J. MACKINTOSH."
In the beginning of the session of 1826, Mr. Buxton men-
tions that two meetings about slavery had been already held ;
and he adds —
" We are determined to bring forward, without delay, two or three
enormities as a prelude to the Bill for coercing the Colonial Assemblies.
The Berbice Papers* and the insurrection in Jamaica have been selected."
" February 23.
" I saw Canning yesterday : he was very friendly ; intimated that the
Government meant to do something ; but as he had refused to tell the
West Indians what that something was, he also refused to tell us. On
Tuesday next I bring forward the London Petition, and we shall have a
warm discussion. On Thursday we have Denman's motion on the
Jamaica Trials — another fierce discussion ; and these will probably be
followed by a host of other questions."
Mr. Buxton presented the London petition against slavery on
* The Berbice Papers were the official statement by the Fiscal of the
complaints made to him by the Negroes against their masters, and his judg-
ments thereon. The cruelties thus brought to light were of the most re-
volting character. Abundant extracts from those papers will be found in
the Anti-Slavery Reporterjbr October 31, 1825, vol. i.
1826.] THE JAMAICA INSURRECTION. 137
the 1st of March: it was signed by 72,000 persons. In his
speech he praised the order in council enforced in Trinidad, and
again pointed out how ineffectual had been the recommendations
of the Government to the legislatures of the other islands. " I
am anxious," he declared, " to say nothing that can give offence
to any party ; but it is my duty broadly to declare my con-
firmed and deliberate conviction, that this House must do the
work themselves, or suffer it to be altogether abandoned."*
He thus states the result of this debate : —
" March 2.
" Last night we had our debate. Canning was not satisfactory : he
preferred to give the West Indians another year, and then to legislate.
We are going to have another debate to-night. I am as tired as a
person well can be."
The next evening came on Mr. Denman's motion. He took
the case of eight of the negroes executed after the Jamaica in-
surrection of 1823 ; and demanded a vote of censure on those
concerned in condemning them. How forced and illegal some
of the proceedings had been, will be seen from the following
brief extract from Mr. Buxton's speech : —
" Next came the evidence of the constable. He was asked, whether
he had not found guns amongst the insurgents ? His answer was, that
he had not ; but he was shoivn a place where he was told guns had been.
Then he was asked, if he had not found large quantities of ammunition ?
And he answered that he had not. Had he not found a number of
bayonets ? ' No,' said the constable, ' but I was shown a basket, in
which I was told a great number of bayonets had been .r Such was the
evidence on which these men were hanged."
The House resolved, that it would be inexpedient to impeach
the sentences which had been passed ; but " that further proof
had been afforded by them of the evils inseparably attendant
upon a state of slavery."
After the close of this session, there was a pause in the
operations of the Abolitionists. As Mr. Canning had positiyely
declared that the Government would give the colonial legisla-
ture another year's trial, before it would take the task of ameli-
oration into its own hands, nothing remained for the Anti-slavery
party but to await the expiration of that period.
* Hansard's Debates. New Series, vol. xiv. p. 968.
138 CROMER HALL— SHOOTING. [CHAP. x.
CHAPTER X.
1822—1826.
Croraer Hall — Shooting — A courteous poacher — The sporting Pro-
fessor — Mr. Buxton's delight in Horses — His Influence over the Young
— Maxims — Letter to a Nephew — His Love of a Manly Character —
His Gentleness — Shipwreck at Cromer — Perilous Exploit — His Reli-
gious Influence — Kindness to the Poor — Letter on Style — Corre-
spondence — Martin's Act — Correspondence — Letter to a Clergyman on
his new House.
FOR the last few years Mr. Buxton had generally resided \vith
his family in the spring and summer, near the House of Com-
mons, spending, however, much of his time at Ham House,
Mr. S. Gurney's seat in Essex, and with Mr. S. Hoare, at
Hampstead. Amid the turmoil of his parliamentary life, these
country visits were of great advantage to him ; as affording him
quiet hours for study, and the opportunity of taking those
solitary rambles which were the times of his deepest reflection.
In 1825 he took a house in Devonshire Street, Portland
Place ; but as long as he remained in Parliament, a day of
leisure generally found him and Mrs. Buxton either at Hamp-
stead or at Ham House. Mr. and Mrs. S. Hoare, also, regu-
larly passed the months of September and October at Cromer,
and for the first year or two Cromer Hall was held in common
by the two families.
After the busy summer in London, Mr. Buxton highly re-
lished the retirement and recreation which this place afforded.
He never lost his taste for shooting, and had the reputation of
being a first-rate shot.
Great pains were taken by him in the management of his
game, especially in rearing his pheasants, which used to feed in
very large numbers on the lawn, immediately under the drawing-
room windows ; yet he was scarcely ever annoyed by poachers.
On one occasion, however, while riding along the road, he .saw a
young man, in an adjoining field, fire at a partridge and kill it.
6.] A COURTEOUS POACHER. 139
He opened the gate, and riding up to the youth, who seemed
not a little startled at the apparition, said to him in a somewhat
abrupt tone, "Now, sir, allow me to ask you three questions:
First, what is your name and residence; secondly, where is
your licence ; and, thirdly, who gave you leave to 'shoot over
my ground ?" The young man made a low bow, and answered
in the blandest manner : " My name, sir, is . As to
your two other questions, with your leave, I '11 waive them.
Sir, I wish you a very good morning ;" and so saying, to Mr.
Buxton's no small amusement, he slipped out of the field.
Once, when he was staying with Mr. Coke at Holkham, a
well-known Professor was also one of the visitors. The
venerable historian had never had a gun in his hand, but on this
occasion Mr. Coke persuaded him to accompany the shooting-
party ; care, however, was taken to place him at a corner of the
covert, where it was thought the other sportsmen would be out
of his reach. When the rest of the party came up to the spot
where he was standing, Mr. Coke said to him, ""Well, what
sport? You have been firing pretty often !" "Hush!" said
the Professor, " there it goes again ;" and he was just raising
his gun to his shoulder, when a man walked very quietly from
the bushes about seventy yards in front of him. It was one of
the beaters who had been set to stop the pheasants, and his
leather gaiters, dimly seen through the bushes, had been mis-
taken for a hare by the Professor, who, much surprised by its
tenacity of life, had been firing at it whenever he saw it move.
" But," said Mr. Buxton, " the man had never discovered that
the Professor was shooting at him !"
No Arab ever took a greater delight in horses than Mr.
Buxton ; and several of his favourites, especially John Bull,
Abraham, and Jeremie, were renowned for their strength and
beauty. He was considered a very good judge, and never
hesitated to give any price, in order to render his stud more
complete. Of dogs, too, he was very fond ; one of his pets
came into his possession in a singular manner. He was standing
at the door of the House of Commons talking to a friend, when
a beautiful black and tan terrier rushed between them, and
immediately began barking furioiisly at Mr. Joseph Pease, who
was speaking. All the members^ jumped up, shouting and
140 CROMER HALL— COUNTRY AMUSEMENTS. [CHAP. x.
laughing, while the officers of the House chased the dog round
and round, till at last he took refuge with Mr. Buxton ; who,
as he could find no traces of an owner, carried him home. He
proved to be quite an original. One of his whims was, that he
would never go into the kitchen, nor yet into a poor man's
cottage ; but he formed a habit of visiting by himself at the
country-houses in the neighbourhood of Cromer, and his refined
manners and intelligence made ' Speaker ' a welcome guest,
wherever he pleased to go.
Once at rest in the retirement of Cromer Hall, Mr. Buxton
began to lose the grave and care-worn expression which usually
marked his countenance while under the heavy pressure of busi-
ness in town ; not that the autumn was wholly spent in recrea-
tion, on the contrary, his studies, chiefly bearing on public
objects, were steadily pursued. He generally passed the latter
part of his evenings alone in his study, frequently remaining
there to a very late hour.
Cromer Hall was often filled with an easy social party, but he
had no wish to extend his circle much beyond his own relatives,
a select few of his parliamentary friends, and the families in the
immediate neighbourhood. He had no taste for society of a
more formal, and, as he thought, insipid character, nor did he
find much pleasure in conversation, though at table he would
usually enliven the party by his playfulness of manner, and by
his store of anecdotes, which he could tell with much force and
spirit. He took great pains in providing amusements for the
younger members of the circle. There is much picturesque
scenery around Cromer, and large parties were often collected
for excursions, to Sheringham, one of the most beautiful spots
in all the eastern counties, to the wooded dells of Felbrigg and
Runton, or to the rough heath-ground by the Black Beacon.
At home, also, he was energetic in setting on foot amusements
for Ids young friends, such as acting charades, Christmas games,
or amusing reading. At one time a family newspaper was
started, which appeared once a week ; and great was the interest
excited in reading the various contributions, grave and gay,
which every one sent in. Sometimes he would give a list of
poets, from whose works the juvenile part of the circle were
invited to learn by heart ; and examinations were held, with
1822-26.] MAXIMS FOR THE YOUNG. 141
valuable books as prizes. Other schemes of the same kind were
frequently set on foot, all intended to draw out the mind, and
spur it to exertion. His thoughtfulness for others, combined
with an unswerving strictness, gave him a remarkable influence
over those around him ; it has been thus referred to by one who
was a frequent guest at Cromer Hall.
" I wish I could describe tKe impression made upon me by the
extraordinary power of interesting and stimulating others, which
was possessed by Sir Fowell Buxton some thirty years ago. In
my own case it was like having powers of thinking, powers of
feeling, and, above all, the love of true poetry, suddenly aroused
within me, which, though I may have possessed them before,
had been till then unused. From Locke on the Human Under-
standing to ' William of Deloraine good at need,' he woke up in
me the sleeping principle of taste ; and in giving me such objects
of pursuit, has added immeasurably to the happiness of my life."
He more than once recommended Locke on the Understanding
to the perusal of young people, as a useful work in establishing
the habit of receiving truth with impartiality. " That," he
said, " is one of the most important things to impress on the
minds of children, habitually to seek for the truth, whether for
or against our previous opinions and interests." He certainly
illustrated his own maxim, for he was from his youth up remark-
ably free from prejudices, and ready to give ear to whatever
could be adduced against his own views.
He seems to have had some idea of publishing a little work, to
be called 'Maxims for the Young.' The following extracts
from the rough memoranda for this work throw light, not only
upon his views as to education, but also on his own charac-
ter : —
HINTS FOB MAXIMS TOR THE TOUXG.
"Mankind in general mistake difficulties for impossibilities. That is
the difference between those who effect, and those who do not.
" People of weak judgment are the most timid, as horses half blind
are most apt to start.
" Burke in a letter to Miss Shackleton says : —
" l Thus much in favour of activity and occupation, that the more
one has to do, the more one is capable of doing, even beyond our
direct task.'
" Pluto, ' better to err in acts, than principles.'
142 MAXIMS FOR THE YOUNG. [CHAP. x.
" Idleness the greatest prodigality.
" Two kinds of idleness, — a listless, and an active.
" If industrious, we should direct our efforts to right ends.
" Possibly it may require as much (industry) to be best billiard-
player as to be senior wrangler.
"The endowments of nature we cannot command, but we can
cultivate those given.
" My experience, that men of great talents are apt to do nothing for
want of vigour.
" Vigour,— energy, — resolution, — firmness of purpose, — these carry
the day.
" Is there one whom difficulties dishearten, — who bends to the storm ?
— He will do little. Is there one who^w;/// conquer? — That kind of
man never fails.
" Let it be your first study to teach the world that you are not wood
and straw — some iron in you.
" Let men know that what you say you will do; that your decision
made is final, — no wavering ; that, once resolved, you are not to be
allured or intimidated.
" Acquire and maintain that character."
*****
" Eloquence — the most useful talent ; one to be acquired, or im-
proved ; all the great speakers bad at first. — Huskisson. — How to be
acquired.
" Write your speeches, — no inspiration.
" Labour to put your thoughts in the clearest view.
" A bold, decided outline. i
" Read ' multum, non multa, — homo unius libri.'
" Learn by heart everything that strikes you.— Fox.
" Thus ends my lecture ; nineteen out of twenty become good or bad
as they choose to make themselves.
" The most important part of your education is that which you now
give yourselves."
The same value for strength of character is displayed in the
following' mention in his papers of a young member of his circle
about to enter on life.
" He is now at a very critical period of life. In a few months ho
will leave home, and his fate and fortunes will mainly dope-mi on the
degree of vigour of character which he will then display. Doliver
him, O Lord, from fading resolutions, from feeble and unstable pur-
poses, from an idle wavering mind, and from habits of self-indulgence.
Give him firmness of purpose, enable him to take hold on his object
1827.] HIS LOVE OF A MANLY CHARACTER. 143
with a vigorous and manly grasp. Give him industry and perseverance;
a clear judgment to resolve, and, once resolved, an inflexible deter-
mination. But let this strength of character be based on better than
human foundations f let it be given by thee ; limited, corrected, kept
within bounds by thee. Oh, that he may be able in after life to
ascribe his success to the Lord, and to say, with David, ' It is God
that girdeth me with strength, and maketh my way perfect.' "
He writes to his nephew, Mr. Hoare's eldest son, who had
been disappointed in the scholarship examination at Trinity: —
"Hampstead, April 27, 1827.
" I need not, I suppose, say that I have my full share of this dis-
appointment ; but that is not the subject on which I am going to write.
All my advice is crowded into this single sentence, ' Tu ne cede malis,
sed contra audentior ito.'
" This mortification is a test which will try your character. If that
character be feeble, the disappointment will weigh upon your spirits ;
you will relax your exertions, and begin to despond, and to be idle.
Tliat is the general character of men : they can do very well when the
breeze is in their favour, but they are cowed by the storm. If your
character is vigorous and masculine, you will gather strength from this
defeat, and encouragement from this disappointment. If Fortune will
not give you her favours, you will tear them from her by force ; and if
you were my own son, as you very nearly are, I would rather you
should have failed, and then exhibited this determination, than that
everything should have gone smoothly. I like your letter much ; it
breathes a portion of this unconquerable spirit, which is worth all the
Latin, Greek, and Logarithms in the world, and all the prizes which
ever were given. Now, then, is the time ; be a man and avenge your-
self at the next examination. If you are sick at heart, and can't sleep,
and laugh, and defy malicious fortune, then you may make a very
decent banker, but there is an end of you. If you can summon up
courage for the occasion, and pluck from this failure the materials for
future success, then the loss of the scholarship may be a gain for life." *
He could not bear the stream of life to run shallow : he liked
its tide to be full and strong, longing to make others share in
his own impetus and force of character. This delight in man-
liness of mind led him to set his face firmly against all listless-
"" * This advice -was not neglected by his nephew. He gained his scho-
larship the next time ; was a high wrangler, and in the first class of the
Tripos.
144 SHIPWRECK AT CROMER. [CHAP. x.
ness in amusement as well as in study. He was much averse to
confining boys too closely to the schoolroom, and was always
ready to propose holidays ; but then he took care to provide
shooting, cricketing, or some other active diversion for them.
At the same time he was very strict in enforcing his orders.
The tendency of his mind was to assume command in a decisive
and even somewhat stern manner; but this was corrected by the
extreme tenderness of his heart, which led him in all things to
weigh carefully the feelings and pleasures of those under his
authority. " I know," he says in a letter from Cromer Hall,
" that I am often harsh, and violent, and very disagreeable, but
I sincerely think that I do not know a person less inclined than
I am to curb the deep desires of others, or to force my views
down their throats. I believe I am a true friend to liberty of
feeling, and I think it high arrogance in one human being to
pretend to dictate to another what is for that other's happiness."
His forbearance was continually shown in the turmoil of public
life. In transacting business, on committees, and in the conduct
of difficult affairs with those of widely diverging opinions, his
subjugation of temper and his gentle persuasive manner were
remarkable. One of his most faithful supporters at "Wey mouth
thus writes of him : — -
" It must be well known to every one conversant with contested
elections, that nothing can try the temper more, from the unwarrantable
liberty of the press and the unfair means, both in word and deed, used
on such occasions ; yet though I have followed the late Sir Fowell
through all his hard, long, and severe contests in this borough, I never
knew him once lose his temper, once give a harsh reply, or use an
unkind word to any one ; nothing ever disturbed the ' even tenor of
his way.' "
Before the establishment of the floating light off Happisburgh,
wrecks were very frequent on the Cromer coast. On any
rumour of a vessel in danger, Mr. Buxton and Mr. Hoare used
to be among the first on the shore, not merely to urge and
direct the efforts of others, but to give their personal aid. On
one of these occasions Mr. Buxton himself ran considerable risk
in the terrible storm of the 31st of October, 1823, which Mas
long remembered on the Norfolk coast. About twelve o'clock
a collier brig, " The Duchess of Cumberland," ran upon the
1823.] SHIPWRECK AT CROMER. 145
rocks off' the Cromer light-house. The life-boat was im-
mediately brought out, but so tremendous was the sea that no
persuasion could induce the fishermen to put off. Once when a
wave ran up the beach and floated her, Mr. Buxton, hoping to
spur them on by his example, sprang in, shouting to them to
follow him, but without effect. Captain Manby's gun was
repeatedly fired, but the line fell short of the vessel, in which
nine sailors were seen lashed to the shrouds. At length a huge
sea burst over her, and she went to pieces, blackening the
waters with her cargo of coal. For an instant the spectators
looked on in silent awe. — " Poor dear hearts, they're all gone
now !" exclaimed an old fisherman ; but at that moment
Mr. Buxton thought he saw one of them borne upon the top of
a wave. Without waiting for a rope, he at once dashed into the
surf — caught the man — flung himself upon him, and struggled
against the strong drawback of the retiring billow, until others
could reach him, and he was dragged to land with his rescued
mariner, and carried up the cliff in a state of utter exhaustion.
The deed was considered by those on shore to have been one of
extreme peril and daring.* He said himself that he felt the
waves play with him as he could play with an orange.
A prominent feature of his character was the careful employ-
ment of his influence in promoting the spread of religion around
him. On the Sunday evenings his large dining-room was
usually filled with a miscellaneous audience, many of the
fishermen and other neighbours collecting round him as well as
his own household; and very impressive were his brief but well-
digested comments on the passage of Scripture he had read.
His rule was to say nothing unless he had something really
weighty to say. His manner of speaking showed that he was
not only a teacher but a learner ; he appeared to drink in the
truth, and to appropriate it with an earnestness which could not
but excite a corresponding feeling in those who heard him.
His sentiments, with regard to the study of the Scriptures, are
thus expressed : —
"Undoubtedly it is good io read the Bible ; it is well to read it occa-
sionally ; and if we do no more than take a superficial view of it, and
* See the Fisherman's Friendly Visitor, March, 1845.
£
146 STUDY OF THE SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. x.
just snatch a few fragments of truth from it, even this is better than its
utter neglect.
" But this is not the way to gather from the Sacred Word those trea-
sures of knowledge which it will yield. We must not read it, but study
it ; we must not cast a hasty glance upon it, but meditate upon it deeply
•with fixed attention, with full purpose of heart, with all the energy of
our minds, if we desire to become masters of the treasures of revelation ;
and I am sure that Scripture thus diligently studied, read, marked,
learned, and inwardly digested, and read, too, with prayer for the
influence of the Holy Spirit, will furnish us with new light, open to us
new views, and will appear to us in itself of a new character, adorned
with a variety of beauties, with an emphasis of expression, with a power
and a vigour and an appropriateness to our own needs, with a harvest of
divine instruction and cogent truth, never yielded to its careless cultiva-
tion. I have known men, and men of good understanding, who have
been induced to read the Bible, and who have protested that they could
make nothing of it, that they could not comprehend it : — no wonder ;
it is a sealed book to those who neither ask nor receive the Holy
Spirit.
" An astronomer looks at the face of the heavens through a telescope,
spangled with stars and planets, and sees an harmony, an order, a pro-
fuse display of power and wisdom. An ordinary man surveys the same
sky with the naked eye, and observes nothing of all this : he has not the
instrument ; he wants the telescope which would reveal the wonders of
the heavens to him. And so it is in reading the Bible ; if a man looks
at it with naked unassisted reason, he sees little and learns nothing; he
wants the instrument, the Holy Spirit, to guide his inquiries, to enlighten
his understanding, to touch his heart.
" But if some read it and learn nothing, others read it and learn but
little. They begin without prayer and they end without meditation.
They read, but they do not inwardly digest ; while others embrace its
truths, seize and secure its treasures, and, to use the figure of Scripture,
receive the engrafted word which is able to save their souls."
Mr. Buxton and Mr. Hoare had taken much pains in establish-
ing branches of the Bible and Missionary Societies at Cromer,
and from that time they made a point of attending and taking a
part in the annual meetings. Only on one occasion was Mr.
Hoare absent from them up to the time of his death — a period of
twenty-five years ; and Mr. Buxton was scarcely less regular. In
every way he strove to promote the well-being of his poorer
neighbours: their sufferings touched him to the quick, and great
was his anxiety to relieve them. He would take pains also to
IS22,] KINDNESS TO THE POOR. 147
gratify them in small things as well as to benefit them in greater
matters. " It is a cruel thing," he once said, " for the poor
labourer to be obliged to part with all his pig, after nourishing
it as a daughter, and letting it lie in his bosom. When they ask
me to buy a bit, I buy two — one for myself, the other for them :
they are so grateful and so pleased." Proofs that he was popu-
lar among them were often given. Having gone one day to
speak to a friend at the Magistrates' meeting, in coming out
he was surrounded by a crowd of people, one of whom said to
him, " I hope, sir, you will attend the meeting to day."
" No, I do not understand magistrates' business." " Yes, sir,"
answered a man, " you are the poor man's magistrate."
The following letters, written between 1822 and 1826, may
find a place here.
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" March 30, 1822.
" I have the satisfaction to find that government have finally con-
sented to grant pensions to the wives of insane officers ; and really if I
do nothing but this in Parliament I shall not think my time or labourer
money misspent ; for the effect will be to render many a poor family
comfortable and easy. On the other hand, I have the great dissatisfac-
tion of finding great impediments with regard to the Prison Bill. How-
ever. I feel comfortable, and am going to dine with the Duke of Glou-
cester to-day. John Ribbons is much to blame in not going to church,
and must do it. He must not kill a rook on any consideration. I trust
they will enjoy their matrimonial life ; and I feel quite vexed at the idea
of their being molested ; in short he must kill nothing but vermin."
TO A FRIEND.
" London, April 16, 1823.
" I will take an early opportunity of moving for the account of the
stations, and for the number of lives saved by the use of Captain Manby's
apparatus ; but the purpose of my writing at present is of a different
nature. You say ' Pathos is not, in any sense, in my composition,' and
you intimated in our conversation last Sunday, that you felt fit for the
drudgery of stating facts, but not possessed of the art of giving to your
statements entertainment and interest. Now, this is utterly and with-
out reserve untrue. The fact is, that all persons, if they set about it
aright, have the capacity of conveying their feelings to others. * * *
Honestly speaking, however, I do think there is a certain degree of
languor and want of vivacity in your studied productions ; and I am sure
I know the cause. You imagine, when you appear before the public,
L 2
148 LETTER ON STYLE. [CHAP. x.
that you must appear in i'ull dress, correct to a nicety — precise to a hair;
and that artless, native naivete, and undressed good humour, are un-
befitting so solemn an occasion as an address to the public : in all which
you are eminently deceived. You are of opinion that the public is so
sagacious a creature as to require only bare facts ; that he wants no more
ornament or entertainment than a mathematician. Now, believe me, the
public neither can nor will receive into his obtuse understanding any-
thing which is not conveyed through the medium of his imagination or
his feelings ; and if you want to move him you must address yourself to
those only openings through which he is assailable. All the observa-
tions I have made in life — all the persons who have succeeded, and all
those who have failed, furnish proofs of this. I will, however, only give
you one. Dr. Lawrence, a man of great learning and talents, used to
make speeches in the House, admirable for their facts, but to which no
man ever attended except Fox : he was always seen sitting in the atti-
tude of deep attention ; and when asked the reason, he said, ' Because
I mean to speak this speech over again.' He actually did so ; and those
facts, which from Dr. Lawrence were unbearably heavy, moved and
delighted the House from Fox, and insured certain and silent attention
from all. ^Vhy ? Because Dr. L. thought w ith you, and Fox had the
good fortune to agree with me !
" Now, then, the application of all this. You ought to study the art
of composition — the means of conveying to the world your own views
and feelings. I am sure, from your habits of research, and your literary
powers and opportunities, you may do a great deal of good; but you are
bound to do your best to effect that object, in the way by which alone it
can be accomplished — by tickling the fancy of the public.
*******
" First, I should advise you in writing to put down the native, gay
effusions of your own mind ; and to avoid destroying their effect by a
cold, correct emendation.
" Secondly, I would advise you to study composition ; — ' but where ? '
In Cicero, in Quinctilian, in Chesterfield's Letters (you will smile at
the assembly), in the three papers on the Speech of Demosthenes in the
Edinburgh Review, in South's Sermons, Junius's Letters, and the
Spectator. Imbibe the spirit of these, and I will venture to assert that
the public will feel as you feel, and respond to any appeal you make to
them."
JOHN HENRY NORTH, ESQ., TO T. POWELL BUXTON.
" Barmouth. S, ,
" My dear Buxton — I have at length sat down to perform a lawyer's
duty, to explain things inexplicable ; to wit, why I have not written to
1823.] LETTER FROM MR. NORTH. 149
yon In-fore, or why I am writing to you now, or why I am writing to
you from this place. When the circuit ended, and left me at liberty to
think of recreation, I embarked myself, my wife, a gig and horse, and
without other incumbrance or accommodation have been moving about
in broken weather and on mountain roads, till I found a sheltering place
here. Here, too, I have had the good fortune to meet with your vener-
able friend Mr. Wilbcrforcc. To-day I had the pleasure of walking
v.-ith him for half an hour, when he spoke of you with all the warmth
and affection that I anticipated. It quite delights me to receive the un-
varying testimony which comes to me from all quarters of your well-
earned reputation ; and I enjoyed in a peculiar manner the high tribute
which he paid you, because I know you are considered as his natural
successor in the House of Commons. You have a boldness, spirit, and
intrepidity that fit you for rougher warfare than he ever ventured to
onira-re in ; and public opinion, more powerful and enlightened now than
in his time, will support you in attempting the great objects you have in
view by more direct and expeditious methods than it would have been
wise in him to adopt. Yes, Buxton, I do hope that we shall labour
together yet in rooting out the Slave trade in every quarter of the globe;
in improving or perfecting the Criminal law of England, and in eman-
cipating, educating, and civilising my unfortunate countrymen.
" I suppose you have heard that I am an Orangeman, and that my
health is drunk next after the Protestant ascendancy ; but my opinions
on the state of Ireland, and the policy it requires, remain unchanged.
Lord Wellesley and Plunket have made sad work of it.
" When I tell you that twenty miles a day is the utmost that I can
impel my horse, you will admit the impracticability of my crossing the
island to Norfolk. I wish you had some of my roving disposition, or
that there was good shooting on the marshes of Wales, and we might yet
spend three or four days pleasantly together. Of our old friends I have
no news. Strong you see from time to time in London. Stock it
Stock ; everything else alters, but he remains immoveable. He is un-
changed too in his friendships, and feels the same warm regard for you
and me that he ever felt. Wray is a Senior Fellow, and surprised the
college by the excellence of his fellowship examinations. Robinson has
married and accepted a living.
" I do not know with what face lean ask you to write to me, but one
can be very impudent upon paper. * * * We have a friend here,
the most amiable of men— a Mr. M'Ghee, a young clergyman. He is
quite devoted to religion ; and his views coincide entirely w ith what
I believe to be yours. In the pulpit he is nearly the most eloquent
preacher I ever heard. He is a friend of Mr. Wilberforce, who came
bcre at his suggestion. If he should ever have an opportunity of seeing
150 LETTER FROM MR. WILBERFOKCE. [CHAP. x.
you, let this letter be an introduction to him. My dear Bnxton, may
God bless you and your dear family, and my dear friend Mrs. Buxton,
and long preserve you to the cause of humanity, patriotism, and
religion 1
" Your ever affectionate friend,
" JOHN HENRY NORTH."
Mr. Wilberforce writes at the same period : —
" Barmouth, Sept. 3, 1823.
" My dear Buxton — Oh, how much I wish you and yours were all at
this place ! If you have any passion for rocks and mountains, here it
might be gratified to the utmost of your desires. And there is another,
and, to your friendly heart, I know a still more powerful attraction, in
the person of Mr. North, the Irish barrister, who is staying here with
nis lady (the sister of Leslie Forster) for a short time. I own I had
formed a very different idea of his exterior and manners. Your Irish
man of genius commonly has somewhat volcanic about him ; flash and
fertility, and now and then a puff of smoke too, though often also with
fine coruscations and aspirations of flame and starry scintillations ; but
North's manner is so quiet, and soft, and insinuating, that I should
never have guessed him to be an Irishman ; you cannot hear him con-
verse, even for a few minutes, without conceiving both respect and
regard for him.
******
" My dear friend, I don't like to conclude without one serious word.
Indeed, were I to do so, my letter would be a very unfaithful picture of
my mind, and a letter to a friend ought to be quite a copy of it ; for my
most affectionate thoughts and feelings about you and yours are serious,
far above the region of levities and frivolities. May it please God, my
dear friend, to bless you with a long course of usefulness, and honour,
and comfort ; and may you and I, and all that are most dear to us
respectively, after having filled up our appointed course, according to the
will of God, in his faith, and fear, and love, as redeemed and grateful
purchases of the blood of Christ, be received into that world of peace,
and love, and joy, where all will be holiness and happiness for evermore !
So wishes, so prays,
" Your sincere and affectionate friend,
" W. WILBERFORCE."
T. F. BUXTON, ESQ., TO A FRIKND.
.24, 1825.
" We have had a most noble debate on Ireland. Burdett's and
Canning's speeches were superlative. As an object of ambition, there
1825.] MARTIN'S ACT.
is nothing to compare with such exertions ; and there was a time when
my bosom burned to achieve them ; but that folly is defunct. After all
they are but an object of ambition ; they convey no reality of honour or
of happiness. Falstaff and I are exactly of the same opinion on the
subject of reputation. I shall speak as well as I can for usefulness, but
not for fame ; my serious opinion being, that good woodcock shooting
is a preferable thing to glory."
" Feb. 25, 1825.
" Martin brought forward last night a new cruelty bill. Sir M.
Ridley and another member opposed it, and I evidently saw that there
was so much disposition to sneer at and make game of Martin, that the
bears and dogs would suffer. Up I got, and when I found myself on
my legs I asked myself this cutting question : — Have you anything to
say ? ' Not a syllable,' was the answer from within ; but necessity has
no law ; speak I must, and so I did. I began with challenging my
share of the sneers and obloquy which had been cast on Martin. * * *
We saved the bill, and all the dogs in England and bears in Christen-
dom ought to howl us a congratulation."
To a gentleman who had asked for the secretaryship of a
mining company for a friend, saying, " He had been a brave
officer :" —
"April! 7, 1825.
" You say he is brave ; what has that to do with the mines ? We
don't want to fight the silver. Is he a vigorous, energetic dog, who
will conquer difficulties ? Is he a sharp, clear-headed man, who will
not let us be cheated ? Is he a man who will do business ? Is he a
good -tempered man, who will quarrel with nobody? You naval gentle-
men think of nothing but courage, and think you have given the most
special recommendation when you assure us that your friend is most
perfectly ready to knock out his neighbour's brains ; whereas we
cowardly landsmen are not so fond of fighting, or fighting men."
To a friend who had remonstrated with him on speaking too
strongly to a person in power on the subject of slavery —
" 1826.
" I cannot leave London without acknowledging the receipt of your
letter, though I am not very well.
" Our conversation has left a kind of double impression on my mind.
I am glad I spoke out. I have made it a sacred rule to myself never to
change my opinion of a man for whom I felt a friendship, without telling
him to his face what I had to object against him. I have sometimes
found myself altogether mistaken ; and often, if not always, there has
152 LETTER ON CANDOUR. [CHAP. x.
been something to be said on the other side which I had not anticipated.
I am not aware that I ever had a quarrel with any one who had been
my friend, and to this good rule I owe my preservation. I am glad,
therefore, that I did not disguise what had been long and much on my
mind. It is to me matter of amazement that any man of principle can
materially differ with me on the subject of slavery. I wonder when I
see an honest man who does not hate it as I do, who does not long for
the opportunity of giving it a death-blow ; and as I cannot believe that
any change of circumstances could make me anything but a favourer, and
well-wisher, and encourager to those who were devoted to that duty, I
am quite perplexed by finding that there are persons who look upon
me, because thus engaged, with an unfriendly eye. is a man for
whom I have ever entertained both respect and liking ; I am therefore
glad I hazarded the truth ; but I am not glad that I did it in so strong
a manner. I did not tell my whole mind. I wished to have said that
I was very sorry I could not acknowledge many services he had rendered
to our cause ; but I wished to have said this in sorrow, not in anger : and
if I left the impression that I had any feeling of enmity towards him I
did myself great injustice."
TO A CLERGYMAN.
" Cromer Hall, Aug. 22, 1826.
" My dear Friend, — I very much wish you would come into Norfolk,
for I really want to have a conversation with you ; and it is odd enough
that it is upon a business entirely yours, with which I have no kind of
concern. I remember two observations of yours, which, little as I
might appear to heed them at the time, made a deep impression on me.
The one was, ' I should very much like to be a country gentleman. I
would not have the best horses, or dogs, or farms, in the county ; but I
would exert myself to improve the people who were under my influence.
A country gentleman, thus employed, totis viribus, might accomplish a
vast range of good.' The other was, when you said to one of your
parishioners who was fond of music, ' I, too, love music ; I hope to
enjoy a great deal of it, but I will wait till I get to heaven.' Now,
having had the use of these observations for some years, I feel bound to
return them to you for your use and benefit, for it strikes me you want
them just at this time. I hear you are going to build a house ; no doubt
you will do it with excellent taste ; then it will require to be suitably
furnished ; then the grounds must be improved about it, and by that
time your heart will be in it. I am sure that house will lead to your
secularization. It will melt you down towards an ordinary country par-
son ; not the parson who loves his dinner and his claret, but rather
towards that refined class of triflers, who exquisitely embellish houses
1826.] LETTER TO A CLERGYMAN. i;,3
and card ens, and who leave the minds and souls of their flocks to take
t-a iv of themselves. You see I have scratched out 'into' and inserted
' towards,' because I am bound in truth to confess, that I am sure you
will, under any circumstances, and in spite of all seductions, be an
exemplary clergyman. You will have your schools, and your weekday
services, and your sound, lively, evangelical doctrine in the pulpit; but
what I mean to say is, that just so much of your affections as you give
to your house, exactly so much will you withdraw from your parish.
" After all, the discharge of a man's duty, and, d fortiori, of a
clergyman's duty, requires all the strength we can give it. The world,
and the spirit of the world, are very insidious, and the older we grow
the more inclined we are to think as others think, and act as others act ;
and more than once I have seen a person, who, as a youth, was single-
eyed and single-hearted, and who, to any one who supposed he might
glide into laxity of zeal, would have said, 'Am I a dog?' in maturer
age become, if not a lover of the vices of the world, at least a tolerator
of its vanities. I speak here feelingly, for the world has worn away
much of the little zeal I ever had. ' What is the harm,' you will say,
' of a convenient house : what is the harm of a convenient house being
elegant ; of an elegant house being suitably furnished ?' The same
personage who insinuates this to you, said to me, ' Where is the harm of
having a few dogs, — those few very good ? you preserve game — do it
well — do it better than other people :' and so he stole away my heart
from better things. I have more game and better horses and dogs than
other people, but the same energy, disposed of in a different way, might
have spread Bible and Missionary Societies over the Hundred of North
Erpingham.
"All this applies to you, more' than to any person I know. You
have, by a singular dispensation of Providence, obtained a station of
influence ; you have a vigour and alacrity of mind with which few are
gifted; upon no man's heart is 'the vanity of this life' more strongly
stamped. You have a great, as far as my experience goes, an unequalled
influence over those around you. These together constitute great power
of doing good. The question is, shall you give it wholly to God. walk-
ing through life as one who really despises the indulgences on which
others set their hearts; acting fully up to your own creed, and the con-
victions of your better moments, or will you give two thirds of that
power to God, and one-third of it to the world ? Will you have your
music here, or will you wait a few years for it? Old Wesley su'd, when
called upon, according to the Act of Parliament, to give an account of
his service of plate, in order to be taxed, 'I have five silver spoons;
these are all I have, and all I mean to have, while my poor neighbours
want bread.' That is the spirit which becomes a minister. Will you
154 LETTER TO A CLERGYMAN [CHAP. x.
say, twenty years hence, to Death, when he pays you a visit, ' I built
this house— by the confession of all men a parsonage in the purest taste ;
I selected these pictures : observe the luxuriance of the trees I planted ;
just do me the favour to notice the convenience of this library, and the
beauty of the prospect from that window ?' or will you say, ' I have
spent my days in this homely habitation, where there is nothing for
luxury to enjoy or taste to admire ; but there is my parish, not a child
there but can read the Bible, and loves it too : in every house there is
prayer, in every heart there is an acknowledgment of Christ, and that
he came into the world to save sinners ?' I do not mean to say, even if
you build your house, that when that epoch arrives you will not be able
to show a very good parish, as well as a very good parsonage ; I only
mean to say, that the house and the parish will be the inverse of each
other, the better the house, the worse the parish. The less you sur-
round yourself with accommodations, the less you conform yourself to
the taste of the multitude, the more exclusively, and the more power-
fully, you will do your own work.
" No man has a surplus of power : meaning by power — time, talents,
money, influence. There is room for the exercise of all, and more than
all, which the most affluent possesses. Perhaps one parish is enough for
the full employment of this power ; if not, the neighbourhood will take
off the redundance ; if not, there are three quarters of the world, which
are heathen, and want his aid. There, at least, is full occupation for
the wealth of his mind, and his purse. It is, therefore, arithmetically
true, that so much as he devotes to the secular object he withdraws from
the spiritual. It is not more clear, that a man having a large hungry
farm for his livelihood, and a garden for his recreation, that as much
manure as he spreads on his garden, of so much he deprives his fields.
He grows more flowers and less bread. But this is not all : it is not
merely the quantum of his force which he thus wastes ; that is the least
part of his loss. He touches the world at one point, and the infection
reaches him by the contact. If he resembles others in his house, why
not in his table ? why not in his society ? why not in anything which
is not positively wrong ?
" Now every word of this sermon is inconsistent with my own prac-
tice ; but never mind that ; truth is truth, whoever speaks it.
" It may be a way —
1 Out of this wreck to rise in,
A sure and safe one, though thy master missed it.'
" But why do I write all this to you ? solely because I have the
highest opinion of you and your powers. I have watched your course
now for many years with interest ; and I am very desirous that the Rector
1826.]
ON HIS NEW HOUSE.
155
of A should equal the Curate of B . The objects of vulgar
care, and the pursuits of vulgar ambition, are not for you. I hope to
see in your parish an example of what may be done by a clergyman
having talents, income, influence, out of the common order. It just
occurs to me that all this may be misapplied, that your house has not,
and is not likely to have, a tittle of your affections. Be it so — then
give this letter to your housemaid to light your fire with. But if you
suspect that you want the friendly freedom of this hint, in the midst of
your present prosperity, keep this as a memorial of the attachment of
" Yours, very truly,
"T. F. BVXTO>-."
156 THE MAURITIUS SLAVE TRADE. [CHAP. xi.
CHAPTER XI.
1826, 1827.
Tha Mauritius Slave Trade — Mr. Byam and General Hall — Mr. Buxton
studies and undertakes the Question — Touching Incident — Debate —
Committee of Inquiry — Stormy Election at Weymouth — Letters —
Laborious Investigations — Frightful Attack of Illness — Unexpected
Recovery.
THE year of trial, granted by the Government to the colonial
legislatures, suspended during that time all anti-slavery pro-
ceedings. This interval was not thrown away — Mr. Buxton at
once turned his whole mind to a new, though kindred question.
A few months previously he had received a visit from a
gentleman of the name of Byam, who had been commissary-
general of the police at the Mauritius, and had come home full
of indignation at the abuses he had there witnessed. He asserted
that the slave-trade was still prevailing in that island to a frightful
extent ; that the inhabitants and the authorities were alike impli-
cated, and that the labouring slaves were treated with atrocious
cruelty ; the greater, because their loss could be so easily
supplied.
The Mauritius* had not been ceded to England by France
till 1810, which was three years after the abolition of the British
slave-trade. It appeared that, partly owing to this circumstance,
and partly to the facilities afforded by the proximity of the
African coast, the traffic had never been put down in those
quarters, except during one or two brief intervals.
To these startling assertions Mr. Buxton could not yield im-
mediate belief; still less could he refuse to investigate them.
From Mr. Byam, and other individuals, especially General Hall
* The Mauritius was discovered in 1505, by Mascaregnas, a Portuguese.
It received its name from that of the ship of Van Neck, a Dutchman, who
first settled on it in 1595. The story of Paul and Virginia throws a ro-
mantic interest over this rich and beautiful island.
1826.] TOUCHING INCIDENT. 157
(who had been a governor of the Mauritius), he obtained a large
mass of documents, and after a long and minute study of their
contents he came to the certain conviction that the charge was
true. He was appalled by the greatness of the evil thus unveiled
to him. It was no light matter, however, to begin a struggle
with a foe so distant and inaccessible, and at first he shrank from
the undertaking. But how could he know of such iniquities
without standing up against them ? At that time he little
thought that in six years British slavery would be done away.
He expected a far more lengthened contest ; and, meanwhile,
should these horrors be permitted to continue? — No ! A year's
leisure lay before him, and, in conjunction with Dr. Lushington
and others, he took the task in hand.
A plan of operation was soon laid, in accordance with which
Mr. (now Sir) George Stephen, a stanch and hereditary aboli-
tionist, took upon himself the labour, demanding no less skill
than perseverance, of discovering and examining witnesses.*
The first of these was Mrs. Byani's English maid servant, who,
while in the Mauritius, had done various little acts of kindness
to the slaves.
One incident related by her powerfully affected Mr. Buxton.
In the middle of the night preceding the departure of Mr.
Byam's family from the island, she was awakened by a low voice
calling to her from without ; she rose, and was terrified at finding
the whole court-yard filled with negroes. They beseechingly
beckoned her to be still, and then, falling upon their knees, they
implored her, as she was going to the country of Almighty God,
to tell Him of their sufferings, and to entreat Him to send them
relief.
On the 9th of May, 1826, Mr. Buxton brought the Mauritius
question before Parliament. In the commencement of his speech
* Mr. Buxton used to relate a conversation as having occurred at liis ovrn
table, in connection with this question, •which much amused him. A gentle-
man who bad been resident in the Mauritius, one. day dining with him,
laboured to set him right as to the condition of the slaves, assuring him that
the blacks there were in fact the happiest people in the whole world. He
finished by appealing to his wife. " Now, my dear, you saw Mr. T "s
slaves; do tell Mr. Buxton how happy they looked." " Well, yes," inno-
cently replied the lady, •' they were very happy, I'm sure only I used
to think it so odd to see the black cooks chained to the fireplace ! "
158 THE MAURITIUS SLAVE TRADE. [CHAP. xi.
he reminded the House that the traffic in slaves was by law a
felony. " And yet," he continued : —
" I stand here to assert, that in a British colony, for the last fourteen
years, except during General Hall's brief administration, the slave trade
in all its horrors has existed : that it has been carried on to the extent
of thousands, and tens of thousands ; that, except upon one or two occa-
sions, which I will advert to, there has been a regular, systematic, and
increasing importation of slaves."
He then proceeded to prove this statement, adducing the
evidence of one admiral and four naval captains, one general and
three military officers, five high civil officers, and two out of the
three governors of the island ; and then, from calculations which
he had very fully and accurately made, he proved every one of
the eight distinct heads of accusation which he had brought
forward. By a return of the number of the black population in
the Seychelles, he showed that there was only one alternative,
either the slave-trade had been carried on, or every female in
that group of islands must have been the mother of one hundred
and eighty children.* He concluded his speech by sketching
with a powerful hand the features of the trade which he was
attacking (and let the reader, while perusing the following
extract, remember that the same barbarities are going on at this
very day, between the west coast of Africa and the Brazils).
- After describing the system of capture, &c., he said, —
" The fourth step is the voyage, the horrors of which are beyond
description. For example, the mode of packing. The hold of a slave-
vessel is from two to four feet high. It is filled with as many human
beings as it will contain. They are made to sit down with their heads
between their knees : first, a line is placed close to the side of the
vessel ; then another line, and then the packer, armed with a heavy
club, strikes at the feet of this last line, in order to make them press as
closely as possible against those behind. And so the packing goes on,
until, to use the expression of an eye-witness, ' they are wedged together
in one mass of living corruption.' Then the stench is so dreadful that
I am assured by an officer, that holding his head for a few moments
over the air-hole was almost fatal to his life. Thus it is that — suffocating
for want of air, — starving for want of food, — parched with thirst for
want of water, — these poor creatures are compelled to perform a voyage
of fourteen hundred miles. No wonder the mortality is dreadful !"
* Hansard, P. D., xv., p. 1030.
1826.] STORMY ELECTION AT WEYMOUTH. 159
lie obtained a select committee to inquire whether the slave-
trade had or had not existed in the Mauritius. But its investi-
gations were soon arrested by the dissolution of Parliament ; and
in the beginning of June Mr. Buxton found himself involved in
a stormy election at Weymouth, which at that time, with the
united borough of Mel com be Regis, returned four members.
The non-electors and the mob were in favour of the Tory candi-
dates, and resorted to main force to prevent the polling of the
Whig votes. Their plan was, with the aid of a large body of
stout Portlanders, to obtain possession of the Town Hall, at the
further extremity of which the booth was placed. No Whig
voter reached the table without a violent struggle and very
rough treatment. Some M-ere delayed for hours, first by this
means, and then by the objections urged by the lawyers ; and so
great was the success of all this, that on one day but six votes
were polled. To remedy in some degree this evil, the mayor
extended the hours of polling from 4 to 6 o'clock. This measure
was extremely unpopular with the mobility of the place, who of
course wished the election to last as many clays as possible. It
was rumoured that an attack on the Town Hall was in contem-
plation, and a strong body of cavalry was called into the town.
The mob, however, were not dismayed. At 4 o'clock they
assembled in great force, and suddenly rushed with a loud yell
upon the door of the Town Hall. Some passed under the horses
of the soldiers, others pressed between them ; the ranks of the
cavalry were broken, and the crowd poured in. At the same
moment a great number of them ran over the leads of the houses
adjoining the Town Hall, lowered themselves from the roof
into its upper windows, and came tumbling into the Hall in
crowds, rushing towards the polling-booth with loud shouts, and
pressing back the gentlemen to the further end. Most of these
scrambled out of the windows at once ; a few kept their seats
till they were almost suffocated by the mob, but were forced at
last to jump from the windows into the arms of their friends
below. Subsequently a large number of special constables were
sworn in and placed in the Hall. On two successive days the
mob broke all their staves to pieces, and drove them out with
great violence.
Mr. Buxton kept himself as clear as possible from these
160 STORMY ELECTION AT WEYMOUTH. [CHAP. xi.
tumults : his own election was throughout secure, and he was
personally highly popular. He is described as being received,
even by the Tories, " with loud shouts of approbation ; crowds
came about him to shake hands ; indeed," adds the letter, '• he
does not appear to have a person against him in the town."
The election lasted fifteen days, at the end of which he was at
the head of the poll by a majority of sixty-nine ; but the other
Whig candidate was defeated, and three Tories came in.
TO SAMUEL HOARE, ESQ.
" Weymouth, June 16, 1826.
" This is the sixth day of polling, and there is every probability of
six days more. The election is carried on with the utmost violence,
and at monstrous expense. It is said that spends 1500/. a day ;
his party confess to 10007. He has nine public houses open, where
anybody, male or female, from town or country, is very welcome to eat
and get drunk ; and, the truth is, the whole town is drunk. I send you
a copy of a letter which I wrote to the chairman of our committee yes-
terday, protesting against any such proceedings on our side."
The letter referred to is as follows : —
" Weymouth, June 15, 1826.
" My dear Sir, — I wish to repeat to you in writing, what I stated to
you several times, and what I declared yesterday on the hustings ; I
will be no party to any expenses which are contrary to law. I will pay
no part of the expense of opening houses. If any individual on his
own responsibility does so, pray let him clearly understand that he will
hereafter have no claim upon me. It is contrary to my principles to
obtain any accession of strength by illegal means. I will not do it, and
will not sanction it. I request you will make this communication known
to the candidates, the agents, and the committee."
TO JOSEPH JOHN GURNET, ESQ.
(Who had offered to share in the expenses of the election.)
" SpitalfieUs, July 18, 1826.
" I was very much pleased with your letter. That kind of com-
munity of feeling and interest which subsists between us all is a rare, a
good, and a most pleasant thing ; and, under certain circumstances, I
should have no kind of indisposition to be aided by you and the lest.
My clear opinion, however, is, that there is no necessity for it at this
IS«, 1827.] LABORIOUS INVESTIGATIONS. 1C1
tiiiii1. I feel warranted in depriving my family of the sum my election
will cost, considering the very peculiar situation in which the slave
question, the Mauritius question, and the Suttee (Indian Widows)
question stand. Without extravagantly overrating my own usefulness,
I think it would be inconvenient for me to be out of Parliament just
now. There are plenty of people with more talents, but a great lack
of those who truly love a good cause for its own sake, and whom no
price would detach from it ; and so for this time I feel warranted in
robbing my family. I therefore decline your most generous offer to
assist in my election expenses ; and I do so with many thanks, and with
great pleasure that the offer was made.*
" I am very, very sorry I cannot join Wilberforce at Earlham ;
nothing prevents me except the Mauritius question, and that to him
will be a pretty good reason.
" I shall not be at Cromer Hall till early in August, so despatch the
Aylsham Bible Society without me ; I am sick of public duties, and
run away from them without scruple."
The rest of the year 1826 was chiefly employed in the labo-
rious task of preparing Mauritian evidence for the ensuing1
session. For this purpose Mr. G. Stephen visited every part of
England where soldiers were quartered who had at any time
served in the Mauritius. The depositions of both officers and
men at Hull, Norwich, Liverpool, Chelsea, and other places
were taken ; thus the testimony was produced of 320 witnesses
of good character, who all spoke to the fact of a trade in slaves.
Early in 1827 Mr. Buxton moved for a renewal of the com-
mittee ; but, at the request of the Government, his motion was
deferred till the 26th of May, and, meantime, he strenuously
exerted himself in the further investigation of the case.
In his speech on the 9th of May, 1826, he had accused the
authorities of the island of culpable neglect. This was highly
resented by the late governor, Sir Robert Farquhar, who, in
the beginning of May, 1827, complained in the House of
Commons of the charge, and dared Mr. Buxton to the proof.
This entailed upon him what he had hoped to avoid, the painful
necessity of individual crimination. But he was already almost
* Mr. Samuel Gurney and Mr. Joseph J. Gurney several times bore a
large part of his election expenses. They insisted on doing this, being de-
termined to promote in every way, direct and indirect, the objects he had at
heart.
162 PRESSURE OF WORK. [CHAP. XT.
sinking under the weight of business, and the anxiety with which
the whole case was fraught proved at length more than he could
bear. His health showed decided symptoms of giving way, and
his physician, Dr. Farre, strongly urged him to have recourse to
rest and quiet ; but he was far too deeply impressed by the
sufferings of his unhappy clients to desert their cause while a
particle of strength remained. In spite of the feelings of illness
which rapidly gained ground upon him, he spent the week
previous to that on which his motion was to come on in severe
and harassing labour. One of his friends writes on Tuesday,
May loth, 1827 :—
" I went to breakfast with Mr. Buxton, but he was too ill to come
down stairs, and Dr. Farre was sent for. Presently, however, General
Hall, Mr. George Stephen, and Mr. Byam arriving, he joined the
party. A large sheet of paper, full of notes, was produced, and they
were soon immersed in business. He appeared much oppressed with
headache, and very languid When Dr. Farre arrived he ordered
leeches, quiet, and total abstinence from business. I then was about to
go, but Mr. Buxton said I must stay and read to him, which I did for
many hours. The book was ' Thompson's Journey in South Africa.'
At night he seemed very ill."
As he continued seriously unwell, and business necessarily
pressed upon him in London, he removed on the Thursday after-
noon to Ham House, whence he wrote the following note to
Mrs. Upcher : —
" My dear Friend, — I am far better, but rather feeble and incapable
of exertion, and somewhat perplexed by the question, — Ought I to
overwork myself, or underwork my slave cause ? My judgment is for
the second, but my inclination for the first ; and the result will be that
I shall do both. I am now going to take a ride."
Ills prediction was but too true. He spent the Saturday in
taking a general view of the evidence which had been collected
of the atrocious cruelties practised upon the negroes, both in
their importation and afterwards, when they were reduced to
slavery. In the course of that unhappy morning he v
completely overwhelmed with anguish ami indignation at the
horrors on which he had been dwelling., that he several times
left his papers and paced rapidly up and down the lawn, entirely
1827.J ALARMING ILLNESS. 163
overcome by his feelings, and exclaiming aloud, " Oh, it's too
bad, it's too bad ! I can't bear it."
The frightful result which ensued is thus forcibly described
by himself, some months afterwards : —
..." Last spring the whole force of my mind and all my faculties
were engaged in preparing for the Mauritius question. I had pledged
myself to prove that the slave trade had existed and flourished in that
colony, that the state of slavery there was pre-eminently cruel, and
that persons of eminence had tolerated these enormities. It is, I think,
but justice to myself to admit that the object was a worthy one ; that I
had embraced it from a sense of duty ; that my mind was imbued with
deep affliction and indignation at the wrongs to which the negro was
exposed. I spared no pains and no sacrifices, in order to do justice to
my cause ; and the anxiety and labour which I endured preyed upon
my health. About the middle of May I went to Upton, in order to
improve it by change of air; but I was then under the pressure of
disease, and my physician described my state by saying, ' You are on
fire, though you are not in a blaze.' I concealed from others, I did not
even admit to myself, the extent of my indisposition. I could not
doubt that I felt ill, but I was willing to suppose that these \\ere
nervous feelings, the effects of fatigue of mind, and that they would
vanish, as they had often done before, when the exertion was at an end.
" On Saturday, May 19th, I took a survey of the case of cruelty to
the negroes, and for two or three hours I was distressed beyond measure,
and as much exasperated as distressed, by that scene of cruelty and
horrid oppression. I never in my life was so much moved by any-
thing, and I was so exhausted by the excitement that I could not that
day renew my exertions. The next morning I awoke feeling very
unwell. My wife and the family went to a place of worship, and my
daughter remained with me ; I think, but I have not any clear recol-
lections, that I told her about 12 o'clock to send for Dr. Farre. I
have a vague idea of my wife's return, but beyond that all is lost to me.
The fact was, that I was seized with a fit of apoplexy, and it was not
till the following Wednesday that I showed any symptoms of recovery.
I am glad that the first object I noticed was my dear wife. I well
remember the expression of deep anxiety upon her countenance, and I
am sure I had seen it before. To her delight I spoke to her, and the
words I used were those that expressed my unbounded affection towards
her. Thanks to her care, joined to that of my brothers and sisters
and of the medical attendants, I gradually recovered. I remember,
however, feeling some surprise, as well as mortification, at finding that
the day fixed for my motion on the Mauritius had passed. Then came
M 2
164 UNEXPECTED RECOVERY. [CHAP. xi.
the slow progress of recovery ; we went to Cromer ; all my pursuits,
such at least as required mental exertion, were given up, but hence
resulted some leisure for reflection. I was then sensible of the sins
which I had committed, and was deeply affected by the love and mercy
of God, that he had been pleased to spare my life, that he had not
called me suddenly into his presence. I hope and believe that I have
not lost the sense of his goodness. I never can advert to this warning
without acknowledging from my heart that his goodness and mercy have
followed me all the days of my life. O gracious Father, grant that I
may always retain a most lively feeling of the indulgence and tender
compassion which I have experienced at thy hands. Give me repent-
ance, even bitter repentance, that I have ever offended so gracious a
Master, and keep me from future transgression."
So deeply had the subject which caused this alarming illness
become rooted in his mind, that almost his first words, on re-
covering full consciousness, were uttered in a decided tone, to
the effect that he must get up and go to the House, to bring
forward his motion on the Mauritius. When told that the day
was already past, he would not give credit to the statement till
it was put beyond doubt by reference to the newspaper in which
the proceedings of the House on the evening in question were
reported.
Such was the history of this remarkable check in the very
midst of his career. It need not be said how strong a sensation
his illness occasioned both among his immediate friends and
fellow-workers, and in a wider circle also. His brothers and
sisters collected around him, his children were sent for from a
distance, and the strongest alarm was felt until his almost
unlooked-for return to consciousness.
" What a change," writes Mr. Macaulay on the 6th of June, " has
the mercy of God to us all produced ! We have almost ceased to inquire
from hour to hour, and day to day, with breathless solicitude, about
every little symptom that might have occurred. We now hear only of
returning strength, of spirits, and of approaching convalescence. Let
us not forget the change. May God establish and perfect it ! "
1827.] MEDITATIONS— DELIGHT IN THE PSALMS. 1C."
CHAPTER XII.
1827, 1828.
Meditations — Rev. C. Simeon — Letter to Lord W. Bentinck — Suttee
abolished — Mr. Buxton removes to Northrepps — Debate on Slavery —
Mr. Buxton's Reply — The free People of Colour — Interview with Mr.
Huskisson — Thoughts on his Illness.
THE Mauritius case was of course dropped for the year. Mr.
Buxton returned to Cromer Hall, and for a long time was
obliged to relinquish all sedentary occupation. This interval of
unaccustomed leisure was not thrown away ; his mind, cut off
from its usual employments, turned to reviewing its own state ;
and while removed from active life, he was in fact strengthening
by reflection and prayer those principles from which his actions
sprang. Much larger portions of time were given to religious
meditation, and to a diligent study of the Holy Scriptures. The
marks in his Bible attest his ready application of the Word of
God to his own necessities. Dates are placed against many
passages and memoranda of circumstances to which they had been
particularly appropriate. There also exists a large portfolio full
of texts, copied by him and arranged under different heads. He
greatly delighted in the Psalms; and on one occasion, when, to
use his own words, " some circumstances had arisen which in-
volved him in distress of mind," he thus writes : — •
" Finding comfort nowhere else, I resorted to the Bible, and par-
ticularly to the Psalms ; and truly can I say with David, ' In my dis-
tress I called upon the Lord, and he delivered me.' The Psalms are
beautiful and instructive to every man who really studies them ; but
anguish of mind is necessary to enable us fully to comprehend and taste
the pathos and emphasis of their expressions. In David's descriptions
of lii.s own anxieties, I found a most lively picture of my own mind.
In his eloquent language I uttered my prayers, and, thanks be to God,
I wus also able to use for myself his songs of rejoicing and gratitude.
I have spent some hours almost every Sunday over the Psalms, and I
166 THOUGHTS ON PRAYER. [CHAP. xn.
have extracted, under separate heads, David's prayers — his assurance
that his prayers were heard and answered — his thanksgivings, &c. ; and
I meditate, at some future period of leisure, preparing some work for
publication on the subject.
" This I may, I believe, say, that these studies have had a strong,
and I trust not a transient, effect upon my mind. I recur to the Bible
with a pleasure and sometimes with a delight unknown to me before.
When I am out of heart, I follow David's example, and fly for
refuge to prayer, and he furnishes me with a store of prayer ; and I
hope ' I love God ' better, ' because he hath heard the voice of my sup-
plication ; and therefore will I call upon him as long as I live ;' and I
feel what the text expresses, which I found in my text-book for this
day, ' The Lord is my defence, and my God is the rock of my refuge.'
And this lesson I have in some degree learnt, that afflictions, as we con-
sider them, are sometimes the chief and the choicest of mercies."
When in Norfolk the woods were his chosen retreat for the
enjoyment of the " divine silence," as he called it, of the country.
He would take his small well-marked Bible, and wander among
the trees reflecting deeply on what he read, and if his retirement
were broken in upon, he would say it was much too soon, he had
not gone through half his subjects of thought. Although he
never kept a diary, yet after his illness he was in the habit of
frequently committing his thoughts to paper, and a very large
number of these communings with his own heart still remain.
Many of them are preparations for prayer, according to a habit
which he thus mentions in one of his papers about this period : —
* * * *
" There is a practice which I have found highly beneficial, and
should any of my children ever see this memorial, I earnestly advise
them to adopt it.
" I am in the habit of preparing the substance of my private and
family prayers. I believe that we are far too extempore in that duty ;
not that I recommend any verbal preparation, but a meditation upon the
points on which we wish to ask the help of God. The want of this
seems to me to lead the mind to wander about, and rather to fill our
mouths with a train of words to which we are accustomed than our
hearts with -a sense of our necessities. I, at least, have found the habit
of reflecting on what I shall ask for, before I venture to ask, highly
serviceable.
" I am bound to acknowledge that I have always found that my
prayers have been heard and answered — not that I have in every in-
1827.] ON THANKFULNESS. 167
stance (though in almost every instance I have) received what I asked
for, nor do I expect or wish it. I always qualify my petitions by add-
ing, provided that what I ask for is for my real good and according to
the will of my Lord. But with this qualification I feel at liberty to
submit my wants and wishes to God in small things as well as in great ;
and I am inclined to imagine that there are no ' little things' with Him.
We see that his attention is as much bestowed upon what we call trifles,
as upon those things which we consider of mighty importance. His
hand is as manifest in the feathers of a butterfly's wing, in the eye of an
insect, in the folding and packing of a blossom,* in the curious aqueducts
by which a leaf is nourished, as in the creation of a world and in the
laws by which the planets move.
" To our limited powers some things appear great and some incon-
siderable; but He, infinite in all things, can lavish His power and his
wisdom upon every part of his creation. Hence I feel permitted to
offer up my prayers for everything that concerns me. I understand
literally the injunction, ' Be careful for nothing, but in everything —
make your requests known unto God ;' and I cannot but notice how
amply these prayers have been met. Grant then, O Lord, that I may
never fail to pour forth all my burthens, cares, wishes, wants, before thy
throne, that I may love to seek thy help."
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" Hampstead, July 25, 1827.
" It is now a little past 7 o'clock, and as I am up according to my
new fashion, I will tell you that I spent a very pleasant afternoon with
Tacy, and much liked his location. He went with mo to Dereham the
next morning, and I had a nice journey up, reading all the way. * * *
And now I must tell you, that reviewing the events of the last few
weeks there are two feelings which rise up in my mind with peculiar
force. First, gratitude to Him who has dealt with me with so much
true mercy. I think I have some feelings of real thankfulness. I see
so plainly the hand of God in what has recently occurred, and so
plainly do I discern in them that he is indeed long suffering and plen-
teous in mercy, that some degree of warm and lively gratitude springs
up in my mind. * * * This is my first feeling, but another has also
been my companion. I mean a flow of love and tenderness towards my
family. * * * I think my illness has really tended to strengthen the
* He continually pointed out the packing of buds and leaves as beautiful
proofs of the Diviue wisdom and goodness ; so that Mrs. Hoare's children
used to call the early spring buds " Uucle Buxton's sermons."
168 MR. SIMEON. [CHAP. xir.
bonds of family affection, and that is no little blessing. And now I
must stop to read a few verses in the Bible."
During a visit to Earlham this autumn, in the company of the
Rev. Charles Simeon, Mr. Buxton one day persisted in going
out shooting, instead of accompanying his friend to a meeting of
the Jews' Society in Norwich. Mr. Simeon was a little hurt by
this ; but receiving not long afterwards a parcel of game, he
wrote Mr. Buxton the following characteristic letter.
" King's College, Cambridge, October 16, 1827.
" My dear Friend, — A kind present of game demands my grateful
acknowledgments, which with much pleasure I send you. But the precise
time of its arrival necessarily excites in my mind some reflections.
What ! is my beloved friend conscious that in withstanding all my ex-
temporaneous oratory he has humbled me, — and does he send me this as
a peace-offering ? That I have sighed it is true ; that thoughts have
arisen in my mind of somewhat a painful nature, is true. And I will
tell you what they were : —
"I.I have deeply sympathised with him and his beloved relatives in
his affliction.*
" 2. My beloved friend has prayed with that dear departed saint,
and therefore has doubtless his own soul, perhaps in consequence of his
own affliction, in a devout state.
" 3. My union with that whole family is near akin to the union of
the saints in heaven, and my soul in consequence of dear Rachel's ex-
perience being read to me had been so in heaven, that I actually felt it
a condescension to come down and dine with the party, even though
they had all been dukes and duchesses. Peter on Tabor was scarcely
more averse to descend than I.
" On these grounds I thought that an act of condescension and self-
denial on your part, if self-denial it was, might have been not unsea-
sonable. But I checked and condemned myself, and said, What ! shall
I wish my beloved friend to serve and honour God for my sake ? No !
if he will show kindness to me for the Lord's sake, I will accept it as
the most grateful offering in the world ; but to serve the Lord for my
sake would be productive of nothing but grief and shame to my soul.
" Now, my clear friend, you see you have shot me flying, and pene-
trated my heart, and let out, not ill blood, (there is none of that I assure
you,) but the stream of love, which was pent up there. And to show
* This refers to the death of his sister-in-law, Rachel Gurney. See
Memoir of Elizabeth Fry, vol. ii. p. 55.
LETTER TO LOED W. BENTINCK. 169
that you arc pleased with your success, you shall, if convenient to you,
send me a little more game to be dressed on Oct. 30, when I shall have
a large party of Jews (friends of that despised people) to dine with me;
and this will show you in what spirit I write, and with what cordiality
and affection I am
" Yours,
" CHARLES SIMEON."
About this time, Mr. Buxton heard, to his great satisfaction,
that Lord William Bentinck was appointed Governor-general of
India, and immediately went up to town to discuss with him the
subject of Suttee, and to urge him to employ his authority for
the abolition of that atrocious practice. A short time afterwards
he addressed the following letter to him : —
"Cromer Hall, October 22, 1827.
" My dear Lord, — The short interview which I had with you lately
has been to me a matter of sincere gratification. I now feel that I can
leave in your hand the question, whether the British Government ought,
or ought not, to tolerate the annual sacrifice of several hundred females ;
and I have the satisfaction of knowing that you will do everything
which ought to be done. When Mr. Canning was going to India, I
ventured to trouble him on the business : his answer was the same as I
received from you. He assured me, that the subject should engage his
most serious attention, and that what he could do should be done. I
have always lamented that he did not go to India, from a conviction that
his great mind would have been ill at ease, while such horrid customs
as Suttee and infanticide prevailed. Forgive me for saying, that I feel
the same confidence in your Lordship as I did in Mr. Canning. I en-
close you a copy of a letter I received from Lord Hastings. I applied
to him, in consequence of hearing from a friend of mine (the Rev. Mr.
Glover of this county), that he said ' he should have abolished the prac-
tice of Suttee, if he had remained in India another year.' In the letter
he says, ' he would have suppressed it, if he had been sure of support at
home.' Happily, there is not the same doubt now as to support at
home. In March last, Mr. Poynder moved a resolution at the Court of
Proprietors, declaring that it is the duty of the paternal government to
interfere to prevent the destruction of human life. Some opposition
was made ; but the general feeling was too strong to be resisted, and it
was carried by a great majority, the minority being only five or six. I ven-
ture to send you the report of that debate, and also a publication called
the ' Friend of India,' in which there are some valuable papers on the
subject, written, I believe, by Dr. Marshman of Serampore. With
170 HE REMOVES TO NORTHREPPS. [CHAP. XH.
every wish that you and Lady William may return in safety from India,
and that millions may have reason to rejoice that you went there, I have
the honour," &c.
It is well known that, soon after Lord William Bentinck
reached India, he abolished the practice of Suttee at a single
blow. Mr. Buxton hailed the news with delight and thankful-
ness. The evil had indeed been extirpated by the hand of
another ; but he had the satisfaction of feeling that no oppor-
tunity had been wasted by him of forwarding that happy event.
In the course of this winter, Mr. Buxton was obliged, with
much regret, to leave Cromer Hall ; the proprietor, Mr. Wynd-
ham, having determined to replace it by a new mansion for his
own residence. There was no house equally suitable near
Cromer ; but being much attached to the neighbourhood and
very unwilling to leave it, he gladly accepted Mr. R. H.
Gurney's offer of Northrepps Hall, which, although smaller than
his last place of abode, yet possessed many points of attraction ;
especially, that within a quarter of a mile lived his sister Miss
S. M. Buxton, and his cousin Miss Gurney.
Northrepps Cottage, the residence of these ladies, stands in a
deep secluded dell, opening on the fishing village of Overstrand
and the German Ocean. The path to it from the Hall lies
through the woods ; and thither he always turned his steps when
his spirits needed to be enlivened, or his anxieties shared ; well
knowing that his presence would ever be hailed with eager
delight.
He was scarcely settled at Northrepps, when he was called to
London to resume his parliamentary labours, which had been so
unfortunately cut short in the preceding year. His still very
uncertain health made the prospect of recommencing work an
anxious one ; and he appeared quite unable to resume his attack
on the Mauritius slave trade. " It is a problem to me," he said,
" what I shall do this session, and what will happen ;" adding.
;i however, perhaps I shall outlive you all. I should not wonder,
if I do not overwork myself."
His exertions were first called for on behalf of the West Indies.
The year of probation granted by Mr. Canning to the colonial
assemblies had now more than expired ; and they had done
1828.] DEBATE ON SLAVERY. 171
nothing1 towards the mitigation of slavery. Of the eight bills
recommended for their adoption by Mr. Canning, not one. had
been accepted by any colony, except Nevis. But the Govern-
ment were not yet discouraged; they were still anxious to per-
suade, rather than to compel. Nor could they be blamed for
trying every method of suasion, before resorting to force. The
right of the mother country to legislate directly for her colonies
had, in one great instance, been successfully defied. It might,
therefore, have been no wise policy to attempt coercion, till all
gentler methods had been tried in vain. Accordingly, in 1828,
Sir George Murray, as a last experiment, despatched circular
letters to all the colonial assemblies, once more urging them, in
strong terms, to effect for themselves the required improvement
in the condition of their slaves. Most truly did Mr. Stanley
state in his speech on the 14th of May, 1833, that it was not
" till all means had been exhausted ; till every suggestion had
been made ; till every warning had been given ; and had not
only been given in vain, but had been met by the colonial legis-
latures with the most determined opposition ; that England took
the work of reconstructing West Indian society into her own
hands." These circular letters were " entirely disregarded."
Had Mr. Buxton been in vigorous health, he would certainly
have done what he could to obtain bolder measures from the
Government, but his bodily powers failed him.
On the 6th of March Mr. Wilmot Horton brought forward a
motion for the publication of some minutes relative " to the
Demerara and Berbice Manumission Order in Council," to prove
the desirableness of its not being enforced.*
Mr. Buxton had brought together some documents from which
to answer Mr. Wilmot Horton ; but he became so unwell that
he was obliged to give up the attempt to peruse them, and went
down to the House of Commons without any intention of speak-
ing. To his dismay he found, on reaching the House, that Mr.
William Smith was the only abolitionist present beside himself.
Mr. Wilmot Horton's opening speech was extremely able, and
was listened to by Mr. Buxton with feelings of real distress,
while he looked in vain towards the door of the House, in the
* Hansard for that date.
172 MR. BUXTON'S EEPLY. [CHAP. xii.
hope that Mr. Brougham or Dr. Lushington might come to the
rescue.
At length a bitter tirade against the Abolitionists from one of
their opponents stung him to the quick ; and he rose to reply,
beginning with a somewhat severe comment " on the acrimonious
speech of the hon. member for C , who, after a long lecture
on command of temper and control of tongue, has ended,"
he said, " by charging us with exaggeration, misrepresentation,
quackery, and nonsense."
" I must confess, however, that he has sneered at us in very good
company : the rights of man and the laws of God were equally visited
by his sarcasm. Now, I defy him to prove any one instance of misre-
presentation. I challenge him to abstain from general condemnation,
and to put his finger upon that particular in which we have deceived
the country. I will do so with regard to him — I will mark out those
particulars in which he himself has been guilty of misrepresentation."
He then went through the common assertions of the West
Indians — they had denied the existence of flogging ; of Sunday
markets ; of obstacles to manumission ; he proved, and from the
evidence of the West Indians themselves, that these did exist. His
opponents were for ever dwelling on the happiness and comfort
of their slaves, —
" But how comes it," he asked, " that these happiest of the happy
decrease at a rate entirely unequalled in the history of man ? * * *
The hon. member has indignantly censured my hon. friend (Mr. W.
Smith) for introducing the phrases ' rights of men and laws of God ;'
and I do not wonder that he is somewhat provoked at these obnoxious
expressions ; for one cannot think of slavery without perceiving that it
is an usurpation of the one and a violation of the other. The right hon.
gentleman, the mover of this motion, tells us that no one can reconcile
the promise we have given for the extinction of slavery with the promise
which we have also given for a due consideration of the rights of the
parties interested. We are reduced to the alternative, he tells us, of
sacrificing the planter to the interests of the slave, or the slave to the
interests of the planter. If we are in that predicament, and must decide
for the one or the other, my judgment is unequivocally in favour of the
slave. And it is a consideration of the ' rights of man, and the laws of
God ' which leads me to that unequivocal decision."
1828.] THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOUR. 173
He concludes in these words : —
" I would give the negro all that I could give him with security ; I
would do every possible thing to mitigate and sweeten his lot ; and to
his children I would give unqualified emancipation. Having done this,
I would settle with the planters. I am a friend to compensation — but
it is compensation on the broadest scale. * * * Do you ask com-
pensation tor him who has wioldcd the whip ? Then I ask compensa-
tion for him who has smarted under its lash ! — Do you ask compensation
for loss of property, contingent and future? Then I ask compensation
for unnumbered wrongs, the very least of which is the incapacity of
possessing any property whatever. If compensation be demanded, we
re-echo the demand. It is that which we most fervently desire ; only
let it be just compensation, dealt out for the many who have suffered,
and not confined to the few who may suffer in one particular."
One of his friends writes to Mr. J. J. Gurney : —
" The whole House was carried along by his earnestness, cheered
him vehemently, and listened attentively. He was much congratulated
on the success of his reply."
Little more could be done towards advancing the Anti-slavery
question during this session. Mr. Brougham, who had intended to
bring it forward, was prevented from doing so by ill health ; and
Dr. Lushington's duties were too onerous to permit of his carry-
ing on the struggle single-handed ; but during the last year he
and Mr. Brougham had been engaged in their arduous contest
on behalf of the free people of colour in the West Indies, endea-
vouring to rescue them from their painful and humiliating posi-
tion. Dr. Lushington wrote in November, 1827,
" I send you sundry letters and documents from Wilmot Horton, and
by his desire. We have had warm work since you left London, and it
seems likely to continue ; however, I am in high spirits. We have
Brougham in full energy, strength, and determination, and we have a
case in all points impregnable. Would I had more leisure ! for my
appetite is whetted by all the follies and iniquities of the planters."
At length, in the session of 1828, Dr. Lushington's exertions
in behalf of the free people of colour were crowned with com-
plete success. An Order in Council was issued, by which they
were at once placed on the same footing in every respect as their
174 INTERVIEW WITH MR. HUSKISSON. [CHAP. xn.
white fellow-citizens : a measure fraught with momentous conse-
quences to the welfare of the West Indies.
On the 20th of March, Mr. Buxton had an interview with
Mr. Iluskisson. He offered to put Government into possession
of all his documents and evidence respecting the slave trade at
the Mauritius, if they would go on with the inquiry, as he was
unable to do so, and he strongly urged them to take it up. Mr.
Iluskisson replied that they would consider about it, and desired
that documents relating to the cruel usage of the slaves should be
sent to him. He also assured Mr. Buxton that the trade was
now stopped, that the registry was enforced, and that some
Orders in Council would be sent out and put into operation.
No other steps were at present taken by the Government ;
they had previously sent out a commission of inquiry, and fur-
ther measures were deferred till its report should have been
received.
Mr. Buxton writes in a paper dated Sunday, the 25th May,
1828 :—
" I keep this as the anniversary of my illness, which began on Sun-
day, May 20th, 1827 ; and I must not let the day pass without return-
ing my solemn and fervent thanks to thee, my God, for that most
gracious visitation, coupled with solemn and fervent prayers that I may
never lose the benefit which this visitation was sent to confer. I thank
thee, O Lord, that thou wast pleased to administer thai sharp antidote.
None other perhaps would have been effectual. I was within the jaws
of death, and was I fit to die ? Was I prepared to encounter the
presence of my Maker ? How do my sins marshal themselves in order
under such a question ? Again I thank thee, O Lord, that thou didst
deliver me, and I can use the words of the Psalmist, (Psalm ciii. four
first verses,) with some emphasis and some application to myself. There
is not a clause in these verses which is not my own. My disease was
healed, my iniquity was pardoned, my life, natural and spiritual, had a
Redeemer, and loving kindness and tender mercy was that which I, a
sinner, received at the hands of God; and therefore my cry unto tlu-c
is that thou wouldst give me such a deep sense of tliv mercy, such a
sense or rather vision of thy goodness, that I may love thee \\idi all
my heart, and all my mind, and all my strength ; and therefore I pray
that I may remember my latter end, the approaching day of judgment,
and prepare to meet it."
1828.] THE HOTTENTOTS— DR. PHILIP. 171
CHAPTER XIII.
1828, 1829.
The Hottentots — Dr. Philip — Van Riebech's Regrets — Miseries of the
Hottentots — Dr. Philip's Researches — Mr. Buxton's Motion — The
Government acquiesces — Letter from Dr. Philip — The Order in Council
sent out — Letter to Mr. J. J. Gurney — The Hottentots set free —
Alarms die away — Happy Result — The Kat River Settlement.
ALTHOUGH unable to take much part in public affairs during
this session, yet, at the instance of the Rev. Dr. Philip of the
Cape of Good Hope, Mr. Buxton made an effort in behalf of the
Hottentots, which was crowned with easy and complete success.
Eight years before, Dr. Philip had been sent out by the
London Missionary Society, on a deputation appointed to inquire
into the state of their missions in South Africa. In the course
of these investigations he had become acquainted with the griev-
ous state of degradation in which the Hottentots were held by
the inhabitants of the colony, and especially by the Dutch boors.
One hundred and seventy years before, they had been the undis-
turbed possessors of that fertile tract of country which is now
comprehended under the name of the "Cape Colony." In 1652
the first Dutch settlement was formed, and the curse of Christian
neighbours fell upon the hapless owners of the land.
The first germ of the treatment they met with may be seen in
the following extracts from the journal of Van Riebech, the
Dutch governor.
" December 13, 1652.
"To-day the Hottentots came with thousands of cattle and sheep
close to our fort, so that their cattle nearly mixed with ours. We feel
vexed to see so many fine head of cattle, and not to be able to buy to
any considerable extent. If it had been indeed allowed, we had oppor-
tunity to-day to deprive them of 10,000 head, which, however, if \\c
obtain orders to that effect, can be done at any time, and even more
conveniently, because they will have greater confidence in us. With
176 DR. PHILIP'S RESEARCHES. [CHAP. xm.
150 men, 10,000 or 11,000 head of black cattle might be obtained
without danger of losing one man : and many savages might be taken
without resistance, in order to be sent as slaves to India, as they still
always come to us unarmed."
A day or two later we find him " wondering at the ways of
Providence, which permitted such noble animals to remain in the
possession of heathens." It was not long before he thought it
best to thwart the ways of Providence instead of wondering at
them ; and the system which he began was carried out by the
Dutch, and afterwards by the English, until the Hottentots
had sunk to the lowest depths of misery. Nothing can be
more painful than the accounts given of them at the time of
Dr. Philip's first visit to the Cape. They were not like the
negro slaves, the legal property of certain individuals ; they
were at the mercy of all who chose to oppress them and compel
their services : not even possessing that degree of protection
which the hateful system of slave ownership affords. Their
tribes were public property, and any one might seize as many of
them as he pleased for his private use. Their rich lands and vast
herds of cattle had long since become the spoiler's prey. At the
caprice of the Dutch boors they were subjected to the heaviest
labours, to every species of harassing annoyance, to every kind of
revolting punishment. Beneath this grinding misery their num-
bers had dwindled, their persons had become dwarfed, and their
minds brutalized, till the very negro slaves looked down on them
as lower and baser drudges, far below the level of mankind.
In 1822 Dr. Philip returned for a short time to England, and
communicated this information to Mr. "\Vilberforce, Dr. Lush-
ington, and Mr. Buxton, who agreed that the former should
move in the House for a commission of inquiry to proceed to the
Cape ; as also to the Mauritius, and to Ceylon : this was accord-
ingly done, and in 1824 we find Mr. Buxton moving for the
reports received from these commissioners ; which afforded some
information of value. In 1826 Dr. Philip again came back to
England, and after a time published his ' Researches in South
Africa,' which excited much attention, and he urged Mr. Buxton
to bring the case of the Hottentots before Parliament. Although
feeling great interest in the subject, Mr. Buxton was too deeply
engrossed by the Mauritius question to turn aside at that time.
1828.] MR. BUXTON'S MOTION. 177
Tn 1828, however, he was able to make himself master of the
subject, and gave notice of a motion for an address to the King
on behalf of the natives of South Africa.
He writes, July 1828,—
" I have not yet determined what I shall say about the Hottentots. I
shall take as the foundation of my argument their legal freedom, prove
that they arc practically slaves, and demand that we act up to our
engagement and make them free; but it is doubtful if I shall speak.
Government will probably give way to my motion, on condition that I
abstain from speaking. Terms not to be rejected I think."
To this compromise the Government agreed. Mr. Buxton
brought forward his motion without a single comment ; and Sir
George Murray (Secretary for the Colonies) then rose, and
briefly expressed the concurrence of the Government. The
address was unanimously agreed to, and the Hottentots were
free ! Mr. Buxton walked up to Dr. Philip, after the motion
had been carried, and said, " Ah, these men do not know the
good they have done !"
In a hasty note to Mrs. Upcher, he thus announced the
triumph : —
"July 17, 1828.
" I have only time to say, that we have recorded a resolution of the
House of Commons, with regard to the Hottentots, which is their
Magna Charta; and which will spread liberty, and, with liberty, a thou-
sand other blessings over that great and growing territory."
THE REV. DR. PHILIP TO T. F. BUXTON, ESQ.
" July 1C, 1828.
" My dear Sir, — The more I reflect upon the decision of Parliament
on Tuesday evening, the more I am struck with its importance. It is
intimately connected with all the great questions now before the public,
which have for their object to ameliorate the condition of the coloured
population in every region of the globe ; it is one of the principal stones
in the foundation of that temple which Mr. Wilberforce has been so
long labouring to rear, for the protection of the oppressed ; and it has
giu'n a strength and an elevation to the building, which will render the
whole more secure, and its future progress more easy. I wish you could
be present at our missionary stations when the glad tidings shall be an-
nounced ; you would see many a sparkling eye, many a cheek furrowed
N
178 ORDER IN COUNCIL. . [CHAP. xm.
with tears of joy, and hear jour name associated with many a thanks-
giving to God for this unexpected deliverance."
It was a singular coincidence that, only two days after this
motion had passed in Parliament, Major General Bourke, the
just and humane Governor of the Cape, promulgated an ordi-
nance (well known afterwards as the Fiftieth ordinance), by
which the Hottentots were placed on the same footing as the other
inhabitants of the colony. As soon as Sir George Murray heard
of this step, an Order in Council was issued (January 15, 1829),
ratifying the ordinance, and, moreover, prohibiting any future
alteration of it by any colonial authority. When Mr. Buxton,
who had spent the autumn and winter at Northrepps, came back
to London for the session of 1829, he found the business thus
happily concluded.
He sent this intelligence to Mr. J. J. Gurney ; but begins his
letter by alluding to the excitement which prevailed on account
of the Duke of Wellington's expressed intention to take into
consideration the removal of the Catholic disabilities.
" February 9, 1829.
"We had a slave meeting at Brougham's yesterday ; and S. Gurney
would go with me, to prevent them from putting too much upon me.
Brougham, Mackintosh, Denman, Spring Rice, Wm. Smith, Macaulay,
were the party. They were all in the highest glee about the Catholics ;
Brougham particularly. They seemed exquisitely delighted with the
vexation of the Tories, who are, and have reason to be, they say, bitterly
affronted ; and the great ones among them vow they will have an apo-
logy, in the shape of some good place, or they will never forgive the
Duke for letting them go down to the House as strong Protestants, and
insisting upon their returning that very day, stout Catholics ! They
say they do not mind changing their opinions, — that is a duty which
they must sometimes pay to their chiefs, — but they think it hard to be
obliged to turn light-about-face at the word of command, without a mo-
ment being given to change their convictions.
" The Duke is very peremptory. The story goes, that he said to
Mr. , who has a place under Government, ' We have settled the
matter, and hope you like it.' Mr. said he would take time to
consider it. 'Oh yes! you shall have plenty of time; I don't want
your answer before four o'clock to-day. I shall thank you for it then ;
for, if yon don't like our measures, we must have your office and scat for
somebody else.'
1829.] THE HOTTENTOTS SET FREE. 179
" To-morrow we ore to have a fierce debate. The high church party
are very furious, and talk of calling upon the country, and I expect we
shall have a good deal of bitterness.
" As to slavery, we determined not to fix our plans for a week, in
order to see the turn this Catholic business is likely to take, for the
House will hear nothing else now, but we are to have a day fixed for
Brougham's motion before Easter. He wanted me to begin on the
Mauritius ; but I said, ' No ! if they are not in a temper to hear you, 1
am sure they will not hear me.'
" Spring Rice said that he had seen General Bourke, late governor of
the Cape of Good Hope, who tells him that Government have sent out
an Order in Council, giving entire emancipation to the Hottentots. If
this proves true I shall be excessively delighted, and shall never say
again that I am sorry I went into Parliament ; not that I did much in
the business, but I flatter myself I did a little. Do get M. to read
Dr. Philip's book on South Africa. I think you would not repent if
you did the same. I am very well, and in good spirits, though some-
what worried about the tiresome mines, which want attention."
His delight was well-founded. From the day that the Fiftieth
Ordinance became law the Hottentots were raised to the level
of their white oppressors ; they were protected by the same laws,
they could own property, they could demand wages in return for
their labour, they could no longer be seized " like stray cattle "
if they left their village bounds ; in short, they were become a
free people ; and since that day civilization and Christianity,
with all their retinue of blessings, have flourished among them.
For a while dismal forebodings and fierce complaints rang among
the colonists at this sudden inroad upon their oppressive privi-
leges ; but after a few slight commotions both their anger and
their fears died away : and the experience of eighteen years has
abundantly approved the wisdom, as well as the justice, of this
important measure.
To the N.E. of the colony lies the rich pasture land of the
Kat River ; from which, in 1827, the Caffres had been expelled,
after a long guerilla warfare with the colonists. On this tract
of country the Colonial Government, at the suggestion of Cap-
tain (now Sir Andries) Stockenstrom, determined to form a
Hottentot settlement, as a sort of outwork against the Caffres,
and also to afford an opportunity for drawing forth the latent
energies of the Hottentots themselves. The latter quickly poured
180 KAT RIVER SETTLEMENT. [CHAP. MIL
into the settlement from all parts of the colony, but for a long
time they had to struggle with every species of privation and
danger. Captain Stockenstrom had no tools to give them ;
when they asked him what means they would have to cultivate
the ground, he could only answer, " If you cannot do it with
your fingers you had better not go there." However they set to
work, lending each other such tools as they possessed, and soon
began water-courses to irrigate the land for the seed-corn allowed
by Government.
When Dr. Philip returned from England to Africa he fcund
them still in want of even the necessaries of life ; but they had
commenced the cultivation of the soil ; and many of them, having
been trained under missionaries while in the colony, were thirst-
ing for education, though, as yet, no regular teachers were
allowed by the Colonial Government to visit them. At one of
the new hamlets, named after Mr. Wilberforce, a school had
been established, which was attended by sixty or seventy children.
The teacher was a young Hottentot, who could himself read but
very imperfectly. To an observation of Dr. Philip he replied,
that he could teach but little, but that as soon as a qualified
master should come, he would resign his charge and take his
seat among the children. At another hamlet, named after Mr.
Buxton,* a school had already been brought into excellent order,
under the direction of a daughter of Andrew Stoffles, a converted
Hottentot.
Further on they observed a well-dressed female Hottentot
standing on a stone, tinkling a small bell. They followed her
unperceived, and soon found her in a hut witli fifty children
closely wedged in around her. She was the village school-
mistress ; her only apparatus being the separated leaves of a
* Sixteen years later, the Rev. James Read thus refers to the village
of Buxtou : —
" Kat River, May 29, 1843.
" Buxton is one of our largest locations ; we have a good school there.
The school-room, which is so large that it serves also f'>r a chapel, has been
built chiefly at the expense of Sir Fowell Buxton. Tin- people ar
proud of the name of their place : the situation is delightful ; the soil very
fertile, being watered by a small stream, which is tributary to the Kat
It is furnished with forests of the finest timber." (Report of the London
Missionary Society, 1844,^. 125.)
1829.] HAPPY RESULTS. 181
IsYw Testament, one of which was held by each of the children,
and they were quickly learning to spell the words. A few days
after Dr. Philip's arrival the Hottentots assembled to petition
him to provide them with a teacher. " At an early hour," says
he, " we sat down under the shade of some spreading trees, near
the banks of the Kat River, and surrounded by some of the
noblest scenery I ever saw. After prayer and singing a hymn
several of the head men addressed the assembly, and then An-
drew Stoffles delivered a speech which produced an effect I had
never before seen equalled. The main topic of his address was
the former oppression of the Hottentots, and he described what
he had seen and felt, rapidly pointing out the parallel between
their own position (former and present) with the bondage of the
Children of Israel in Egypt, and their entrance into the promised
land. The analogy was finely brought out ; and, as he went on
from point to point of the resemblance, it was wonderful to see
the effect produced upon the feelings of his audience ; they
became at length convulsed with emotion : numbers, unable to
support their feelings, hastened away to weep apart. When they
were a little composed they assembled round us again, and closed
the business of the meeting by an urgent and unanimous request
that the Rev. J. Read might come among them as their mis-
sionary. The request was granted, and with the happiest
effects."
The following extracts, from authentic documents, will show
the remarkable success of this experiment. But it must be
premised that the Hottentots who did not emigrate to the Kat
River amounted at that time to about 25,000. They continued
in the colony, working industriously, like any other labourers,
for wages, and protected by the laws. A gentleman of great
respectability, writing in 1832, says, " The number of crimes
charged against the Hottentots in the colony, at the circuits, has
of late greatly diminished ; * * * a great improvement is
clearly manifest in their moral condition."
The Kat River settlement originally contained about 5000
Hottentots. It has continued to flourish in the most satisfactory
manner, and has proved a strong defence to the colony in the
late Caffre war.
So early as 1832 we find it stated that —
182 HAPPY RESULTS OF THE [CHAP. xm.
" The success of the Hottentots has been equal to their industry and
good conduct. By patient labour, with manly moderation and Christian
temperance, they have converted the desert into a fruitful field." *
It is worthy of remark that, although while in a state of ser-
vitude the Hottentots had been very much given to drinking,
they acquired at the Kat River remarkable habits of tern- •
perance ; and of their own accord petitioned, and successfully,
against the establishment of brandy canteens.
They had already " two missionaries whose chapels were regu-
larly filled, and several schools crowded with orderly and intel-
ligent children." f
In 1832 they paid taxes to the Government to the amount of
2300 rix dollars. In 1833 Colonel Bell (the Government Se-
cretary for the colony) stated that —
" As to that large proportion of the Hottentots who remained in the
service of the colonists as free labourers, their character and condition
are every day improving. Those settled at the Kat River, as small
farmers, have made a very surprising progress. A large portion of
them, from being an indolent, intemperate, and improvident class, have,
since a field was opened for virtuous ambition, become industrious, sober,
and prudent in their conduct."
In the same year Captain Stockenstrom (Chief Civil Commis-
sioner of the Eastern Province) writes^ —
" The Hottentots at the Kat River have cultivated an extent of country
which has surprised every body who has visited the location. * * *
Instead of apathy or indifference about property, they have become
(now that they have properly to contend for) as covetous and litigious
about land and water as any other set of colonists. They have dis-
played the utmost anxiety to have schools established among them.
* * * They travel considerable distances to attend divine service regu-
larly. Their spiritual guides speak with delight of the fruit of their
labours. No where have Temperance Societies succeeded half so
well as among this people. They have repulsed all the attacks of the
Caff'res. They pay every tax like the rest of the colonists. They have
rendered the Kat River by far the safest part of the frontier. * * * As
* Letter in Anti-Slavery Record, vol. i , p. 124. f Ib.
t To T. Pringle, Esq.
1829.] KAT RIVER SETTLEMENT. 183
far as the land is arable they have made a garden of it from one end to
the other."
According to Colonel "Wade,*
" They had, in 1833, completed 55 canals for irrigation, 44 of which
measured 24 miles ! Their works," said he, " give the best evidence
that the Hottentots can be as industrious, and are as capable of con-
tending with ordinary difficulties, as their fellow-men."
Dr. Philip had described the Hottentots in bondage, as —
" In a more degraded and imbruted state than they were in a state of
nature : trampled upon by their masters; held as a perquisite of office
by the Colonial Governor ; regarded by the negro slaves as only fit to
be their drudges ; despised by the Caft'res, and by all the natives in a
state of freedom ; and represented by travellers as scarcely possessing
the human form, as the most filthy, stupid beings in the world ; as
scarcely to be considered belonging to the human race."
He thus describes them after their settlement at the Kat
River:
"The Kat River now presents a scene of industry, sobriety, and
decency, not surpassed by the peasantry of any country in Europe.
They are building themselves good houses ; they are very decently
clothed ; their industry is admitted, even by their enemies."
In 1839, Mr. Backhouse mentions his having visited the Hot-
tentots, and found them " dressed like decent, plain people of the
labouring- class in England. In the sixteen schools of the Kat
River district, they hud about 1200 scholars, and an attendance
of about lOOO/'f
* Evidence before Aborigines Committee.
t Backhouse's Narrative of a Visit to South Africa, p. ISO.
184 CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. [CHAP. xiv.
CHAPTER XIV.
1829.
Catholic Emancipation — Reflections — The Mauritius Slave Trade —
Agreeable News — The Mauritius Case revived — Letter to Mr. Twiss —
The Government admit the Existence of the Slave Trade — Its complete
Extinction — Mr. George Stephen — Mr. Jeremie.
DURING the session of 1829 Parliament was chiefly occupied by
the discussions on the question of Catholic Emancipation. Mr.
Buxton's constituents at Weymouth were opposed to the mea-
sure ; and the knowledge of this opposition, combined with his
own doubts, made him for a considerable time unwilling to vote
at all on the question. With this neutrality, however, he could
not long remain satisfied. After serious deliberation he became
thoroughly convinced of the justice and expediency of the mea-
sure, and thenceforward gave it his support ; a step which much
offended many of his friends, and seriously endangered his seat
for Weymouth.
TO A FRIEND.
" House of Commons, March 5.
" Here I am waiting for the Catholic debate, and you will be sorry
to hear, — no, you will not, you are too valiant, — that I am going to
secure my non-election next Parliament by voting for the Roman Catho-
lics to-night. I really must vote : the peace and safety of Ireland
depend on our vote. I spent yesterday with Macaulay and Wilberforce
very pleasantly. I am full of business, but not overworked ; this is just
what I like."
After expressing a hope that he might not be unspiritualised
by the cares and engagements of the world, he writes, Feb.
15th:—
" Substance of private prayer: — To return thanks that lean trust
that niy sins, many and grievous, have been forgiven, and that there i.s
to me an offer of reconciliation ; that prayer and the Scriptures are
1829.] REFLECTIONS. 185
become more sweet to me ; that I have a wife to my heart's content, a
daughter who has the ability to be my companion and friend, that
Edward and Harry are doing so well, and that the three little ones are
a source of pleasure, not anxiety ; that peace reigns among us ; that I
have so many and such dear friends ; that I more clearly see, by study
of the Scriptures, particularly the Psalms, that prayer is commanded,
and that it is sure to be answered.
******
" Last Sunday, I prayed that the week might bring relief from
anxiety : it has come. Again I repeat my prayer. Satisfy us early
with thy mercy, that we may rejoice and be glad all our days. Give
thy help to-morrow in the work of that day, — thy help at the missionary
meeting, that wisdom may be granted us in the correction of the errors
and evils which may have crept into that glorious cause. Every need-
ful help at every hour, and thy Spirit with us ; the spirit of prayer, fer-
vent and acceptable ; the spirit of patience and submission ; the spirit
of hope and confidence."
On the 29th of March, he gives a kind of summary of the
preceding twelve months.
" Wednesday next is my birthday ; I shall then be forty-three. That
day I have engaged to spend with my admirable friend Wilberforce,
who, having devoted his life to the purpose of conferring upon Africa
the greatest blessing which man can bestow on man, is now passing the
remnant of his days in retirement and repose. I wish, according to my
usual practice, to review the proceedings of the past year. In public
life I have taken but little part; Brougham's illness prevented, during
last session, the proposed discussion on slavery ; and during this session
nothing has been thought of but the Catholic question. I assisted,
however, in one great work, which, although it passed almost in silence,
is likely to be attended with the most important and happy conse-
quences,— the liberation of the Hottentots.
" It is recorded of Paul that he thanked God and took courage ; and
with thankfulness to God that I was entrusted with this easy and
honourable task, I hope to gather from it confidence and encouraere-
ment in those other works of humanity in which I am engaged.
Another work of a public nature which has engaged me, is the state of
the Church Missionary Society. I attended in February a meeting of
the Society, and felt it my duty to say, that I thought it desirable a
close and sifting inquiry should be instituted into its circumstances ; in
that I am now engaged.
" Last autumn my mother ended a life which had been shaded by a
186 DEATH OF HIS MOTHER. [CHAP. xiv.
variety of misfortunes : her death was peaceful, and I doubt not that,
through the merits of her blessed Redeemer, she was admitted to ever-
lasting happiness. * * * I last saw her at Weymouth, in August ; her
image is clear to my mind, and long will it be before I forget the sweet-
ness and humility which then adorned her. Of her once high spirit,
nothing remained which did not become a Christian. She was still
clear and strong in judgment; still, as always, entirely devoid of every
selfish feelinsr ; but there was a meekness and subjection about her
which evidently descended from above. * * * I saw her buried in a
little burying-ground at Bridport ; and very thankful indeed was I, that,
after the troubles and conflicts she had encountered, we could lay her
there, in a sure and certain hope of a joyful resurrection."
After mentioning other events of the year, he continues : —
" Within the bounds of my own immediate family I have been pecu-
liarly prosperous. * * * ' Bless the Lord, O my soul ; and all that is
within me, bless His holy name.'
" And peculiarly happy am I also in the next circle — that of my
chosen friends. I have often thought that there is no one so rich in
friends as I ; but this is a large topic, so I waive it.
" In my public capacity it has pleased God, in depriving me of strong
health, to deprive me of the power of much exertion. My public re-
putation has, I think, considerably fallen. If I could be sure that I
have done as much as my reduced strength would admit, this would
give me no concern ; and, to speak the truth, it does give me no
concern.
" In my outward affairs I have had, as I have said, many trials in
some particulars ; in others, I have been equally successful. But I do
believe, I recognise both misfortune and success, as coming from the
same Divine and fatherly hand."
After other prayers and thanksgivings, he thus concludes : —
" I pray also that I may evermore be helped of thee in my public
pursuits : that in the cause of the oppressed negro I may not be a negli-
gent or a useless advocate. Be thy blessing there, O Lord !
" That particularly with regard to the oppressed negro at the Mau-
ritius I may have Ihy help. ' For the oppression of the poor, for the
sighing of the needy ; now will I arise, saith the Lord.' O may this
be verified, and that speedily !
" That thy help may attend me in my present labours on the mis-
sionary question.
" I do thank thee, O Lord, that I have not now, as heretofore, to
1829.] LETTER TO MR. MACAULAY. 187
address prayer to thcc with regard to the Hottentot question, but praises
and thanksgivings."
* * * *
" And now for those dear to me, for my friends, I pray that every
blessing I have asked for myself may attend them. I feel especially
prompted to pray for some of them ; especially for poor dear Macaulay,
who I know is in much sorrow. Let me plead, O Lord, his sacrifices in
the slave question, his many trials, his unparalleled labours ; the services
he has rendered, and the reward he receives at the hand of man, — re-
proach, calumny, and insult. Be pleased, O Lord, thyself to reward
him; smooth away every difficulty ; grant him prosperity; and grant
him to grow in grace : enrich him with the comfort of thy Holy Spirit ;
make him prosperous here, and happy hereafter. * * * For some
other of my friends, I pray that their hearts may cleave to thee, that
their affections may be set on things above, not on things on the
earth ; and that, finding mortification and disappointment here, they
may seek comfort with thee, at whose right hand are pleasures for
evermore.
" For all my relatives, and for all my friends, I pray that the blessing
of God, through Christ Jesus, may rest upon them."
He had hoped this session to have again brought forward the
Mauritius case.
TO ZACHARY MACAULAY, ESQ.
" London, April, 1829.
" When I was last in town I had been for some time extremely unwell ;
and I then thought, as I believe you thought also, that it. would not be
prudent for me to undertake any heavy business this session. Since that
time I have been much better ; and, reflecting much upon the Mauritius
horrors, I cannot feel comfortable to let those questions rest. I really
wish to ask your advice ; I well know the deep interest which you take
in my welfare, as well as in that of our cause : and now tell me, whether
in your opinion I ought to hazard the ' inevitable death ' with which
Dr. Farre last year threatened me, or to desert a cause which now more
than ever wants the aid of all its friends. I confess the bias of my mind
is strongly in favour of bringing forward the Mauritius cruelty case ;
and if you agree with me, so I believe it must be. If you fix a meet-
ing of our i'riends at Brougham's I shall make a point of being there.
*****
" With respect to our proceedings in Parliament, I am still inclined
to believe that the best thing which could be done would be for
Brougham to make his motion.
188 THE MAURITIUS SLAVE TRADE. [CHAP. xiv.
" It is clear that a very powerful statement is wanting in order to re-
new the interest of the public ; and having him, and Mackintosh, and
our other friends ready for a great effort upon the admission of slave
evidence, we are so safe, and so certain of making a great impression,
that I cannot bring myself to think anything else is so good."
The attention of Parliament was so entirely engrossed by the
Catholic question, that his intention respecting the Mauritius
could not be carried into effect, nor was his health equal to any
exertion in public. In private, he continually pressed the
Government to further measures ; one of which is alluded to in
the following memorandum, which also refers to the success of
Mr. Brougham's endeavours to procure the recognition of negro
evidence in the colonies : —
" May 17, 1829.
" 1. On Tuesday last Sir George Murray told me that Government
would next session introduce a bill for admitting negro evidence ; and
likewise a bill ror improving courts of justice. 2. That they would
grant a commission for investigating the slave-trade at the Mauritius,
and the condition of the slaves. 3. Twiss told me on Thursday that
Government had resolved to send out orders to emancipate the Indians
at Honduras, in whose cause, at the instigation of Colonel Arthur, we
moved about three years ago.* 4. Dr. Philip, on Thursday, told me
that the Order in Council with respect to the Hottentots was all that
lie wished. So far, then, God has been pleased to answer our prayers.
My text and my comfort to-day has been ' Delight thyself in the
Lord, and he shall give thee the desires of thine heart. Commit
thy way unto the Lord, trust also in him, and he shall bring it to
pass.' "
Towards the close of the session, Sir Robert Farquhar re-
curred to the statement formerly made, that slave-trading had
existed in the Mauritius during his government, and required
that the charge should be investigated, or retracted. Mr.
liuxton explained the reason why it had been dropped, and read
the opinion of his physician, that he could not attend to public
* Mr. Wilherforce had requested Mr. Buxton to undertake this matter
in a letter dated February 18, 1825, adding, " I know I need not apologize
to you for the trouble I impose on you, in the residuary legatee cajKU'ity.
You are likely to have a very unprofitable inheritance, if it be estimated
according to the ordinary principles of valuing articles. But their slerliny
value will be recognized by-aud-by."
1829.] RETURN OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 189
business in Parliament without danger to his life. But lie
pledged himself, if alive in the next session, to accept the chal-
lenge of the honourable Baronet.* However, in the course of
the summer the commissioners returned, and their report ren-
dered any further exertion unnecessary. In spite of the great
difficulties by which they had been surrounded, (for the inhabit-
ants had banded themselves together in a sort of conspiracy, to
prevent any evidence from being laid before them,) they had
established the fact of the Mauritius slave-trade, and to a great
degree ascertained its extent ; and they clearly proved that this
trade had continued in full vigour, except during the adminis-
tration of General Hall.
On August 23, 1829, Mr. Spring Rice, whose co-operation in
this question had been in the highest degree valuable, writes to
Mr. Buxton, —
" My principal object in writing respects the Mauritius case. In the
first place let me congratulate you on the complete vindication of your-
self contained in the Report. But what course is next year to be taken ?
If a committee, you may depend on my best help, night and day, if
necessary ; but only on the condition of being authorised by Mrs.
Buxton to watch you as attentively as the Inquiry, and to send you
packing, if I see the matter press on your health or spirits. Prav tell
Mrs. Buxton to furnish me with full powers over you, or otherwise I
shall never go down. Also let me know what are your plans, and what
I ought to fag at during the recess. All this assumes a committee to be
the fitting course ; but I have my doubts, now that the case is launched
whether a commission f in the islands is not a better mode of procedure.
Turn this in your mind, and consult Lushington and Brougham ; I
think Murray is deserving of every confidence."
The following letter was Mr. Buxton's reply to a suggestion
from Mr. Horace Twiss (Under-Secretary for the Colonies), that
he should leave the matter in the hands of Government.
" Northrepps Hall, Cromer, October 21 1829.
"My dear Twiss, — Upon the most deliberate consideration 1 am
afraid it is impossible for me to adopt your suggestion. I originally
stated that the slave trade prevailed during Sir Robert Farquhar's go-
' See Mirror of Parliament, June 3, 1829.
f 5. e. an executive commission.
190 LETTER TO MR. TWISS. [CHAP. XIT.
vernmcnt. Ill health prevented me from bringing forward, in the ses-
sion of 1827, the proofs I possessed. In 1828 I took no steps, except
that I offered to Mr. Huskisson to put the Government in possession of
my case, as I was unable to go on with it. He declined my offer, but
told me that it was Sir R. Farquhar's intention to require me either to
retract my statements, or to proceed with the investigation. My reply
was, that I would retract nothing, and that if I were thus called on, I
would, at any personal inconvenience, move for a committee.
" I heard no more of the question in 1828. At the latter end of last
session Sir Robert thought proper to make precisely the same demand
as that of which Mr. Huskisson had warned me. I could do no less than
accept the challenge, and declare that I would bring forward the ques-
tion in the next session. If I were now to decline doing so, Sir R.
Farquhar would stand in the best possible situation : charges were made
against him — he had in Parliament defied his accuser to produce the
proof— that accuser had pledged himself to do so, and had not performed
his pledge : in short, he would obtain a triumph, and that at my
expense.
" Now, considering that the commissioners have proved beyond a
doubt that slave trading did exist during his government, and considering
that I have irresistible proof of all I have asserted and of much more
than I ever did state, this would not be to me a very eligible termination
of the controversy.
" I have entered into this long explanation in order to satisfy you that
I am placed in a situation by Sir R. Farquhar's challenge, which leaves
me no alternative but to proceed.
" I confess to you that, as far as he is concerned, I do so with the
greatest reluctance. I have no enmity against him ; and I should be
very glad to be spared the task of being his accuser. Of this the best
proof I can give is, that I should be ready, at this moment, to abandon
the inquiry, with a full sense that I expose myself to severe reflections,
provided I could do so without sacrificing the interests of others. The
slave trade did prevail ; that is not disputed : every negro thus illegally
brought into the colony, is by law free. Consequently, before I shall
be justified in abandoning the inquiry, I ought to know that Government
will take efficient measures for restoring freedom to these persons. Se-
condly, I can prove that the slaves at the Mauritius have been treated
with unparalleled cruelty. I cannot abandon their case till I have secu-
rity that Government will take decided measures for improving their
condition. Thirdly, my motive for taking up the question, was a desire
to suppress the slave trade. Before I can quit the subject it must be
proved to me that the slave trade is extinct, and that it cannot, in all
human probability, be revived.
1830.] THE MAURITIUS SLAVE TRADE. 191
"Surely there is nothing in these requests, to which the Government
can make any objection. They must be as anxious as I am that no per-
sons shall be hold in illegal bondage in a British colony, — that extreme
cruelty should be prevented, — and that the slave trade should be
suppressed. I say again, if these public objects can be accomplished,
I shall take leave of the question, caring little whether my contest with
Sir Robert Farquhar ends with credit to me or without it."
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
"February.5, 1830.
" I have had another interview with Sir George Murray this morning ;
and I am heartily grieved and heartily angry, that he is not prepared to
act as I wish about the Mauritius. It is not however settled ; he is to
give me a final answer in a few days. Is not this horrible ? I am how-
ever well, and in good spirits, believing that though there be the arm of
flesh on one side, there is a stronger arm on the other."
Mr. Buxton was, however, spared any lengthened exertions on
this subject. The unexpected death of Sir Robert Farquhar put
an end to that part of the Mauritian controversy that related to
him, and in the spring of 1830, the Government, convinced by
the report of the commission, declared their willingness to take
up the main question with vigour.
TO EDWARD BYAM, ESQ.
" London, April 30, 1830.
" My dear Byam, — After repeated disappointments, Lushington,
Spring Rice, and I saw Sir George Murray to-day. He admitted, in the
most unequivocal terms, that slave trading to a vast extent had prevailed
at the Mauritius, and that all our statements had been well founded.
" I urged a committee for the purpose of putting our evidence on re-
cord, lie maintained that it was unnecessary, as the Government ad-
mitted, and no one denied, all I wished to prove.
" He is to take measures to liberate all slaves illegally imported, and
Lushington approves the plan by which this is to be done.
" When he had made all these admissions, I then said that the time
was come in which those who had been injured and ruined* for no
other crime than that they had not connived at the slave trade, ought to
* Mr. Byam had been deprived of his situation as Commissary-General
of Police, in consequence of his activity in suppressing the slave trade.
General Hall, who, when Governor, had distinguished himself by his exer-
tions for the same end, had also suffered severely from the misrepresentations
of the colonists.
192 ITS COMPLETE EXTINCTION. [CHAP. xiv.
be indemnified. I gave him your letter, and bore the same testimony
or even stronger to your character than I did in my letter to you. He
promised to read your letter. I then turned the conversation to General
Hall, arid expressed the opinion I have always entertained of his noble
conduct, and intimated that some public notice should be taken of it, or,
at the very least, that it should be admitted that he was right in all he
did. I do not despair of seeing this done by Murray."-
The labour bestowed by Mr. Buxton and his friends on this
subject, was thus crowned with complete success. Long unnoticed
and unchecked by the Government at home, the evil had grown
up and flourished ; but it withered in a day. Those who had
readily joined in it, while veiled from sight, now shrunk from the
light which fell upon their doings. At the same time new vigour
was thrown into every department of the executive ; and thus the
remnants of the trade in slaves were soon extinguished. It only
remained to make reparation to those who had been its victims.
Sir George Murray had agreed to the proposition, that every
slave in the Mauritius should be set free, whose master could not
prove a title to his possession ; but Lord Goderich, who at this
time succeeded Sir G. Murray in office, insisted on laying the
onus probandi, not upon the master, but on the slave, a difference
and a hardship of no small magnitude.
Notwithstanding, a considerable number of slaves were able
to prove that they had been illegally imported, and accordingly
obtained their freedom. The business was wound up in 1830;
but when those that, had undertaken it came to settle their aflairs,
a circumstance occurred to which Mr. Buxton often referred with
strong expressions of admiration. Mr. George Stephen had
taken a deep interest in the case when it was first mooted. He
was afterwards retained as the professional assistant of its parlia-
mentary advocates ; and in this capacity had incurred a very
heavy expense of money, labour, and time. Of the remuneration
justly due to him, amounting to 2000/., he refused to receive
any part.
We cannot conclude this brief outline of the " Mauritius Case "
without, jsome allusion to another of the gentlemen who acted a
prominent part in the drama. Mr. Jeremie, who had been
Chief Justice of St. Lucia, had there ruined his prospects by
the boldness with which he struggled against the ill treatment of
the slaves. Ardent in his abhorrence of wrong and cruelty,
1830.] MR. JEREMIE. 193
singularly wanting in selfish prudence, he never cared what
might befall him, while pushing forward what he felt to be
right ; but in planning he was too hasty, in action too impetu-
ous, for complete success.
This gentleman returned from St. Lucia, at the very time
when the Government had determined to appoint protectors of
slaves in the four Crown Colonies. It struck Mr. Buxton,
that he had just the resolute boldness and principle which a
public officer in the Mauritius would most especially need.
Upon his making the suggestion, however, Mr. Jeremie replied
that lie had already suffered enough. " Nothing," said he,
" shall induce me to go to a slave colony again." " Why,"
said Mr. Buxton ; " it signifies very little whether you are
killed or not ; but it signifies very much whether the right man
goes to the Mauritius or not, at this juncture." Mr. Jeremie
smiled and went away ; but he came back the next day, and
said, " I have been carefully thinking over what you said
yesterday ; and I have fully made up my mind that it is better
I should be sacrificed than not have the thing done as it ought
to be. Therefore, I am ready to go ; " and he accordingly
applied for and obtained the appointment of Procureur-General.
The undertaking was no light one. So hateful to the planters
was the character in which he came, that he could not even land
without encountering resistance ; and during the short time he
remained ashore, he was harassed and withstood at every turn ;
abuse and insult were lavished upon him ; his life was repeatedly
threatened, and even attempted. lie was at last obliged to take
refuge on board a man-of-war in the harbour ; but he still con-
tinued to perform the functions of his office, till at length the
Governor, Sir Charles Colville, considered himself under the
necessity of appeasing the people by commanding him to leave
the island. No sooner, however, did he reacn England, than,
to his great delight, he received orders to return at once, with
an increased military force, and to resume his office. He re-
turned, and assisted by Mr. lleddie, the President of one of the
Courts, recommenced his plans for the defence of the negro.
Again, however, the popular clamour arose, and threatened the
peace, if not the safety, of the island ; and he was finally re-
called, and reached England at the beginning of the year 1835.
o
194 LETTERS. [CHAP. xv.
CHAPTER XV.
1829, 1830.
Letters — Papers — Mitigation of the Penal Code — Illness and Death of his
second Son.
MR. BUXTON'S own health was much restored during the winter
of 1829; but illness in his family caused him severe anxiety.
On leaving home, when this was in a great measure relieved, he
writes : —
" Spitalfields, Nine o'Clock at Night,
November 25, 1829.
" I was very sorry that I was only able to write that short, shabby
letter, which I sent this morning. I never before felt my heart so
entirely riveted to home ; everything else seems flat, except that
centre of my affections.
' ' But now for a history of my travels. Nurse and I were very good
friends, and had some instructive conversation upon the pleasing-
subjects of wounds, operations, &c. ; and I presume I won her heart,
as she began and concluded every sentence with, ' My dear Sir.' 1
lapsed however, at last, into my books. It was a wretched night ; but
I Mas none the worse for that, as my great coat and snow shoes kept
me from cold. I soon set myself to a review of late events, and that
led me to go over my list of the mercies which have been granted to
me, and a grand list it appears. When I go over it item by item, the
account seems surprisingly large. Mercies of all sorts. * * *
Then, children to my heart's content ; brothers and sisters the same ;
friends the same ; station in life and circumstances the same ; the
public objects to which I have been directed the same ; and there u>o
fifty other dittos of the same order. Then my own life, so often
preserved, and my children, given to me, as it were, a second time. 1
read some lines lately in one of those wicked newspapers (as
called them), the Weekly Dispatch, which I must get hold of again.
I forget the lines; but their substance was, that ere long Death shall
open his casket; and they end thus: —
' Then shall I see my jewels to my joy, my jewels me.'
1829.] LETTERS. l'j.1
" Then come personal mercies of the same sort. I have clear, un-
doubting views of the efficacy of prayer. I know the Holy Spirit will
be granted to those who ask for it, and I see wonderful mercy, love, and
grandeur developed throughout all creation ; and I know that I have a
Redeemer. Upon these grounds, and such as these, I am thoroughly
thankful, or rather I perceive that I ought to be so.
'• These thoughts, and hearty prayers for us all, with a fond recollec-
tion of the dear invalids i had left, carried me to Ipswich ; and after
that I cannot give a very clear acccount of anything, having fallen sound
asleep. The snow became so deep that we were obliged to part with
the guard and the bags, who rattled away in a postchaise and four ;
while we crawled into the fog of this great town. I dressed at the
brewery ; went to Lombard Street, to Macaulay's, and to the Anti-
Slavery meeting (we are to meet again at Brougham's on Friday even-
ing, I believe ; so forgive me for not giving you the history of our pro-
ceedings) ; then to Dr. Lushington, then to the Real del Monte, then
to dinner at the London Tavern by myself, then to the meeting about
the Indian widows, from which I have just returned.
" I am really eager to know whether the storm produced any
wrecks : I trust it did not ; or if it did, that Anna Gurney saved the
crew, jind is now subjecting them to a second and a greater peril, from
repletion at the Cottage. Then the whale, then Cromer Hall,* then
Mrs. Fry. Why, what a wonderful place Cromer is ! This big
city cannot supply half as much real important news as little Cromer
can furnish.
"Your affectionate husband, father, brother, and friend,
" T. FOWELL BUXTOX."
Again, during a second visit to London : —
"I had a pleasant journey, going outside as far as Bury, for the pur-
pose of satisfying myself with surveying the stars. I never was out on
a finer night, or was more sensible of the majesty of the spectacle. A
man must preach very well indeed before he conveys such a lesson of
the greatness of God, and the unworthiness of man, as a view of the
heavens discloses. It aKvays strikes me tiiat such a sight turns into
downright ridicule and laughter our (in our own eyes) important pur-
suits."
The same subject is referred to in the following entry, made
about this time, in his commonplace book: —
* This refers to incidents -which had recently occurred : the capture of a
large whale, aud a fire at Cromer Hull.
o 2
196 MEDITATIONS ON [CHAP. xv.
" O God, whether we look to the mighty operations of thy hands,
the millions of suns which thou hast made, or to the swarms of living
things which fill every space, whose curious and delicate organisation is
the work of thy hands, or remember that it is thou who satisfies! the
desire of every living thing, still the same truth bursts upon us— thou
art almighty and all good. Thou art goodness, arid majesty, and infi-
nity. Then what madness is it in us to rebel against thy laws ! what
madness to commit offences under the eye of such a master ! what mad-
ness not to centre our hopes, our joys, our affections, in one so good and
so great ! Let me say, O righteous Father, the world hath not known
thee, but I have known thee. Let me not be as those who have eyes
and see not, ears and hear not, hearts and understand not ; but let me
have the wisdom, the heaven-sent wisdom, to trace thee in all things ;
and because I trace thee, to love thee, fear thee, obey thee, and wor-
ship thee with my whole heart."
" Januaryj 1, 183°-
" I feel gratitude to God, that with all our imperfections and sins,
we have in some degree been constant in prayer, and have tasted its
sweetness ; that we have more diligently than formerly read His
book, and in some degree found that His words they are spirit and
they are life.
" And now what do I desire to pray for ? Thy promise, O Lord,
stands clear and plain — there is no ambiguity ; it is certain that desiring
and praying for thy Holy Spirit, we shall obtain it. Surely I do desire
and do pray for it. ' Shall not our heavenly Father give his Holy Spirit
to those who ask it? ' It is certain that He will. I know not but that
death may arrest my hand while I write this sentence. I know not that
the world and all who inhabit it shall survive this day ; but I do know
that God, who cannot lie, has promised and will give His Holy Spirit to
me, who now earnestly and humbly pray for it. That is one secure pos-
session which accident cannot destroy, nor time wear away, nor the
malice of Satan snatch from me.
" (2 Peter iii. 10.) The heavens may pass away, the elements melt,
the earth be burned up, but the immutable promise of my God has
granted and secured to me His Holy Spirit; what consolation to know
one irrevocable truth, and that truth essential to our happiness ! Then
let that Holy Spirit come, conic to my heart, and with great power.
" (Eph. iii. 16.) Let it strengthen me with might in the inner man ;
let it feed me with the bread of life ; let it erase that which is ungodly,
that which is earthly, that which has a perishable foundation ; let it lift
my soul to God ; let it open to me the love, the goodness, the majesty
of God ; let it teach salvation through a Saviour, and let it welcome the
glad tidings to my heart.
1830.] PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE. 197
" (John xvi. 13.) Let it guide me into all truth ; let it sow the good
seed ; let it prepare the soul for the reception of that good seed, water
it, and nourish it, and bless it with large increase. () God, for the sake
of Christ Jesus, hear this prayer. Give me, () Lord, unreserved con-
fidence in thee.
" (Rom. iv. 20.) As Abraham staggered not at the promises of God,
through unbelief, but was strong in faith, giving glory to God, so may I
be thus strong, and confident, and fully persuaded that what thou hast
promised thou art able to perform.
" (Eph. iii. 17.) And now my chief desire and prayer is, that Christ
may dwell in my heart through faith.
" (John vi. 56.) We in Christ, and Christ in us.
" (Eph. iv. 15.) That I may grow up into him in all things.
" (Col. ii. 7.) Hooted and built up in him.
" (John xv. 5.) That I may be the branch and he the vine ; and that
that branch of that vine may bring forth much fruit. That I may be
among that flock, of which he is the Shepherd ; among that people, of
whom he is the King ; and among those blessed, whose verdict shall be,
Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.
" (John iv. 14, and vi. 33.) That I may drink of that well of water
which springeth up unto everlasting life, and eat of that bread which
cometh down from heaven, and giveth life unto the world.
" (2 Sam. xxii. 2.) Be thou my rock, and my fortress, and my Deli-
verer; the God of my rock, my shield, my high tower, my refuge,
my Saviour; and knowing that my Redeemer liveth, and from what
deep perdition He hath rescued me, and to what heights of glory He
has called me.
" (Eph. iv. 1.) Let me, enable me to walk worthy of my vocation.
" (Phil. i. 2.) May grace and peace from God the Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ be granted. No resolutions of mine, no strength of
the flesh can guard me from the power of sin. But may He in whom
there is all strength protect me ; He in whom are hid all the treasures of
wisdom and knowledge, teach me and lead me through all the dangerous
paths of my life."
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" London, February 9, 1830.
" I am in good spirits and health, and not without a sense that mercy
and truth and love are about me in my solitude before you come. * *
What a comfort it is to me that you are all going on well ! It seems to
make all other things easy and light. I have my worries, but I do not
regard them. As for the affairs of the mines, which just now are a bit
of a torment, I depend upon it that it will come right ; and as to public
198 MINING COMPANIES. [CHAP. xv.
matters, they are not at my disposal : I can only do my best, and leave
the result to Him, to whom those good causes belong."
The mining companies alluded to above, to which he belonged,
involved him in considerable loss of property, and their affairs
were often a subject of anxiety to him. The details would be
of course unsuitable and uninteresting to the general reader ;
but those who had the opportunity of observing his conduct in
these transactions, attest that it eminently displayed his clear
judgment, his firmness of purpose, his ability to resist the infection
of panic, and his diligent and generous regard to the interests of
others.
Another matter of business that occupied him during this
spring was the Bill for throwing open the beer trade, to which
he thus alludes : —
TO JOSEPH JOHX GURNEY, ESQ.
" House of Commons, March 19, 1830.
" I am far from being dissatisfied with the beer revolution. In the
first place, I do not know how to be so ; I have always voted for free
trade when the interests of others were concerned, and it would be
awkward to change when my own are in jeopardy. Secondly, I believe
in the principles of free trade, and expect that they will do us good in
the long run, though the immediate loss may be large. Thirdly, I have
long expected the change. And, lastly, I am pleased to have an oppor-
tunity of proving that our real monopoly is one of skill and capital.*
" I have a letter from Calcutta, saying that Suttee has been sup-
pressed by Lord William Bentinck. Is not this comforting ? I am
also not without hopes that Sir G. Murray will do right about my
Mauritius slaves. * * * Peel tells me he is with us about Capital
Punishments, but says 'you must give me time.' On slavery nothing
new. Colonists will do nothing. I am stronerly in favour of bolder
measures on the part of the Abolitionists, arid think they will be taken.
" I am now attending, and (as you may observe) listening to a debate
on the distress of the nation, meaning to vote against the conspiracy of
high Tories and Radical Whigs, and in favour of Government."
Our readers will recollect the efforts made in 1821 and the
* Referring some years afterwards to the enormous sum -which the
twelve largest breweries in London had lost by this Heer Hill, he remarked.
" But it was right ; it broke in upon a rotten part of our system — I am i/lail
they amputated us ! "
1830.] CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. 199
following years for the reform of the Penal Code. Sir James
Mackintosh had continually kept the subject in view, and had
made various attempts, but apparently without success, till Mr.
Peel, after taking office in 1826, commenced his revisal of the
Code. He cleared the statute-book of many obsolete and bar-
barous acts, and arranged and consolidated the whole body of
Criminal laws. In the progress of this great work, Mr. Peel
introduced in the year 1830 a Bill for the consolidation of the
laws relating to forgery. He, however, retained the punishment
of death in several cases, and on this point a strong opposition
was raised in Parliament, whilst, out of the House, Mr. Sidney
Taylor effected a change in public opinion, through the columns
of the ' Morning Herald.' It had long been Mr. Buxton's
opinion that death for injury to property was adverse to the
interests as well as to the feelings of the commercial world in
England. It happened that one Sunday morning during this
period he was visited at breakfast, by Mr. John Barry, who sug-
gested the extreme importance of getting this feeling formally
expressed ; Mr. Buxton, while continuing his breakfast, dictated
the following petition : —
" That your petitioners, as bankers, are deeply interested in the pro-
tection of property from forgery, and in the conviction and punishment
of persons guilty of that crime.
14 That your petitioners find by experience, that the infliction of death,
or even the possibility of the infliction of death, prevents the prosecu-
tion, conviction, and punishment of the criminal, and thus endangers the
property which it is intended to protect.
" That your petitioners, therefore, earnestly pray that your Honour-
able House will not withhold from them that protection to their property
which they could derive from a more lenient law."
This form of petition was sent to all the principal towns in
the kingdom, and quickly obtained the signatures of firms repre-
senting above 1000 bankers.
It was presented on the 24th May by Mr. Brougham. Sir
James Mackintosh's amendment to abolish capital punishment
for forgery was, however, lost ; but immediately after this defeat
Mr. Buxton returned into the House, and gave notice (in the
name of Sir James Mackintosh) of another motion to the same
effect on a further stage of the Bill. On this debate a majority
200 REDUCTION OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. [CHAP. xv.
was obtained against the punishment of death for forgery ; and,
though this decision was reversed by the House of Lords, the
question was virtually settled. No execution has since taken
place for forgery in Great Britain.
In succeeding years the infliction of capital penalties was
more and more reduced by the efforts of Mr. Ewart, Mr. Len-
nard, and others, to whose exertions Mr. Buxton always gave,
while he remained in Parliament, his strenuous assistance; and
it is satisfactory to know that the number of crimes now legally
punishable with death is reduced from 230 to eight or nine ;
and that, practically, no executions now take place in England
or Wales, except for murder or attempts to murder.
At the close of this summer Mr. Buxton was called away from
his public duties by the illness of his second son, a youth of
great promise, who showed a tendency to consumption.* "When
the disease suddenly assumed a very alarming character, Mr.
Buxton writes, after detailing the circumstances : —
" I felt in the night a deep sense of tiie goodness of God and un-
bounded confidence in Him, and was ready to place my child and every-
thing in His hands.
" I awoke in the morning under an overwhelming load of distress;
the wretchedness of our present situation burst upon me before I had
time to collect my consolations. * * * My prayer was, first, heartfelt
thanks to God for His goodness and mercy ; an acknowledgment that
He had dealt most lovingly with us in every, every event, an assurance
that this stroke, terrible as it seemed, was mercy and love, and I thanked
him for it. Next did I cordially thank him for Harry's state of mind,
so sweet and lovely : thanked Him that he was evidently a lamb of
Christ's fold, and prayed that he might be strengthened with might in
the inner man. * * * The text, 'these light afflictions which arc but
for a moment,' was deeply comforting. Positively, they are heavy, and
grievous, and lasting ; but compared with the joys of heaven, light, and
but for a moment. The apostle must indeed have been inspired when
he formed so sublime a conception of God's presence.
" My prayer is, that I may never forget this day's lesson. How
have I felt the vanity of all earthly things! Ho\v have I panted to be-
* Mrs. Fry thus mentions him in her diary : " He was a child who in no
common degree appeared to live in the fear and love of the Lord ; lie was
cheerful, industrious, clever, very agreeable, and of a sweet person."—
(Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 118.)
18.30.] ILLNESS OF HIS SECOND SON. 201
come meet for an eternal inheritance ! How have I desired for myself,
my wife, .my children, my friends, that we might here be the servants
of God, desiring nothing but to do His will; and that hereafter wo
might form one band of happy ones redeemed by Christ, and enjoy-
ing that blessed country, the least of whose privileges is, that ' there
they are no more sick ! '
" I pray thce, most merciful Father, that the lesson of to-day may
not be forgotten, that we may ever retain to-day's sense of the difference
between temporal and eternal. I pray thee only make us thy children,
and deal with us as thou wilt. I give my son unto thy merciful arms;
if ihou wilt, dear Saviour, thou canst make him whole ; but thou knowest
best, thy will be done. If it be possible reserve him for us: oh, how-
does the flesh desire it ! but far, far more do I desire that thou wouldst
keep him and us within thy fold. Thou didst hear parents' prayers on
earth, oh, hear us now ; but again I feel, thy will be done. I bow with
entire confidence to thy decrees ; I am sure that thou wilt do for the
best, for never so much as to-day did I know thee to be merciful and
gracious, and very loving to all thy creatures."
The most lively solicitude and the most sedulous attention
proved to be alike in vain. Though the progress of the disease
was extremely slow, it was unremitting, and the nursing of this
beloved child became the engrossing occupation of the autumn.
The following paper sliov.-s that hope had faded away.
••»
"September 19, 1830.
" I beseech thee, O God, the Creator of the universe, that thou
wouldst grant me a much more lively spirit of godliness, as the one
thing which sweetens life, soothes its cares and its bitter disappoint-
ments, and which cheers me in a path which needs something to cheer
it. Blessed Lord, hear my prayers on behalf of my beloved child. Oh,
how do I desire, how earnestly do 1 crave that thy choicest mercies
and the treasures of thy love may be showered upon him ! Give him,
as he walks through the. valley of the shadow of death, the light of
thy countenance, the support of thy strength, and the comfort of his hea-
venly F.ither's presenre. May it please thee to impart to him, flying fast
to heaven, a foretaste of the joys which thou hast prepared. The time of
tribulation and the hour of death are approaching. Oh, be near him
and us in those dark seasons; tell him that thou art beside him, whisper
full consolation in his ear. Let thy Spirit remind him that he is safe
in thy arms, that nothing can really harm him because thou art his de-
fender. Unto God's gracious mercy and protection I commit my darl-
ing-child; the Lord bless him and keep him, lift up his countenance
upon him, and give him peace ; and, O blessed Lord, make us par-
202 LETTER TO HIS SON. [CHAP. xv.
takers of the same peace. If, as we believe, in passing from death
unto life he shall experience a blessed change, if he is about to enter
into the joy of his Lord, if bright scenes of glory, which the dull eye
of man hath not seen, are to be his, if he is to spring from languor, and
pain, and weariness of the flesh, to perfect peace and joy ; if this be
the change that awaits him, and surely it is, then let us patiently, nay
joyfully, transfer him from the arms of earthly parents into the arms of
his Father which is in heaven."
Being obliged to go up to London on the day succeeding that
on which this prayer is dated, Mr. Buxton writes in a more
cheerful strain to the young invalid : —
" Newmarket, Sept. 20.
" Here I am, my dear Harry, and I will make use of my pen while
tea is brewing. I have had a pleasant journey. To be sure, I could not
read, for it grew dark about the time we got to Pearson's ; but though I
could not read out of a book, I read all the better a sermon out of the
stars ; arid a noble sermon it was, beginning — ' The heavens declare the
glory of God ;' and it ended thus, ' What is man, that thou art mindful of
him ?' One part of the sermon I recollect : — ' Vanity, vanity, says the
preacher, all is vanity. — Nay, there, Solomon, with all your wisdom,
you are wrong ! It may be vanity to pursue pleasure, to gratify appe-
tite, or to hunt after renown. It may be vanity to buy fine houses,
preserve pheasants, plant trees, acquire an estate with the hills from
the Lighthouse to Weybourne for a boundary ; but it is not vanity, it
is excellent good sense, to serve with the heart and soul, and might
and main, the Master and Creator of those heavens : it is not vanity
to conquer evil passions, and stifle unholy repinings : it is not vanity to
be patient and submissive, gentle and cheerful, during along and weary
season of trial : it is not vanity, in the midst of trials and privations, to
spread around a loving and a holy influence, so that the sufferer be-
comes the teacher and the comforter ; comforting us and teaching us
that unsafe we cannot be, while we are in the arms of a most merciful
and tender Father.' So said the preacher to whom I was listening,
and many other things he said, which I forget at this moment, but I
recollect he wound up one paragraph thus — ' Look at that cluster of
stars, conceive the power which framed, and the wisdom which guides
them, and then say, if you can, — I am able to improve upon His dispen-
sations; I can change His decrees for the better ; not his will, but mine
be done ! ' But the tea is getting cold, so I will say no more about the
sermon, except that the preacher drew a most striking and lucid like-
ness of Nortluvpps, painting to the life each member of the family; so
graphic were his touches, that I never felt more strongly what a bless-
ing it is to belong to it. When we had done with the Hall, he sketched
1830.] LETTER FROM REV. C. SIMEON. 203
tlu> Cottage, and in the gravest manner possible gave a sly hit or two,
which made me smile in the midst of my approval. But now I must
conclude. May the God of hope preserve you in all peace ; help,
cheer, enliven, strengthen you, and gladden you with the consolations
which come from Jesus Christ our Lord ! Good night, dear Harry, and
all at Northrcpps."
THE REV. CHARLES SIMEON TO T. FOWELL BUXTON, ESQ.
" November 4.
" My dear Sir, — I beg leave to thank you fora most munificent pre-
sent of game. It has come most welcome in point of time, but doubly
welcome as a remembrance from you, for whom I have so long entertained
a most affectionate regard. I may even say, that the very affliction which
you arc now suffering greatly endears it to me. Sympathy under such
circumstances is both heightened and refined ; because I am made to feel,
that, whilst your domestic trouble might well engross your every thought,
you can yet extend to a distant friend your kindness in a matter of such
minor importance. In truth, it is by the furnace that Jehovah usually
purges away our dross ; and if we come out of it purified, we have
reason to acknowledge our afflictions as blessings in disguise. To you,
who during the sitting of Parliament are so much occupied with public
affairs, it is' a peculiar blessing to hear the ' still small voice' of God
at home, and to have a season for self-examination, and for communion,
deep communion with your own heart ; and in seeing death making
its inroads upon your dearest relatives, you are brought, I doubt not, to
contemplate its gradual approach to yourself, and, I trust, to be thank-
ful that your time has been protracted to the present hour, that you
may be more fully prepared to meet its stroke. Above all, I rejoice to
hear of the state of your son's mind. Yes ; let him only commit him-
self into the Saviour's hands, and his joy shall indeed be both intense
and lasting ! With my affectionate regards to him and Mrs. Buxton,
" I remain most truly yours,
" CHARLES SIMEOX."
While Mr. Buxton most acutely felt the sorrow of this cala-
mity, he was no less alive to the consolations afforded him. " It
is most painful," he said to a friend one day on leaving the sick
room, " it is most painful, and yet most full of comfort. As
painful as it can be, and as comfortable as it can be." The same
spirit breathes in a letter to Dr. Philip at Cape Town.
204 LETTER TO DR. PHILIP. [CHAP. xv.
" Northrepps Hall, November 10, 1830.
" My dear Friend, — I must not let my wife's and daughter's letters
go without a line to tell you that I have very sincerely sympathised with
you in the trials to which you have been exposed. I am sure your
stout spirit needs not encouragement ; but it may be a satisfaction to you
to know that your friends on this side of the water look upon you as
convicted of the crime — of putting an end to the slavery of the Hotten-
tots. That is your real offence ; for this the friends of slavery meditate
your ruin : but they will find themselves mistaken. We, too, lay our
claim to a share of that guilt, and we shall pay the penalty.*
"I think you need not trouble yourself at all about the fine or the
costs ; and as for shame and disgrace, &(?., I would take a thousand
times as much to have written a book which has done so much good,
and think it a capital bargain. Pray, take ample vengeance on the
enemy by exposing all kinds of oppression. Do twice as much as you
meditated.
' Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito.'
" We are, as you will see by the newspapers, in a state of convulsion
and alarm : I believe it to be imaginary, and that the only real danger
arises from our own tears.
" Perhaps domestic griefs make me insensible to those of a public
nature. My poor boy is at the gates of death. To-day we took the
Sacrament together. I think it hardly possible for any father to sustain
a greater loss ; but then no father can have greater consolation. As
a little child leans upon his mother, so our dear Harry leans upon his
Saviour. He knows the event which is coming, and is prepared to
meet it with entire serenity. He is truly ' walking through the valley
of the shadow of death,' and, as truly, ' he fears no evil.' Excuse me
for saying so much on a subject which engrosses all our thoughts. You
will be happy to hear that his poor mother, notwithstanding unceasing
nursing, confinement, and anxiety, is tolerably well ; a great mercy, and
one among a multitude which are granted to us.
" Our slavery concerns go on well ; the religious public has, at last,
taken the field. The West Indians have done us good service. They
have of late flogged slaves in Jamaica for praying, and imprisoned the
missionaries, and they have given the nation to understand that preach-
ing and praying are offences not to be tolerated in a slave colony. That
* Dr. Philip had been fined by a court at the Cape for some of his ex-
pressions in the ' Researches,' •which were condemned as libellous of
the colony.
1831.] DEATH OF HIS SECOND SOX.
is right — it exhibits slavery in its true colours — it enforces your doctrine,
that, if you wish to teach religion to slaves, the first thing is, to put
down slavery.
" I have 100, perhaps 150 petitions waiting for me in London, but I
do not leave home at present. When another election arrives, and if
we have a change of ministry, which may come soon, the subject will
be more thought of than it has been ; but I must go to my afflicted wife.
May God be merciful to you and bless you, and lift up the light of His
countenance upon you.
" Your sincere and affectionate friend,
" THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON."
Under every mitigation which intense parental solicitude could
supply, the invalid sank peacefully, and died in the 17th year of
his age, on the 18th of November. He was buried in a retired
spot within the ruined chancel of Overstrand church. Upon a
tablet is inscribed his name with that of his brother and his four
young sisters who had died previously ; and the following lines
written by his father : —
" Full of bright promise, youthful, courteous, brave ;
Grace in the form, mind beaming from the eye ;
All that a mother's fondest wish could crave
Were lent awhile by Heav'n, and here they lie.
" Here lies the wreck, the spirit wings her flight, —
The ransom'd spirit, to the realms above ;
Ranges unfetter' d through the fields of light;
Rests in the bosom of eternal love ;
" Beholds the unnumber'd host of angel powers,
Who, round Jehovah's throne, their anthems sing,
And joins that kindred band, those lovely fiow'rs,
Cut down and wither'd in their early spring.
" Scenes by no tear disturb'd, no sin defil'd,
Scenes nor by heart conceiv'd, nor tongue confess'd,
Unveil'd to thee, dear spirit of our child ; —
And we are comforted, for thou art bless'd."
Two papers written by Mr. Buxton in the course of the en-
suing winter may conclude this history.
" Xorthrepps, January 9, 1831.
" The Lord Jesus Christ be with my spirit ; grace be with me. This
is my prayer for the year. May Christ be with me and mine — may the
200 EXTRACTS FROM [CHAP. xv.
Holy Spirit of God be my constant guide, guardian, comforter, and
teacher. Thou knowest, O Lord, what depths of sorrow and bitter
anxiety the last year has produced. Thou knowest that we have gone
mourning all the year long, and yet have we to thank thee for some of
the choicest mercies we ever received. We have parted with a beloved
child, who was all that our hearts could desire, but if he left our arms,
he was received in thine ; no doubt hangs over his blessedness, and I
thank thee for this. My heart is grateful for the certainty that he is
now in heaven. Thanks that he was spared extreme pain ; thanks that
he was not wearied out by his sufferings; thanks that he descended to
the grave with so many glorious manifestations of thy love ! And, O
Lord, may it be my unceasing desire and aim to reach the same blessed
haven ; may it be the province of thy Spirit to deliver me from all that
might obstruct my salvation. May I view sin with detestation, because
it is offensive to thee, my gracious Lord ; and again with detestation,
because that, and that alone, can mar my prospects of going where my
dearest Harry is gone before. Teach me then, O Lord, to subdue the
flesh, to resist the devil, to live wholly to my God ; and may that blessed
Saviour who came into the world to save sinners, redeem and ransom
one who pretends to no grounds of hope, who rejects all pleas of safety,
except through the merits of that same Saviour Jesus Christ."
" Northrepps, January 30, 1831.
" I feel this morning more than usual dejection, partly occasioned
perhaps by the prospect of leaving this quiet place on Tuesday next,
and plunging once more into the distracting cares and hurries of Parlia-
ment arid business ; but still more by a most painful picture which sud-
denly burst upon me yesterday. I took the boys, Edward, Edmund,
and the two Upchers, to shoot on the Warren hills opposite the coast.
The ground was covered with snow, the sea was dark and fretful. I
went along the lower side, arid turned up one of the most distant hil-
locks, and there I placed myself. And then in a moment a picture
burst upon me, which made this one of the most melancholy moments of
the last melancholy year. On that same hillock, about the same day
two years back, I stood. Nature seemed as if she had not changed.
The same surface of white beneath my feet, the sea bearing the same
blackening aspect, the gamekeepers and dogs in the same hollow, and
the boys exhibiting the same eagerness ; all was the same with one
sorrowful exception. Dearest Ilarry was nearest to me on the former
occasion ; his quick eye perceived a wild duck sailing near the sea. and
we observed it alighting in a pond near the farm below us. J sent him,
full of life and alacrity as he was, to secure the bird, while I stood and
watched his manoeuvres to get within shot unobserved. Then again
1831.] HIS PAPERS. 207
his exulting return with the bird in his hand, and the pleasure I felt at
his pleasure — and now I could sec nothing but the churchyard where
his bones repose. Dear fellow ! how large a portion of my hope and
joy lies there : how has the world changed with me since that joyful
hour ! But there is this comfort, if we are left to sad recollections, he
is gone to eternal security and peace."
203 THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT. [CHAP. xvi.
CHAPTER XVI.
SLAVERI. 1830.
The Public begins to arouse itself — Increasing popularity of the subject —
Gradual change in the views of the Leaders — Mitigating measures
despaired of — Determination to put down Slavery thoroughly and at once
— Spirited Meetings in London and Edinburgh — The Government out-
stripped by the Abolitionists — Mr. Buxtori's Appeal to the Electors —
The cruelty of Slavery in its mildest form.
DURING the last three years the leaders of the Anti-slavery
movement had been forced into comparative repose; but the
movement itself went on. The nation was turning1 its attention
more and more to the question of slavery ; inquiring into its true
nature, and receiving impressions from the facts and arguments
brought forward in the ' Anti-slavery Reporter,' and other pub-
lications.
A few years before, the idea of emancipation had been odious
both to Parliament and to the people. " If," said Mr. Buxton,
in 1827, "a man had a large share of reputation, he would lose
the greater part of it by espousing the cause of the slaves ; if he
had a moderate share, he would lose all : and that is my case."
At that time he wrote to Mr. Macaulay : —
" God grant you, my dear friend, good health and good spirits; I,
like you, have my share of slander. To-day I have received a letter
from Joseph John Gurney, telling me the reports he has heard against
me, and from our friends too ! No matter ; if slander against indi-
viduals is the method our adversaries take of justifying slavery, they
will have hard work in inventing lies before they succeed in silencing
us."
But, at the period we have reached, although in some quarters
a clamorous spirit of opposition still prevailed, yet the Anti-
slavery feeling had been steadily making way. The planters, in
fact, by their invincible obstinacy, had chilled the sympathy
1830.] INCREASING ANTI-SLAVERY FEELING. 209
with which many had been inclined to regard them. They had
all along been playing a losing game. The Government would
gladly have left the colonial legislatures to work out for them-
selves the needful reforms in their system : they had hurled back
the quiet suggestions of the Government with every expression
of defiance and contempt ; they had punished the rebel negroes
with a severity which shocked every feeling of humanity ; they
had condemned Smith to the gallows, and thus turned the Inde-
pendents against them ; they forced Shrewsbury to fly for his
life, and the Wesleyans were aroused ; the Baptist chapels were
razed to the ground, and the Baptists became their enemies.
Mr. Buxton had early foreseen this result. In his speech on
the persecutions of Mr. Shrewsbury, he exclaimed, —
" Proceed, then, faster and faster; you are doing our work ; you are
accelerating the downfall of slavery. A few more such triumphs, a few
more such speaking testimonies to the merits of your system, and the
people of England with one heart will abhor it, and with one voice will
dissolve it."
While they were thus exasperating one class after another, the
planters stimulated the exertions of their opponents by the vehe-
ment abuse which they poured out upon them. To their ceaseless
charges of falsehood and hypocrisy, the Abolitionists replied by
laying bare first one and then another feature of the system ; and
thus a series of impressions was made upon the public mind, which
at length wrought a full conviction.
In 1830, these views, which had been slowly expanding,
suddenly put on a new and more definite form.
Like all who begin to climb towards great objects of attain-
ment, Mr. Buxton had at first taken the lower eminences in the
path before him to be the highest it would reach. At first he
had not questioned that emancipation must be a disastrous boon
to the blacks, unless previously trained to enjoy it. Thus in lu's
opening speech, in 1823, he expressly said : —
" The object at which we aim is the extinction of slavery. Not,
however, the rapid termination of that state — not the sudden emancipa-
tion of the negro, but such preparatory steps, such precautionary mea-
sures, as by slow degrees, and in the course of years, first fitting and
qualifying the slave for the enjoyment of freedom, shall gently conduct
us to the annihilation of slavery."
210 MITIGATING MEASURES [CHAP. xvi.
But this declaration had been made seven years before, when,
to use his own words, " We did not know, as we now do, that all
attempts at gradual abolition are utterly wild and visionary."*
Since that time the conduct of the colonists had plainly shown
that there was no hope of the negroes being raised to a fitness
for liberty while they were still slaves. This could not be done,
at any rate, without the hearty co-operation of the planters ; and
all co-operation the planters had refused. Nay, even had they
turned to the work of improving their human property, for the
sake of having it taken from them, it may yet be questioned
whether the inherent nature of the system would not have for-
bidden success. Either you must have compulsion, fruitful in
abuses, and debasing to character, or you must have the natural
and wholesome inducement of wages.
"Slavery," said Mr. Buxton, upon one occasion,! " is labour extorted
by force. Wages, the natural motive, are not given, but their place is
supplied with the whip. In this House discussions frequently take place
as to what slavery is, and what it is not ; but one thing it is by the con-
fession of all men — it is labour extorted by force. * * * Under the
most mitigated system, slavery is still labour obtained by force ; and, if
by force, I know not how it is possible to stop short of that degree of
force which is necessary to extort involuntary exertion. A motive there
must be, and it comes at last to this : inducement or compulsion ;
wages or the whip."
The evil, then, being, from its very nature, incapable of much
amelioration, and the planters thus set against all reform, it was
time for the Anti-slavery leaders to relinquish the hope of mak-
ing mitigation the first step to freedom. Not soon, nor without
a struggle, was that hope given up ; so plausible does the propo-
sition seem, that " no people ought to be free till they are fit to
use their freedom." " Yet this maxim," says a brilliant writer
of our day, " is worthy of the fool in the old story, who resolved
not to go into the water till he had learnt to swim. If men are
to wait for liberty till they become wise and good in slavery,
they may indeed wait for ever !" }
What, then, was to be done? should things be left as they
* Mirror of Parliament, May 30, 1833.
t Hansard, vol. xiii. p. 44.
I Macaulay's Essays, vol. i. p. 42. ' Milton.'
1830.] DESPAIRED OF. 211
were? To Mr. Buxton the answer was plain. He held it to be
sheer robbery for one man to hold in bondage the person of
another; he thought it a crime in itself; he knew that its off-
spring was wrong and wickedness, and he could not shrink from
the risk of doing it away.
The conviction that slavery could not be slowly modified, with
a view to its ultimate extinction, but must be rooted out, and
that speedily, wrought a thorough change in the policy of the
Anti-slavery leaders. They had been lopping the branches ;
they now struck at the root. In 1823 they had sought to better
the slave's condition, by lightening some of his burdens. In
1824, the plan was mooted for the purchase, emancipation, and
apprenticeship of the negro children. The next three years
were spent in discussions on Smith's death and the treatment of
the rebel slaves ; on the oppression of the free people of colour ;
on the non-admission of negro evidence ; on Shrewsbury's banish-
ment, and the destruction of his chapel. During 1828, 1829,
and 1830, the Government had been still vainly striving to in-
duce the colonial legislatures to begin the work of amelioration
with their own hands. But a more stirring time was at hand.
The Abolitionist party was grown too strong and zealous to
shrink from any measures which its leaders might bring forward.
In their minds bolder views had ripened, and needed only to be
once spoken out in words, to become principles of action. In
May, 1830, a crowded meeting assembled in Freemasons' Hall,
with Mr. Wilberforce in the chair. The first resolution, moved
by Mr. Buxton, expressed that " no proper or practicable means
should be left unattempted for effecting at the earliest period the
entire abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions."
It was seconded by Lord Milton (now Earl Fitzwilliam), who
had throughout supported the cause with all the weight of his
station and character, though by so doing he had placed himself
in opposition to the administration of which his father was a
member. Other speeches and resolutions followed in the same
strain, till at length Mr. Pownall rose to declare in a few vigor-
ous words that temporising measures ought at once to be aban-
doned. '' The time," said he, " is come when we should speak
out, and speak boldly, our determination — that slavery shall exist
no longer." These words embodied the feeling which already
r 2
212 MEETING IN EDINBURGH. [CHAP. xvi.
— i*
pervaded the Anti-slavery party, and from this time immediate
emancipation became its avowed object.
A meeting held in Edinburgh, in the course of the same
year, gave a further impulse to public feeling-. After an elo-
quent address from Mr. (now Lord) Jeffrey, urging- the meeting
to aim at nothing- short of " abolishing slavery at the earliest
practicable period," Dr. Andrew Thomson broke in with a
vehement protest against any further pretexts for delay, exclaim-
ing, " We ought to tell the legislature, plainly and strongly,
that no man has a right to property in man, — that there are
800,000 individuals sighing in bondage, under the intolerable
evils of West Indian slavery, who have as good a right to be
free as we ourselves have, — that they ought to be free, and that
they must be made free !"
These bold expressions excited such contending feelings, that
the meeting broke up in confusion, but only to reassemble a few
days later, when a most eloquent speech having been made by
Dr. A. Thomson, a petition for immediate emancipation was
adopted, to which 22,000 signatures were rapidly subscribed.
But while the Abolitionists were for pushing forwards, and
doing what must be done, at once, the Government had no
desire to accelerate its pace. It was still determined to plod on
in the old track ; its patience had not as yet been wearied out
by the utter hopelessness of the task it had undertaken. It still
hoped that the planters might be won over by gentle treatment.
No doubt, they had baffled its plans, they had trampled under foot
its suggestions ; but it was still fain to humour their prejudices
and put trust in their good intentions. If patience be a virtue,
then was the Administration most virtuous ; with such fortitude
did they submit to the sufferings of the slaves.
As the Government was thus standing still, while the Anti-
slavery party was moving onwards, there could not but arise a
breach between them ; and accordingly from this time we find
Mr. Buxton, not so much wrestling with the West Indians, as
with the Government, itself, and spurring it on to adopt decisive
measures.
During the session of 1830, nothing of moment was effected,
except that, on the 13th of July, Mr. Brougham obtained a large
minority in favour of ultimate abolition. On the 20th of the
1830.] MR. BUXTON'S APPEAL TO THE ELECTORS. 213
same month, three days before Parliament was prorogued, Mr.
Buxton, in his place in the House, made an earnest appeal to the
electors throughout the kingdom, repeating the statement made
by Canning in 1823, that " the first step towards emancipation
should be the abolition of the practice of flogging females." He
showed that even this first step had not yet been taken ; a deci-
sion having recently been made by a large majority in the
Jamaica House of Assembly, that females should continue to be
flogged indecently ;* and he proved in detail that each of the
other abuses, which in 1823 it had been proposed to mitigate,
still existed in the colonies, unchecked and unaltered.
As to the existence and extent of these abuses, a few words may
not be out of place, for many still believe that although slavery
was a barbarous institution, which it was well to abolish, yet
that the negroes were, in the main, both kindly treated and happy.
This impression has been deepened by the accounts given by
some casual visitors of the West Indies, who, seeing little but
the surface of things, gave no heed to the horrors that lurked
below. | For instance, it was repeatedly asserted that the whip
was a mere " emblem of authority," and that the cases of its
cruel employment were either fictitious, or at least extremely
rare.
With regard to the use of the whip, some official statistics re-
main, which show it to have been no imaginary evil. But
before producing them, it may be well to observe that the lash
was, after all, but one of many hardships which the slave en-
dured. His scanty supply of food and clothing was a source of
constant and bitter suffering ; all his domestic ties were utterly
dissolved ; every hinderance was thrown in the way of his educa-
tion ; his religious teachers were persecuted ; his day of rest
encroached on; every prospect of attaining civil rights was taken
away ; however grievous the injury inflicted, to obtain redress
was extremely difficult, if not impossible ; J his hopes of emanci-
* Mirror of Parliament, July 20, 1830.
f There were abundance of eye-witnesses on the other side also. It was
remarkable that some of the most energetic of the Anti-slavery leaders (for
example, Mr. Stephen ami Mr. Macaulay) had both studied slavery, and had
learned to abhor it, from dwelling under its shadow for years.
J In the four crown colonies Protectors of the slaves had been appointed.
But the negroes were often flogged by these very Protectors, if tht-y could
214 THE CRUELTY OF SLAVERY [CHAP. xvi.
pation were opposed by the greatest obstacles, and the slightest
offences subjected him to the severest punishments, to the stocks,
to the prison, to the whip.
But of all his grievances, none was greater than the intense
severity of his toil. In Jamaica, for example, the amount of
field labour allotted by law was nineteen hours a day during crop
time, and fourteen and a half during the remainder of the year
(with intervals of rest amounting to two hours and a half per
diem). This work had to be done, it must be remembered, under
an almost vertical sun ; and the mode of its performance is thus
described : — " The slaves were divided into gangs of from thirty
to fifty men, generally selected of a nearly equal degree of
strength, but many were often weak or diseased. They were
placed in a line in the field, with drivers (armed with the whip)
at equal distances ; and were obliged to maintain that line through-
out the day, so that those who were not so strong as the others,
were literally flogged up by the drivers. The motion of the line
was rapid and constant."
These evils were general and were not denied. For the most
part, indeed, they were authorised by the colonial laws, but the
flogging, of which the Anti-slavery party complained, was made
light of by their antagonists, as if it were a mere chimera.
" How," asked the West Indian leaders, " will the country be-
lieve that the proprietors of colonial property — men of honour,
humanity, and prudence — would suffer their negroes to be torn
to pieces by the lash ? " *
It was, indeed, suggested in reply, that these proprietors were
non-resident, — that they employed agents, and the agents em-
ployed drivers, whose interest it was to wring the most work each
year from the muscles of the slave, and to spend as little as pos-
sible upon him, — though to the ultimate ruin of the estate, f
not substantiate a charge made against a white man. Against this iniquity
Sir George Murray set his face with his usual decision and vigour. — (See
" Protectors' Reports.")
* In 1823, Mr. C. Ellis, afterwards Lord Seaford (himself a West Indian
planter), stated his conviction that " the whip was generally placed in the
hands of the drivers more as a badge of authority than as an instrument of
coercion," and was considered " only as a symbol of office ; " and this opinion
vas held in all sincerity by many others of the West Indian proprietors. —
(See Hansard, May 1823.)
f The following is an extract from ' Truths from the West Indies,' by
1830.] IN ITS MILDEST FORM. 215
But \ve have to deal, not with speculations, but with plain facts.
The colonies of Demerara, Berbice, Trinidad, and St. Lucia
were, as it is termed, " Crown Colonies," and, as such, were
under the direct control of the Colonial Office at home ; whereas
in the other islands the planters were governed by Assemblies
of their own. In those four colonies alone had the ameliorations
been enforced which the other islands had spurned to receive.
Here alone had the Government placed Protectors of the slaves,
at whose hands, when wronged, they could seek redress ; and,
among other measures of precaution, returns were required of
the punishments inflicted by the magistrates.* It was, then, in
the four Crown Colonies that slavery existed in its mildest form ;
and yet, upon the oath of the planters themselves, there were
registered in these four colonies, in the two years 1828-9, 68,921
punishments, of which 25,094 were registered as inflicted upon
females.f
Now as the law allowed twenty-five stripes to one punishment,
which limit was frequently passed, J we cannot (taking it at
twenty stripes to a punishment) estimate the total amount of
stripes inflicted during 1828-9 in those four colonies at less than
one million three hundred and fifty thousand.
Captain S. Hodgson, of the 19th Infantry : — " There are few bond fide pro-
prietors resident on the spot ; the greater part of the estates are mortgaged
to nearly their full value, and are superintended by some of the mortgagees
or their agents. These people have no idea beyond grinding out of the pro-
perty the largest possible sum in the shortest possible period, perfectly
indifferent to the eventual ruin they must entail by the over-working of the
soil ; and having no sympathy for the slaves, whom they literally regard as
cattle, they think alone of the present gain to themselves. Where the pro-
prietor resides, I have generally observed him kind, and his people happy
and contented."
* It is obvious that a large number of punishments would remain unre-
gistered, through the unwillingness of their inflictors to record them ; thus, in
the Report of the Protector of Slaves in Demerara, we find, in 1829, "Mary
Lowe convicted of tying up first a little girl, and then a little boy, by the
wrists, the one for five, the other for nine hours, and flogging them ' unmer-
cifully;' and of other cruelties." Yet her estate gave in no returns of
punishment. — (See Parliamentary Returns.)
f See Protectors' Reports. Parliamentary Papers. J Ib.
216 RELIGIOUS MEDITATIONS. [CHAP. xvir.
CHAPTER XVII.
SLAVERY. 1831.
Religious Mediations — The Duke's Declaration — Change of Ministry —
The Whig Government does not take up the subject of Slavery — Quakers'
Petition — Decrease of the Slave Population — Debate — The Govern-
ment still tries to lead the Colonists to adopt mitigating Measures —
Parliament dissolved — Letter from Bellfield — Letter to a Son at College
— Dinner at the Brewery — Anecdotes — Reflections — Death of Mr.
North — Correspondence.
THE day before the commencement of the session of 1831
Mr. Buxton thus implores help and guidance from on high : —
" January 30, 1831.
" Give me, O Lord, thy help, thy present, and evident, and all-
sufficient help, in pleading the cause of the slave. Let the light of thy
countenance shine upon me. Give me wisdom to select the proper
course, and courage to pursue it, and ability to perform my part ; and
turn the hearts of the powerful, so that they may be prone to fee) for,
and prompt to help, those whose bodies and whose souls are in slavery.
' If ye ask anything in my name,' said our Saviour, ' I will do it.' In
His prevailing name, and for His merits, do this, O Lord God ! * * *
But whatever may be thy will in my secular concerns, give me patience,
faith, thankfulness, confidence ; a sense of thy Divine Majesty, of the
benignity of Christ, a love for thy Scriptures, a love of prayer, and a
heart firmly fixed on immortality. May I remember that, ere the year
closes, I may be snatched away and hurried before thy judgment-seat !
Be with me, then, in health and in sickness, in life and in death, in
events prosperous and adverse, in my intercourse with my family, in my
public duties, in my study. Be Thou my strong habitation to which I
may continually resort. Be with me and mine every day and every
hour during this year."
The recent political changes might have seemed to augur
well for the cause of emancipation. The Duke of "Wellington's
celebrated declaration against Reform had broken up his mi-
1831.] APATHY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 217
nistry. That of Earl Grey had succeeded, in which the post of
Lord Chancellor was filled by Lord Brougham.
Yet Dr. Lushington writes, —
" January 1831.
" For the sake of all the great interests of humanity, I trust that you
may now resume your public duties. I am of opinion that this is a
fearful crisis for many of the great objects you have at heart. Without
great exertion both slavery and capital punishment will be almost un-
altered. I have but little confidence in the merely voluntary good-will
of the new Government, and feel strongly the necessity that they
should be taught that the voice of the people will not admit of dilatory
or half measures."
Again, soon afterwards —
" The prospect is not encouraging, so far as relates to the Govern-
ment, but with you, who have cast your lot in these troubled waters,
and will never fall back, this can only be a reason for greater and more
strenuous exertion. For myself, I must add, that though I am griev-
ously disappointed with them, yet, on the other hand, the feeling of
the people so much surpasses my former expectations, that I am con-
fident you may now rely with safety on their firm and continued support.
The impression is not that of a momentary excitement ; knowledge of
the subject has increased, and is increasing ; and if the Government
disregard the opinions of the people on slavery, I believe, as well as
hope, they will have reason to repent. I see the difficulties of your
career. I meditate much upon them ; but with such a cause, your
powers, and leisure, there never was a nobler course for man to run.
Succeed the cause must ; it is a question of time only. * * * Still,
however, time is of inestimable value, and he who can accelerate the
event one year, a single year, will have well spent his life."
With the Reform question on their hands, there seemed but
little chance that the Whig Government, however friendly to
emancipation, would undertake its accomplishment. But Mr.
Buxton would leave no chance untried. On the 25th of March,
in stating his intention to move a resolution for the complete
abolition of slavery, he declared that he would "most readily
leave the matter in the hands of Government, if Government
would take it up ;"* but to this offer no reply was made.
* Hansard for that date.
218 MR. BUXTON DISTRUSTS AMELIORATIONS. [CHAP xvn.
It is to this subject that the following letter alludes, addressed
to a member of the Administration : —
" April 6, 1831.
* * * " I feel bound to tell you that upon the most atten-
tive consideration I shall feel compelled to withhold my concurrence
from any resolutions which do not declare 'the extinction of slavery' to
be their object. I am aware that I do not go farther in detestation of
slavery than his Majesty's Government ; but perhaps a long and labo-
rious investigation may have led me to entertain a deeper sense of the
practical evils of the system. In my mind, these amount to nothing
short of a crime ; and, if it be a crime, the way to deal with it is, not
to strip it of some of its worst features, but to abandon it altogether.
"I confess I distrust all ameliorations of slavery. If the Government
resolve to undertake them, theirs will be the responsibility ; and if they
succeed, theirs exclusively the merit.
" I believe their intentions to be perfectly honest, and that they will
act resolutely in carrying those intentions into execution. For these
and for other reasons, it gives me the greatest pain to be unable to
yield my opinions to theirs. I am sure if I act thus, it is not from
obstinacy, or from unwillingness to meet their wishes ; but it is from
fidelity to the cause itself, and to the friends of the cause, to whom I
am pledged to bring forward a motion, not for the mitigation, but for
the extinction, of slavery. I beg you to believe that it is with reluc-
tance I thus bring myself forward, and that it is only as acting in some
sort on behalf of a large body in the nation, that I presume to trouble
you beforehand with the line of conduct I shall adopt."
A few days later, in presenting, among 500 petitions against
slavery, one subscribed by the Society of Friends, he said : —
" I have great pleasure in presenting this petition from that body ; as
they were the very first persons in the country who promulgated the
doctrine that the buying, selling, or holding of slaves was contrary to
the Christian religion. Forty years ago they presented the first petition
for the abolition of the slave-trade, and eight years ago they presented
the first petition for the abolition of slavery."*
It was a part of Mr. Buxton's policy to avail himself as little
as possible of the evidence furnished by men favourable to eman-
* George Fox (the founder of Quakerism), when in Barbadoes, urged the
overseers " to deal mildly and gently with the negroes, and not to use
cruelty towards them, as the manner of some has been and is." — (See 'A
Popular Life of George Fox.' C. Gilpin, 1847.)
1831.] MR. PRINGLE. 219
cipation ; he always strove to draw his statements from the
speeches and writings of his opponents, or immediately from
official reports. In this branch of his labours (and it was no
small one) he derived much assistance from the great knowledge
and practised sagacity of Mr. Macaulay, and also from the secre-
tary of the Anti-slavery Society, Mr. Thomas Pringle, whose
poetical writings are well known. Mr. Pringle's originality,
conjoined with other qualities, as useful if less brilliant ; his
admirable English style ; his diligence, tact, and temper, ren-
dered good service to the cause. Being ready to catch a hint
from any quarter, they frequently tracked documents of great
value into the Colonial Office, and then by reiterated motions
Mr. Buxton usually succeeded in bringing them to light.
In this way vast funds of information had been collected; and
between the sessions of 1830-31, Mr. Buxton ransacked all his
stores for evidence relative to the decrease of the slave population.
Having completed his calculations, he laid them before the House
on the 15th of April.
In the commencement of his speech he assured the House that
lie had not the slightest feeling of hostility towards the West
Indian proprietors, nor the slightest disposition to cast reproach
upon them ; and he disclaimed any M'ish to rest his argument on
cases of individual atrocity, though abundance of them might be
brought forward.
He proceeds : —
" But, amid the conflicting statements as to the condition of the
slaves, it would be extremely desirable to find any fair and unequivocal
test of their condition. There is such a test — in the rate at which the
slave population has increased or decreased. It is a doctrine admitted
by all parties, that, under all circumstances, except those of extreme
misery, population must increase. Such is the law of nature, and it is
conformable to the experience of all mankind. That law of increase
may be interrupted, but it can be interrupted only by causes of extreme
misery.
" The question, then, is, whether in the fourteen sugar-growing
colonies the slave population has increased, has been stationary, or has
decreased? The answer 5s, it has not increased, it has not been sta-
tionary, ft has decreased. Not only has it decreased, but it has decreased
at a rate so rapid, that I confess it surprises me, and I am sure will
220 DECREASE OF SLAVE POPULATION. [CHAP. xvir.
astonish the House. In the last ten years the slave population in those
fourteen colonies has decreased by the number of 45,800 persons."*
In Tobago, within ten years, one sixth of the slave population
had perished. In Demerara it had diminished by 12,000, in
Trinidad by 6000, within twelve years. " The fact is," he said,
" that in Trinidad, as the late Mr. Marryat observed, ' the slaves
die off like rotten sheep.' " These diminutions were exclusive
of manumissions.
He then showed that, while in slavery the numbers of the
negroes decreased thus rapidly, in freedom they were doubling.
For example, the free black population of Demerara had (exclu-
sive of manumissions) been increased by half in fourteen years.
And the free negroes of Hayti had increased by 520,000 in
twenty years, that is, their numbers had more than doubled.
"Now, Sir," he continued, "if the blacks in slavery had increased
as the free blacks have increased, the slave population should have added
in the last ten years 200,000 to its numbers ; whereas that number has
been diminished by 45,000. To keep pari passu with the free blacks,
the blacks in slavery should have increased 20,000 a year; whereas they
have decreased 4000 a year. They should have increased fifty a day,
whereas they have decreased ten a day. For this effect, this striking
exception to the universal law of nature, there must be a specific cause.
It could not occur by accident. What is the cause ? I will tell the
House what it is not. It is not, as it has been affirmed to be, any dis-
proportion between the sexes ; any deficiency in the number of females.
In 1814, the number of female slaves exceeded that of males by 5000.
The cause, therefore, of this decrease in the slave population, is not any
disproportion between the sexes : it is not war sweeping away its thou-
sands; it is not climate ; it is not soil. If any one thinks that the last
two circumstances may operate injuriously upon the slave population, I
ask him why, under the same circumstances, the free black population
has so much increased ? Sir, the real cause is the forced labour in tJie
sugar colonies, and nothing else. The law of nature would be too
* In 1835 numerous papers relating to the statistics of the colonial de-
pendencies of Great Britain were ordered by the House of Commons to be
printed. Amongst them appeared some tables, which showed the yearly
decrease of the slave population in eleven West India islands, during a pe-
riod of twelve years previous to emancipation. They differ in some d'-give
from those on which Mr. Buxton founded lib argument, but they iiive a xtill
t/reater decrease. By these tables it appears that in those eleven islands
the decrease in the number of slaves (exclusively of manumissions) had
been 60,119. — (See Pad. Papers in the Appendix.)"
1831.] DECREASE OF SLAVE POPULATION. 221
strong for any other cause. It is too strong for climate, witness Ben-
coolen. It is too strong: for war, witness Africa. It is too strong for
savage life, witness the Maroons of Jamaica. It is too strong for vice
and misery, witness Hayti. All such impediments yield to the law of
nature ; but the law of nature yields to the cultivation of sugar in the
sii'jar colonies. Where the blacks are free, they increase. Climate,
soil, war, vice, misery, are too feeble to withstand the current of nature.
Cut let there be a change in only one circumstance ; let the population
be the same in every respect, only let them be slaves instead of freemen,
and the currency is immediately stopped.
" I ho|>e the resolutions I intend to submit will appear temperate,
although in them I declare myself no friend to ameliorating measures,
in which I have no faith. I do not think that by such measures the
mortality can be repressed. Besides, Sir, I must tell you, that I look
upon the enslaving of our fellow-men as a crime of the deepest dye ;
and I therefore consider that it should be dealt with, not by palliatives,
but by destroying it altogether."
He concluded by moving the following resolutions : —
" That in the resolutions of May, 1823, the House distinctly recog-
nised it to be their solemn duty to take measures for the abolition of
slavery in the British colonies ; that in the eight years which have
since elapsed, the colonial assemblies have not taken measures to carry
the resolutions of the House into effect ; that, deeply impressed with a
sense of the impropriety, inhumanity, and injustice of colonial slavery,
this House will proceed to consider of and adopt the best means of
effecting its abolition throughout the British dominions."
The motion was seconded in an able speech by Lord Morpeth.
Lord Althorp stated that, although he could not consent to
tliis motion, he thought it was time "to adopt other measures
with the colonists than those of mere recommendations," and
that he should propose that a distinction in the rate of duties
should be made in favour of those colonies which should comply
with the wishes of Government as to amelioration. After an
animated discussion, the debate was adjourned. vMr. O'Connell,
who throughout gave a steady and energetic support to the Anti-
slavery cause, came across the House, and said, " Buxton, I see
land." The prognostic was true ; for although, owing to the
dissolution of Parliament, the debate was not resumed, and the
motion therefore dropped, yet to the argument founded upon the
decrease of population may be attributed more than to anything
222 DECREASE OF SLAVE POPULATION. [CHAP. xvn.
else the speedy downfall of slavery. The force of that argument
was well understood in Parliament ; accordingly it was vigorously
sifted by the opposite party ; but, having been drawn from the
returns of registration sworn to by the planters themselves, it
was found impossible to shake it. The appalling fact was never
denied, that at the time of the abolition of the Slave trade, in
1807, the number of slaves in the "West Indies was 800,000: in
1830 it was 700,000. That is to say, in twenty-three years it
had diminished by 100,000.*
It may here be well to mention, though it be in anticipation of
our history, how fully Mr. Buxton's inferences were confirmed
by subsequent events. In 1834 emancipation took place, the
law of nature resumed its force, the population began to increase,
and the census in 1844 proves that in the twelve previous years
the black population in fourteen of the islands had increased by
54,000.f
The Abolitionists are often blamed for the present want of
labour in the West Indies. It should be remembered, however,
that, had slavery not been abolished, the population (taking the
decrease at its average rate before emancipation) would by this
time have diminished by mucli more than 100,000 instead of
having increased in the same proportion.
At the end of April Parliament was dissolved, and the country
was hurried into a whirlpool of reform agitation, in which all
other interests were merged ; so that Mr. Buxton might think
himself fortunate in having forced upon the ear of Parliament
the short but impressive argument which has been laid before
the reader. The approaching election rendered it necessary for
Mr. Buxton to visit Weymouth. He thus writes home from
Bellfield on the 28th of April, 1831 : —
" I was up at seven o'clock this morning, and have been taking
another charming walk in the shrubbery, looking at the sea, which is
splendid, and enjoying the Epistle to the Colossians. At nine o'clock
we breakfast, and at ten I renew my canvass, which was very successful
yesterday.
* See Anti-slavery Reporter, vol. v. p. 264.
f Not more than fou rteeii of the islands sent in their returns of popula-
tion. Had they been received from the whole twenty-one the increase
would of course have been far greater, especially as Jamaica is not included.
— (See Pad. Papers in the Appendix.)
1831.] ADVICE ON PRAYER. 223
" I found all my constituents eager for Reform beyond conception;
had I voted against it I should hardly have got any support. Is not
this unexpected ?
" The weather is delightful, and I thoroughly enjoy a taste of spring
in the country. The walks about are lined with quantities of flowers ;
it is a charming place ! Give my love to my secretary,* and tell her
that I find an attorney's clerk a poor substitute.
" I hope you will enjoy Simeon's visit. I deeply lament missing it ;
I was in great hopes we should have got a great deal of good out of the
old Apostle. Pray get all you can, and keep a piece for me."
TO HIS ELDEST SOX, AT TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
" Devonshire St., May 15, 1831.
" My mind has much turned towards you of" late, and I have thought
more than you might suppose of your approaching examination. Not
that I am very solicitous about the result, except so far as your heart
may be set on success. I should be very sorry to have you damped and
disappointed, but for myself I shall be just as well satisfied with you, if
you are low in the last class, as if you are high in the first.
" But I have a piece of advice to give you, with regard to the exami-
nation, which I am sure will, if attended to, be of service ; and if you
remember it, and act upon it, it will be useful whenever, during your
future life, you are about to engage in anything of more than usual im-
portance. Go to God in prayer; lay before him, as before your wisest
and best friend, your care, your burtlien, and your wishes ; consult him,
ask his advice, entreat his aid, and commit yourself to him ; but ask
especially, that there may be this restraint upon the efficacy of your
prayers, — that His will, and not your wishes, may govern the result ;
that what you desire may be accomplished, provided He sees it to be
best, and not otherwise.
" The experience of my life is, that events always go right when
they are undertaken in the spirit of prayer. I have found assistance
given and obstructions removed, in a way which has convinced me that
some secret power has been at work. But the assurance of this truth
rests on something stronger than my own experience. Scripture is full
of declarations of the prevalence and efficacy of prayer, and of the
safety of those who resort to it. ' Commit thy way unto the Lord, and
he shall bring it to pass.' ' This poor man cried, and the Lord heard
him, and saved him out of all his troubles.' ' Wait on the Lord, be of
good courage, and he will strengthen thy heart ; wait, I say, on the
Lord.'
* His eldest daughter.
224 BREWERY DINNER. [CHAP. xvu.
" It is not often I give you my advice ; attend to it in this instance.
Depend upon it, prayer is the best preparation you can have for your
examination, and for everything else."
In June, 1831, several members of the Government, and other
gentlemen, came to look over the Brewery in Spitalfields, and
afterwards dined there with Mr. Buxton, professedly on beef-
steaks, cooked in one of the furnaces. Mr. J. J. Gurney gives the
following account of the party : —
"Earlham, 12 mo. 23rd, 1831.
* * * « The Premier, grave and thoughtful as he seemed, did great
justice to our dinner. ' Milord Grey,' cried the Spanish General Alava
to him, as he was availing: himself of a fresh supply of beef-steaks
(pronounced by the Lord Chancellor to be ' perfect ') — ' Milord Grey,
vous etes a votre sixieme'
" The contrast between Lord Grey and Alava was curious ; the for-
mer, the dignified, stiff, sedate British nobleman of the old school ; the
latter, the entertaining, entertained, and voluble foreigner. He had
been the faithful companion of the Duke of Wellington through most of
his campaigns, and now had displayed his usual energy by coming up all
the way from Walmer Castle, near Dover, in order to help in devouring
the product of the stoke-hole in Spitalfields.
" The Lord Chancellor was in high glee : he came in a shabby black
coat, and very old hat; strangely different from the starred, gartered,
and cocked-hat dignity of the venerable Premier. * * * It was my
agreeable lot to sit between Lord Grey and Dr. Lushington, and the
latter being occupied by his friend on the other side, I was left to con-
verse with the Premier, which I had the pleasure of doing for nearly
two hours. * * * We talked of his long political course, and Lord
Shaftesbury, who sat next to him on the other side, complimented him
on the subject.
" Lord Grey. ' I came into Parliament for Northumberland when I
was two-and- twenty, and I have been forty-five years a senator.' Of
course it was easy to draw the inference that he was sixty-seven years of
age. On my expressing the interest 1 felt for him, and even sympathy,
under the burthen he was bearing, he replied, ' I am much too old for
it. I would have refused the undertaking, if I could have done so con-
sistently with my duty.'
" Our next subject was parliamentary eloquence. I asked him who,
amidst the vast variety of orators whom he had been accustomed to hear,
appeared to him to be the best speaker and most able debater.
" Lord Grey. ' Beyond all doubt and comparison, Fox. His elo-
quence was irresistible. It came from his heart, and produced a corre-
sponding effect on the hearts of his hearers.'
1S31.] EARL GREY— LORD BROUGHAM. 225
" I asked his opinion of Sheridan. The answer was, ' He was very
able, but could not speak without preparation.'
" I ventured to insinuate that there was no part of a Premier's office
more responsible than that of making bishops. He assented, adding,
' You know I have had none to make at present.' We talked of the
Bishop of Norwich.* Lord Grey expressed his admiration of his con-
duct and character, though he only knew him in his public capacity.
' I fear the bishop is too old to accept any offer that 1 can make him,
but I assure you that the very first and best thing that I have to give
away shall be at his service.'
" This declaration has since been fully verified, by his offering to the
bishop the see of Dublin, which the latter, as had been anticipated,
refused; observing, in the words of old Erasmus to' the Emperor of
Austria, that dignity conferred upon him would be like a burden laid on
a falling horse : ' Sarcina equo collabenti imposita.'
" When the dinner was ended, I quitted my post by Lord Grey, and
joined Buxton, Lord Brougham, and the Duke of Richmond, at the top
of the table. Buxton was telling a story on the subject of Reform (the
only way in which that subject could be mentioned, as the dinner was
not political, and Tories were present). ' A stage-coachman,' said he,
' was driving a pair of sorry horses, the other day, from London to
Greenwich. One of them stumbled, and nearly fell. " Get up, you
borouglimonger'mtj rascal, you !" said the coachman to the poor beast, as
he laid the whip across his back.' The Chancellor laughed heartily at
this story. ' How like my Lord there was the old horse !' said he
to me, laughing, and putting his hands before his face, — Lord •
sitting opposite to us.
" Buxton now left us, to talk with Lord Grey, whom he very much
delighted by praising Lord Howick's speech upon slavery. It was a
speech which deserved praise for its honesty and feeling, as well as for
its talent. But the old Premier seemed to think that his son had been
carried by his zeal rather too far.
" Something led us (Lord Brougham and myself) to talk about Paloy,
and I mentioned (he story of his having on his death-bed condemned
his ' Moral Philosophy,' and declared his preference for the ' Horse
Paulinas ' above all his other works. This led Brougham to speak of
both those works. ' Did you ever hear that King George III. was
requested by Mr. Pitt to make Paley a bishop ? The King refused ;
and, taking down the " Moral Philosophy" from the shelf, he showed
Pitt the passage in which he justifies subscription to articles not fully
credited, on the ground of expediency. " This," said the King, " is my
* Dr. Bathurst.
226 BREWERY DINNER. [CHAP. xvn.
reason lor not making him a bishop." ' Lord Grey overheard the Chan-
cellor's story and confirmed it ; ' but,' added the Chancellor, ' I believe
the true reason why George III. refused to make Paley a bishop was,
that he had compared the divine right of kings to the divine right of
constables !' * * * The Chancellor was very cordial, and we were
all delighted with his entertaining rapidity of thought, ready wit, and
evident good feeling. Nor was it possible to be otherwise than pleased
with all our guests, with whom we parted, about eleven o'clock at night,
after a flowing, exhilarating, and not altogether uninstructive day."
Mr. Buxton subjoins, —
" Our party at the Brewery went off in all respects to my satisfac-
tion. Talleyrand could not come, having just received an account of
Prince Leopold being elected king of Belgium. Brougham said this
was a severe disappointment, as his Excellency never eats or drinks but
once a-day, and had depended on my beef-steaks.
" The party arrived at about six o'clock, and consisted of the Lord
Chancellor, Lord Grey, Duke of Richmond, Marquis of Cleveland,
Lords Shaftesbury, Sefton, Howick, Durham, and Duncannon, General
Alava, S. Gurney, Dr. Lushington, Spring Rice, W. Brougham, J. J.
Gurney, R. Hanbury, &c., twenty-three in all.
" I first led them to the steam engine ; Brougham ascended the steps,
and commenced a lecture upon steam-power, and told many entertaining
anecdotes ; and when we left the engine he went on lecturing as to the
other parts of the machinery, so that Joseph Gurney said he understood
brewing better than any person on the premises. I had Mr. Gow up
w ith his accounts, to explain how much our horses each cost per annum ;
and Brougham entered into long calculations upon this subject. To
describe the variety of his conversation is impossible —
' From grave to gay, from lively to severe.'
" At dinner I gave but two toasts, ' The King,' and ' The memory
of George III.,' whose birthday it was. We had no speeches ; but
conversation flowed, or rather roared like a torrent, at our end of the
table. The Chancellor lost not a moment ; lie was always eating,
drinking, talking, or laughing; his powers of laughing seemed on a
level with his ofher capacities. * * *
" Talking of grace before dinner he said, ' I like the Dutch grace
best ; they sit perfectly still and quiet for a minute or two.' I thought
it very solemn. Again, ' I am a great admirer of the Church ; but the
(•loriry have one fault — they grow immortal in this world. You cannot
think how they trouble me by living so long. I have throe upwards of
ninety years old ; bedridden, bereft of understanding, incapable of en-
1831.] LORD BROUGHAM. 227
joyment, and of doing duty ; but they will live, and are keeping men I
long to provide for out of their benefices. There 's Wilberfbrce's son,
and Macaulay's, and Austin; I am waiting for an opportunity of show-
ing that I do not forget them, but these old gentlemen thwart me:
surely there is no sin in wishing that they were gathered to their fathers.'
He then went on to speak of Austin. ' lie is exactly the man who
deserves the patronage of Government ; the Bishop of , who is as
good a man as can be, but as simple-hearted as good, came to me the
other day, and told me that there was a clergyman in his diocese of
excellent character who had suffered from the West Indians; his name
was Austin ; probably I had never heard of him, though his name had
been mentioned in Parliament. I soon convinced him that I knew
more of Austin than he did, and I mean to send him the debate on
Smith's case.* I think he might pick up some good principles in it.
But as for Austin, I do not forget what you said to me last December,
and you shall soon see that I do not. If I have not done something
already, blame not me, but these everlasting parsons.'
" We then talked about the Court of Chancery, and I said, ' I hope
to see the day in which you shall be sitting ia your Court and calling
for the next case, and the officer of the Court shall tell you that all the
cases are disposed of : that will be the most glorious hour of your life.'
• Well,' said he, ' that you shall see, and see it too before the close of
the Session. Depend upon it there shall not be an appeal case in the
House of Lords in two months' time ! '
" He inquired the wages of the draymen. I told him about 45s.
weekly ; and we a41ow them to provide substitutes for a day or two in
the week ; but we insist on their paying them at the rate of 26s. per
week. ' Yes,' said he, ' I understand ; these rich and beneficed gentry
employ curates, and the curates of the draymen get about as much salary
as those of the clergy.'
" After dinner we took them to the stables to see the horses. Some-
body said, ' Now the Lord Chancellor will be at a loss ; at all events he
knows nothing about horses.' However, fortune favoured him, for he
selected one of the best of them, and pointed out his merits. Some one
proposed that he should get upon his back, and ride him round the
yard, which he seemed very willing to do ; and thus ends my history of
the Lord Chancellor.
" Lord Grey looked care-worn, but was remarkably cordial. "f
* See p. 130.
t Mr. Buxton had a very high opinion of Lord Grey. " If you talk with
him for half an hour," he remarked on one occasion, "you find his intellect
a head higher than anybody's else ; he has more mind than any mail in this
country."
Q 2
228 MEDITATIONS. [CHAP. xvn.
********
The new Parliament, which had met on the 14th of June,
was altogether occupied in debates on the Reform Bill ; and
Mr. Buxton, who was deeply interested in the progress of the
measure, was detained in London till September.
The following paper was written six weeks after his return to
his usual recreations in the country : —
"Northrepps Hall, October 26, 1831.
" S. Hoare goes away to-day. Shooting has been good medicine for
him ; he came down with very gloomy views on the state of public
affairs ; but the dangers from Reform or the rejection of Reform — the
perils of the Church and State — have gradually disappeared, and now,
as far as he can see, the country, if not prosperous and secure, is at
least threatened with no imminent danger !
" I cannot but think that the air, exercise, and absence of care are
essential to his health of body, and to the tranquillity of his mind ; nay,
I doubt whether he could go on in his very useful career without that
season of repose and relaxation. This is my deliberate judgment with
regard to him, and may God bless him, and give him health of body, a
cheerful and a wholesome mind — peace here and for ever ! It is not
often that two persons have a union so strong, so unvarying, so ce-
mented by a similarity of taste and pursuit, of principles and views,
agreeing so entirely in serious as well as in lighter concerns as that
which for five-and-twenty years has subsisted between us. Well, may
God bless him, and may we edify and benefit, as well as amuse, each
other.
" As for myself, I feel about shooting that it is not time lost if it
contributes to my health and cheerfulness. I have many burthens, and
it is well to cast them off, lest they should so dispirit and oppress me
that I became less capable of active exertion.
" But now my holiday is nearly ended ; shooting may be my recrea-
tion, but it is not my business. It has pleased God to place some duties
upon me with regard to the poor slaves, and those duties I must nut
abandon. Oppression and cruelty, and persecution, and, what is worse,
absence of religion, must not continue to grind that unfortunate race
through my neglect. Grant, O God, that I may be enabled by thy
Holy Spirit to discharge my solemn duties to them. Thou hast pro-
mised thy Spirit, thy aid, and thy wisdom to those who ask them, and
under a sense of my utter incompetency to do anything of mv own
strength, I humbly and earnestly crave and entreat thy guidinar v
and that power and strength which comcth from thec. Mak<
instrument in thy hands for the relief and for the elevation of that
1831.] MEDITATIONS. 229
afflicted people. For the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the
needy, now aii<e, () Lord, and grant me the privilege of labouring and
combating in their behalf. I am inclined to think that it will not be
wrong to give two mornings in the week, while the fine weather lasts,
to exercise, and the evenings of those days to letters and my various
businesses — I shall then have four days for slavery. * * * Once more I
pray that it may please thee, O God, for Christ's sake, to lift up the
light of thy countenance on me, my labours, my meditations, and my
prayers ; grant me to grow in grace, and call forth the powers thou hast
given me for thy own service; strengthen me with might in the inner
man ; deal bountifully with thy servant. Amen."
A few days later he writes again : —
" November 6, 1831.
" Accept, O Lord, my thanks for that indulgent mercy which has
followed me all my days. I thank thee that I am in vigour of body and
mind ; that I am not under the influence at this moment of any sore
calamity ; that I am not racked with pain, nor tormented with grievous
apprehension ; but that it is a time of some peace and serenity.
" I bless thee that, in all the outward circumstances of life, thou hast
dealt bountifully with me ; that thou hast given me, not indeed great
talents and endowments, but a sound mind and enough force of under-
standing for the performance of my duties ; that thou hast placed me in
a reputable station, given me a good business, fair health, competence ;
in short, that in these things I am more prosperous than many that de-
serve them better ; that if not placed on the hill, I am not cast down
into the valley. In my family I have been happy. Severe afflictions
have come ; some of those most dear to me have been snatched away in
the dawn of their days, and one is lately gone whom I unceasingly de-
plore ; but he is gone to his God ; he is in peace ; he is an inhabitant of
those mansions prepared by thine Almighty power for those who love
thee. Then hast thou not rescued me from a thousand perils, from
temptations, from sins ? Can I not respond to the thanksgivings of the
Psalmist (Psalm ciii. 1—5). Am I not within reach of great spiritual
advantages? I thank thee, O Lord, that thou hast led me to read my
Bible, and hast supplied me with thy Spirit while I read, so that my
heart and mind have been fixed on the power of prayer, on the influ-
ence of the Spirit, on the mercies of my God, on the deliverance of
mankind through a blessed Saviour. Yes 1 thou hast offered to me that
' living bread which cometh down from heaven,' and giveth eternal life
to those who feed on it. Thy mercies, in truth, have been to me
abundant and innumerable, as the leaves of the forest, as the sands of
the sea. Benignant and bountiful hast thou been to me all the days of
230 GLOOMY PROSPECTS. [CHAP. xvn.
my life, and may it please thee evermore to be so, to continue to ble?s
me in body, in mind, in estate, in pursuits, in family, in friends, in
business, in prayer, in meditation, in thankfulness for the visible mercy
of God, and in the atonement of Christ.
" We stand now in a peculiar crisis ; though I am not troubled with
care, or depressed with apprehension, there is reason for alarm. It is,
both in private and public matters, a time of trouble, and I have good
reason to seek thee with earnestness of supplication in this perilous
period. As for public matters, have I not reason to turn steadfastly to
Him who can shield us from dangers, however imminent and however
terrible? Last week the Bristol riots prevailed, and the same spirit may
spread through the country. In this neighbourhood the incendiary has
been briskly at work. Last night the news arrived that the cholera had
really commenced its ravages in England ; and to-morrow a meeting of
the working classes is to take place in London. Storms seem gathering
in every direction, and the tempest may soon break upon my own house.
Assist me then, O Lord, to prepare for events which may so soon ap-
proach. Let my house be planted on a rock which shall stand firm
in the buffetings of the winds and the waves. O my God, I feel that
there is no security, save the perfect security which belongs to thee.
Vain is the help of man ; folly is his wisdom ; feebleness his strength ;
but in entire unshaken confidence I desire to commit and commend to
thee myself, my family, my friends, my neighbours, my country.
" Give us wisdom to act aright ; preside over our councils ; lead us to
the right path, and to do the right thing. Let thy Spirit be poured
forth upon us in rich profusion, prepare u? for outward danger by in-
ward grace. Teach us that no real calamity can befall us if we are in
the hands of our God, that we are safe under the shadow of His wings.
Give us the spirit of true prayer, and let it abide with us ; and if death
be cominer, ' in the hour of death and in the day of judgment, good
Lord deliver us,' for the sake of our blessed Redeemer, Christ Jesus."
The insurrectionary spirit of the day, alluded to in this paper,
reached even the quiet neighbourhood of Cromer, and one morn-
ing, when Mr. Buxton was at breakfast, news came that a band
of rioters were passing along- a road near his house, on their way
to destroy a farmer's thrashing machine. He at once walked
out to meet them, accompanied by his younger children, and on
coming up to them made a short speech, explaining to them
what fools they were, and urging them not to run the risk of the
gallows. When he had done, observing that they were headed
by a man with a long pole in his hand, surmounted by a reaping-
1831.] DEATH OF MR. NORTH. 2.31
hook, Mr. IJuxtoii stepped up to him, and after a moment's
struggle wrested it away, none of the others interfering. He
then disarmed another in the same way, and this so completely
disconcerted these valiant rioters that they began to disperse, and
were soon all safe at home in their cottages.
At the beginning of this autumn Mr. Buxton had sustained
the loss of his early and highly valued friend John Henry North,
who had sunk under the fatigue incurred by his exertions in
Parliament against the Reform Bill. Their friendship had not
been cooled by the difference in their political careers.
TO MRS. NORTH.
" Northrepps, November 20, 1831.
" My dear Friend, — I have not written to you of late, partly Iron! a
reluctance to intrude on your griefs, and partly from another feeling.
What can I say to comfort you ? There are topics of consolation for
ordinary calamities ; but, in your case, the blow has been too deep and
too terrible to admit of any comfort save one, and with that I trust you
are abundantly blessed. I have made, however, some inquiries about
you, and was distressed to hear of your extreme depression ; not that I
wonder at it : your loss has been great indeed ; but 1 wish to say to you
— Cheer up, my friend ! the day is coming in which you will, I confi-
dently believe, be restored to the object of your affection. The blow
which has levelled your joys and your hopes with the dust came from
the hand of a most loving Father, and hereafter you will know that it
was sent in mercy and lovina: kindness. I heartily wish that I had
sometimes the privilege of seeing you. I, too, have had very deep
afflictions in my family ; many of the pleasant pictures which my imagi-
nation had painted have been destroyed. This, I believe, makes my
heart more susceptible of the distress of others, and I should be glad of
the opportunity of pointing out to you those passages in Scripture, and
elsewhere, in which I have found relief and comfort. But if I do not
see you, I do not forget you. I remember your forlorn and solitary
state, and the bitter contrast between your home now and in former
times. I can conceive the dreariness of it, and how constantly you
must miss such a friend and companion as you have lost ; but there is
consolation in reflecting on what he said and what he felt in his last
hours, and in tracing his happy change from this sorrowful world, to the
inexpressible joys and glories of which he is now, I firmly trust, a
partaker.
" This is a very painful period of the year to me. This time, almost
232 LETTER TO A FRIEND IN ILL HEALTH. [CHAP. xvii.
this day, last year, I lost a son — and such a son ! But God's will be
done ! I find that nothing so takes off the sting of my grief as a realising
sense of his perfect happiness. My dear boy's name was John Henry,
so named after the dearest friend of my youth.
" Believe me, my dear friend, very truly and in sincere sympathy
" Yours,
" T. FOWELL BuXTON."
He thus writes to a gentleman with whom he had been en-
gaged in important business, and who was now labouring under
indisposition : —
" Devonshire Street, March, 1832.
" It seems very long since I have written to you, or heard from you,
but I am rejoiced to hear" better tidings of your health. The worst part
of the spring is now over. I have more confidence in air and gentle
exercise than in all the doctors ; and I confidently hope that these will
recruit your spirits and your health, so as fully to re-establish you.
" You will remember that I spoke to you some months ago upcn the
subject of religion. I, at least, well recollect that you received what I
said with your usual kindness. I had some doubts as to the kind of
books which you would be inclined to read. I have sent you a few, and
shall be really glad to hear that you have read them and liked them.
" After all, the main purpose of our living here is to prepare for
eternity. It matters little how we fare in this world, provided a better
awaits us. Death will soon overtake both the sick and the healthy : you
and I, and all now alive, must soon quit this world ; and it is an awful
thing to know that either perfect happiness or eternal misery awaits us.
" It is difficult to dwell sufficiently on these things in the busy occu-
pation of life, and I believe that sickness is often sent in mercy for the
purpose of turning our minds to reflection and repentance ; and that thus,
to many, illness has been the greatest blessing of their lives. I both
hope and believe this is the case with you. I can bear testimony, and
have often done so, to your many excellent and generous qualities, but
these alone will not suffice : something more is necessary, and that some-
thing is repentance for past sins — a desire and determination to obey
God, and, above all, faith in Jesus Christ.
" My hope and wish for you is, that you may be led to pray fervently
and constantly for the Spirit of God to teach you. If you ask for that
Spirit it will be given to you : it will teach you to read the Bible, it will
enlighten your mind on the truths which it contains, and. especially, it
will make you to know and feel two things, — first, that God is ready to
pardon even the greatest of sinners; and, secondly, that this pardon is
derived, not from our own merits, but from the merits of our Saviour.
1832.] EXTRACT FROM HIS PAPERS. 2.33
" I have boon led, my dear friend, to say thus much from the sincere
interest and friendship I have always felt for you. I entreat you to take
it as kindly as it is meant, and to make good use of the leisure which
you now have, in attending to the most important concern you were ever
engaged in."
The following is an extract from one of his papers, dated Jan.
1, 1832:—
" Grant, O Lord, that I may begin the next year under the guidance
and influence of that blessed Spirit, which, if I grieve it not, if I follow
it implicitly, if I listen to its still small voice, if I love.it as my friend
and consult it as my counsellor, will surely lead me, in this life, in the
pleasant paths of peace and holiness, and as surely conduct me hereafter
to the habitations of unutterable joy.
" Again and again I crave and entreat the presence and the power of
that heavenly guide. O Lord, how much have I had in the past year
to thank thee for! What mercy, what love, what compassion for my
weakness, what readiness to pardon and obliterate the memory of my
misdeeds I *****
" Now, am I sufficiently assiduous in the discharge of my duties ?
My great duty is the deliverance of my brethren in the West Indies
from slavery both of body and soul. In the early part of the year I did
in some measure faithfully discharge this. I gave my whole mind to it.
I remember that I prayed for firmness and resolution to persevere, and
that in spite of some formidable obstructions I was enabled to go on ;
but, latterly, where has my heart been ? Has the bondage of my
brethren engrossed my whole mind ? The plain and the painful truth
is that it has not. Pardon, O Lord, this neglect of the honourable ser-
vice to which thou hast called me.
" Give me wisdom to devise, and ability to execute, and zeal and per-
severance and dedication of heart, for the task with which thou hast
been pleased to honour me. 2 Chron. xx. 12-17.
" And now, Lord, hear and answer my prayer for myself. My first
desire is, that this next year may not be thrown away upon anything less
than those hopes and interests which are greater and better than any
that this world can contain. May no subordinate cares or earthly inte-
rests interrupt my progress. May I act as one whose aim is heaven ;
may my loins be girded, and my lights burning, and myself like unto
men \vho wait for their Lord. Conscious of my own weakness, of my
absolute inability to do anything by my own strength, anything tending
to my own salvation, I earnestly pray for the light and the impulse of
thy Holy Spirit, and that Christ may dwell in my heart by faith.
234 LETTER ON A SCHOOL OUTBREAK. [CHAP. xvin.
" Bless, O Lord God, my efforts for the extinction of that cruel
slavery ; or, rather, take the work into thine own hands.
" Bless, O Lord, I earnestly pray thee, bless my family, relations,
and friends. With what deep affection I pass them in review, and feel
that never was any one privileged to possess a larger number of most
faithful friends! I entreat, O Lord, that thou wouldest bless them with
all thy choicest blessings, in their families, in their concerns, in their
health, and, above all, in the growth of grace in their souls.
" There are some of them from whom I hare received much more in
kindness than I have ever requited. There are others who seem to
need especial intercession. There are those with whom I have all my
life been bound by the fastest ties of unclouded affection. For each and
for all of them I pray thee, O Lord, turn their hearts to thyself; deliver
them from pain, from sorrow, and from sin, and conduct them in thine
own way to that fold of which Jesus Christ is the shepherd, and receive
them at length as thine own, for the sake of Christ Jesus."
One of his nephews had joined in a school outbreak. Mr.
Buxton thus writes to his father : —
" Northrepps, January 8, 1832.
" Your letter reached me to-night, and I lose no time in answering it.
As for the ' insurrectionary movements,'' if you did not take them so
seriously, we should rather be inclined to smile at them. Let me ask
you one plain question. Do you really think one bit the worse of the
boy for having been one of these rebels ? I do not. Non-resistance to
oppression, or supposed oppression, built upon a deep investigation of
the tenor of Scripture, and upon the spirit evinced by the author of
Christianity, is a very high attainment: it is not to be expected from a
lad of his age. Again, it is of all things the most difficult to stand
against the current of popular feeling, especially where the motive for
doing so may be misconstrued into timidity and truckling.
" In short, if I were his father, I should affectionately and gently re-
mind him that his fault consisted in a departure from the principles
which his parents held. I should instil into his mind that it was more
noble to stand alone, maintaining that course which they would approve,
than to perform the most gallant insurgent exploits ; and I should give
him to understand that I expected to hear no more of such proceedings;
and, in my own heart, I should be quite at ease on the subject. I cer-
tainly should send him back again. I would give the school another
trial, and I should whisper in the master's ear, that if another rebellion
took place it must be tin- fault of the system.
" The only thing about which I should fool any serious apprehension,
would be lest the boy should get indirect praise for his high spirit. I
1832.] LETTER ON A SCHOOL OUTBREAK. 235
speak from experience. When I was a boy I obtained what then ap-
peared to me to be the glorious discredit of being high-spirited and
haughty, and careless of consequences. There is something in this to
please the fancy and excite the pride of a boy; and this character, which
stands upon the borders of good and evil, made me very fierce and
tyrannical. I say this the more freely, because I think I discern in his
mother's letters a great deal of sorrow and apprehension at top, but
underneath a little secret, sly satisfaction at her boy's spirit. I send
him my love and a sovereign ; and, if you like, you may read him what
I say as to the more noble and manly part which we expect him here-
after to take."
236 INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. [CHAP. xvm.
CHAPTER XVIII.
SLAVBBY. 1832.
Insurrection in Jamaica — Lords' Committee — Letters to Lord Suffield
Speech at Public Meeting — Position of Parties — State of the Colonies
— Policy of the Government — Debate, May 24 — Mr. Buxton insists
on Dividing the House — Formation of the Committee — Religious Per-
secutions in Jamaica — Result of the Committee — Letters.
WHEN the session of 1832 commenced, the nation was shaken to
its centre by the closing struggle on the Reform question. Some
may be disposed to wonder that Mr. Buxton, at such a crisis, did
not take an active part in the exciting discussions of the day ; but
though warmly interested in the subject, and constant in giving
his attendance and his vote, the incessant occupation arising out
of the abolition question prevented him from coming prominently
forward on other occasions. His attachment to the cause which
so deeply interested him
" Had killed the flock of all affections else
That lived in him,"
and his best exertions were needed to prevent the pressing ques-
tions of the day from engulfing all remembrance of the far dis-
tant slave. The attention of all parties was, however, for a time
recalled to the subject : first by the violent irritation expressed
in the colonies at the declaration of Lord Althorp in the pre-
ceding year, that he would " insist on the enforcement" of ame-
liorating measures,* and at the consequent order in council
issued, with a despatch from Lord Goderich, in November; and,
secondly, by the news of an alarming insurrection among the
* April 15, 1831. Hansard. At one of the public meetings of the
planters in Jamaica, this determination of the Government was affirmed to
be "unjust and inhuman,'' while the allegations of the anti-slavery party
were stigmatised as " the false and infamous representations of interested
and infuriated lunatics." — (See the Life of YVni. Knibb, p. 111.)
1832.] INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA. 237
negroes in Jamaica, who, from hearing the indignant expressions
of their masters against the home government, conceived that
" free paper was come," and had been suppressed by the planters.
An attempt was made by the latter to implicate the missionaries
and some of the clergy in the rebellion of the slaves, and Messrs.
Gardner and Knibb were actually arrested on the charge, and
indictments made out against them. The case, however, against
the former completely broke down, and the Attorney-General
abandoned the charge against the other. In fact, not one tittle
of evidence was ever adduced against them.*
A warm debate took place on the 23rd of March, in which
Lord Howick defended the conduct of Government, in having
promised advantages to those colonies which would adopt un-
changed the order in council ; and asserted that, as the remon-
strances of three successive Secretaries of State had proved
ineffectual, " the time had arrived when the language of exhor-
tation should cease." f
On the 25th of March Mr. Buxton mentions that twenty of
his leading anti-slavery friends dined with him to discuss the sub-
ject of slavery, and devise the means of its extinction.
" But," says he, " this select band of our special friends and faithful
supporters differed upon every practical point ; and opinions wavered
all the way, from the instant abolition of slavery without any compen-
sation, to its gradual extinction through the agency, and with the cordial
concurrence, of the planters."
" Let me then turn," he adds, "from the weakness of man to the
strength and counsel of my God. Now, if never before, I see how
precious is that promise, ' If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of
God, and it shall be given him.' I feel that I do indeed lack this divine
wisdom. The 142nd Psalm speaks my feelings."
The West Indian proprietors in the Upper House J now
* Sir Willoughby Cotton says, in a despatch to Lord Belmore, dated
Jan. 3, "The whole of the men shot yesterday stated that they had been
told by white people for a long time past that they were to be free at Christ-
mas, and that the freedom order had actually come .out from England, but
had been withheld."— (See Parl. Paper for 16th March, 1832, No. 285,
quoted in A. S. Reporter.)
t Hansard.
+ It is likely that the greater part of the non-resident proprietors \vere
entirely ignorant of the proceedings on their estates, and of the cruelties in-
flicted on the slaves. Thus Mr. Lewis, in his entertaining work, ' Negro
238 LETTER TO LORD SUFFIELD. [CHAP, xvm,
moved for, and obtained, a committee of inquiry on "West
Indian affairs. " This committee," said Mr. Buxton, * "is
a pretext for delay, and nothing else ; I look on it as a calamity
to our cause." He foresaw that its not having completed
its inquiries would be urged as a motive for deferring the
settlement of the question ; j" and he could not expect much
impartiality from its decisions, knowing, as he did, that there
was scarcely a stirring friend of emancipation in the Upper
House.
TO LORD SUFFIELD.
« April 19, 1832.
" My dear Lord, — Will you have the goodness to ascertain for me,
when you have an opportunity, what the powers of this hopeful Com-
mittee are likely to be with regard to witnesses ; whether it will au-
thorize us to send for them from the West Indies, &c., by agreeing to
pay their expenses, and remunerate them for the loss of time and busi-
ness ? and whether the anti-slavery party, that is yourself, will have any
authority or control in the committee ?
" I protest, I think you Lords are even worse than we Commons,
bad as we are. I could hardly listen to them in silence the night
before last, or refrain from cheering the solitary voice that was lifted
up for truth and righteousness. Well, much as we must lament
that there are not many to echo it, how deeply rejoiced and thank-
ful am I, and that in the name of the best part of England and
all the slaves, that there is that one ! Personally, I cannot but
congratulate you on what I consider so pre-eminently the post of
honour.
' For this was all thy care,
To stand approved of God, though worlds
Judged thee perverse.' "
He writes again, a few days later, to the same friend, who was
dispirited by one of the many discouragements to which the
struggle exposed him.
" Away with all mortification. I can truly say, that I
would rather incur obloquy, and shame, and disappointment in our good
Life in the West Indies,' in which he does not fail to abuse Mr. Wilber-
force, yet mentions his indignation, when he lauded in Jamaica, at finding
that his agent, who had given him glowing descriptions of his own huma-
nity to his slaves, was in fact a worthless scoundrel, who had all the time
been ill-treating them.
* At the General Meeting of the Anti-slavery Society, May, 1832.
t Thus, see Sir K. Peel's Speech, May 24, 1832.
1832.] SPEECH AT A PUBLIC MEETING. 2.39
cause, than get glory in any other ; and I know nothing oi' your mind
if you are not of the same opinion."
Mr. Buxton was one of the numerous witnesses examined
before the Lords' committee, and he gladly availed himself of
the opportunity of communicating some of his abundant in-
formation, and laid before it twenty-seven documents, prepared
with extreme care. Although the report of the committee
was indecisive, the effect of its investigations was to diffuse
more knowledge and sounder principles. After its labours
were closed, Lord Suffield no longer stood alone in the House
of Lords.
An animated public meeting was held on the 12th of May, at
which the venerable Mr. Stephen presided. Mr. Buxton con-
cluded the address which he made on the occasion, in these em-
phatic words : —
" When I call to mind the fact that, contrary to the law of nature, in
a country friendly to the increase of population, it has diminished with
such frightful rapidity, I would tell all who countenance such a system,
that they will have to account at a solemn tribunal for the 50,000 mur-
ders that have been committed through its agency. When I think of
this, and of the cart-whip, and of the millions of stripes inflicted by that
accursed instrument, I am at a loss for words to express my feelings.
When I trace the system through its baleful ramifications, when I con-
template this hideous cluster of crimes, there is but one language, the
language of divine inspiration, that can convey what passes within me.
' They are a people robbed and spoiled ; they are all of them snared in
holes, and they are hid in prison-houses ; they are for a prey, and no
man delivereth, for a spoil, and no man restoreth.' When we look at
the career of affliction of our brother man, for, after all, he is our bro-
ther, moulded in the same form, heir to the same immortality, and,
although in chains and in suffering, on a level, in the eyes of God, with
the proudest noble in that committee which has been appointed to sit in
judgment upon him ; when I view him entering life by the desert track
of bondage ; when I view him writhing under the lash of his tormentor ;
when I see him consigned to a premature and unregarded grave, having
died of slavery; and when I think of the preparation which we,
good Christian men and women, have enabled him to make for his
hereafter, — there can be but one feeling in my heart, one expres-
sion on my lips: ' Great God ! how long, how long, is this iniquity to
continue ? ' "
The position in which the Government, the West Indians,
240 POSITION OF PARTIES. [CHAP. XYIII.
and the Abolitionists, stood to each other in 1832, was nearly
that of equilibrium. The Abolitionists had received a con-
siderable accession of Parliamentary force in the late general
election, many of the candidates having pledged themselves to
take the anti-slavery side. With his hands thus strengthened,
Mr. Buxton determined to press forward again the resolutions
moved in the preceding year, aiming at an abolition of slavery,
at once speedy and safe. But to this idea of speedy emancipa-
tion the ministers were by no means prepared to yield, though
they fully admitted the principle that slavery should be finally
abolished.
In the first place, they felt the responsibility which makes
men in power so often shrink from a hardy policy. In the
second, they were compelled to consult for their own preserva-
tion, by conciliating the West Indian party. The immense
Parliamentary strength of that body must be borne in mind, if
we would understand the varied and often baffled course of the
anti-slavery movement during this and the ensuing year. The
fact, was that many of the great landowners at home held colo-
nial property also, and inherited with it a natural hatred of that
" reckless enthusiasm " which was bent on taking away their slaves.
It was, therefore, the policy of the Government to avoid bring-
ing the anti-slavery question to a crisis ; to keep it at arm's
length ; and, by preventing it from coming to the test of a divi-
sion, to escape committing themselves to either one or the other
of the opposing parties.
Against such a policy it behoved the negro's advocate to stand
firm. But this was rendered the more difficult to Mr. Buxton,
by his hearty attachment to Whig principles, and by his per-
sonal regard for many members of the Cabinet. Besides, he
looked upon the maintenance of the Whig ministry as of almost
paramount importance to his own cause. By these contending
considerations the perplexities of his course were greatly in-
creased ; but he daily became more impressed with the m <
of vigorous and speedy measures. Deeply versed in the state of
the West Indies, it was to him a thing plain and undoubted,
that no policy could be so pernicious as that of hesitation and
delay. He thought that the dangers of rapid emancipation were
not nearly so great as they were held to be. lie believed that
1832.] STATE OF THE COLONIES. 241
a good police and kind treatment would suffice to prevent those
" frightful calamities " (the result of such an act), which Sir
Robert Peel "shuddered to contemplate."* He boldly stated
his belief that the negroes would go to work for wages, as soon
as they were released from the terrors of the whip ; and that
at any rate the Legislature would find it the most hopeless task
in the world to do what Lord Althorp called "employing itself
most usefully, in bringing the slaves to such a state of moral
feeling as would be suitable to the proposed alteration in their
condition." f
The statistics which he had brought forward in the previous
year appeared to him to demonstrate the utter folly, as well as
the utter cruelty of slavery. A system that was killing off the
labourers of the colonial islands at such a fearful rate, could
be of no real good to any one. The best thing to be done, as he
thought, would be to get rid of it at once, whatever the cost
might be.
If experience can prove anything, it seemed to him to prove
the necessity of a thorough change of policy with regard to
slavery. For nine years the Government had been trying the
gentle means^indicated by the resolutions of 1823 ; yet the state
of the slaves was not a whit better than it had been nine years
before. The mortality was advancing with the same rapid
strides. Nay, in Demerara, Essequibo, Jamaica, St. Christo-
pher's, and St. Vincent, the official returns show that the loss
of life was greatest in the last three of the twelve years during
which those returns of population were made.| The punish-
ments officially reported had never reached a more appalling
number. The cases of individual cruelty brought to light in
many quarters, but especially in the reports of the protec-
tors of slaves, were as startling and as rife as ever. And as
for religious instruction, the rancour of the planters against it,
justified by their own doctrine, that it " is incompatible with the
existence of slavery," § had grown stronger and more violent
year by year. Besides this tried and tested hopelessness of pro-
ducing any real effect by mitigatory measures, there was another
* Hansard, -vol. xiii. p. C5. f Ibid., vol. xiii. p. 59.
J Ibid., vol. xiii. p. 39.
§ Public Meeting at Trinidad. (See Hansard, vol. xi. p. 839.)
B
242 POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. [CHAP. xvur.
still weightier reason for not delaying the day of freedom. In
this case, most surely, would indecision be decisive. A moral
effect had been produced by the prolonged discussions of the
question. The planter had been exasperated to the highest
pitch of indignation ; the slave had learnt reflection, but not
self-control. A breach, deadly and imminent, lay between them ;
and already had some mutterings been heard of the storm, which
would surely burst with terrific fury, if steps were not quickly
taken to turn its wrath aside. *
Yet the Government, though enforcing their recommendations
with increasing urgency, still wished to defer emancipation till
" a progressive improvement should have been made in the cha-
racter of the slave population, by the temperate enforcement of
ameliorating measures." f
Here, then, Mr. Buxton came to issue with them. Indeed,
the debate on which we are about to enter (and it was one of
eminent consequence) hinged on that point.
The Government first strove to prevent him from bringing his
motion forward. Failing in this they endeavoured, and with
success, to add to the resolution which he proposed the words
" conformably to the resolutions of 1823." To this he offered a
strenuous resistance ; and persisted in dividing the House, so as
to compel it to declare in the face of the nation what it really
meant to do on this great question.
The following letter,! written by his eldest daughter to the
inmates of Northrepps Cottage, gives the details of all that
occurred : —
" The debate § has at length actually taken place, and great cause
have we to be satisfied with the result, now that we are safe on the other
side of it. It is difficult exactly to recall the feelings and opinions of
the preceding days ; it was however the usual course, — every possible
* This idea, of a general revolt of the negroes, was a source of constant
distress to Mr. Buxton. " The gun is cocked and on the shoulder," said he,
•with great emphasis, in speaking of the subject to one of his friends.
f See the Resolutions of 1823, ante.
* This is the first of a series of letters, addressed to the same individuals,
to which we shall have frequent occasion to refer.
§ May 24.
1832.] MR. BUXTON PERSISTS IN HIS MOTION. 243
assault from friend and foe to make my father put off his motion, and,
when that was found hopeless, to induce him to soften it down, or not
to divide the House. Dr. Lushington was of opinion that it would
endanger the cause to persevere, and difference of opinion with him is
worse than anything to my father. The Government were also most
pressing, and the terms they offered extremely tempting. On Tuesday
morning my father and Dr. Lushington were a long time with Lord
Althorp and Lord Howick, both of whom used every argument and
almost every entreaty. I believe he did not reply much at the time,
but was cruelly beset and acutely alive to the pain of refusing them, and,
as they said, of embarrassing all their measures, and giving their
enemies a handle at this tottering moment. They said, besides, that
the public were so occupied with Reform, that it was only wasting the
strength of the cause ; nobody would listen, and the effect would be
wholly lost, whereas if he would wait a little they would all go with
him ; their hearts were in fact with him, and all would be smooth, if he
would have a little reason and patience. On his return he related all
this to us, and proposed writing a letter to Lord Althorp previous to
the final interview, which was to take place the next day. So a letter
was written, which I will copy.
" ' TO LORD ALTHORP.
" 'May 22, 1832.
" ' My Lord, — I am fearful lest I should have failed in conveying to
you, at least in their force, the impressions under which I am acting.
The fact is, from the study I have given to the subject, I am so deeply
sensible of the practical as well as the inherent horrors of the system,
and of the persecution and cruelties which are daily going on, that it is
impossible for me to let this opportunity pass over without at least bearing
my testimony against them. Allow me moreover to remind you, that,
however insignificant in myself, I am the representative, on this ques-
tion, of no mean body in this country, who would be, to an extent of
which I believe you have no idea, disappointed and chagrined at the
suspension of the question. But further (and this is a consideration far
more really influential on my conduct), I cannot but feel myself the
representative of a body who cannot speak for themselves, and for whom
I must act, without other guide than my own conscience. There is
nothing, whatever may be the result of my motion, which I should look
back upon with so much regret, and I may add, shame, as the having,
in any measure or degree, slighted their interest for my own conveni-
ence, or that of my friends in England, more particularly as those friends
are powerful and important, while those for whom I am acting, however
feebly, are helpless and oppressed. In short, I believe it to be most
K 2
244 MR. BUXTON PERSISTS IN HIS MOTION. [CHAP. xvin.
for their advantage that I should bring on my motion, and therefore I
am necessitated to say candidly, that I cannot either postpone it or sub-
stitute for it anything short of abolition. To say I do most reluctantly
anything that can possibly inconvenience the present Ministry is needless
and useless.
" ' I am, my dear Lord, with great esteem and respect,
" ' Yours most faithfully,
" ' T. F. BUXTON.'
" It was early on the Wednesday morning that this letter was sent,
and in the afternoon he went again to Lord Althorp, who immediately
gave him to understand that he saw it was of no use attempting to turn
him, and that he gave him every credit for his motive. Accordingly
they resolved on their several courses, the motion, and the amendment.
Thursday morning, May 24th, came. My father and I went out on
horseback directly after breakfast, and a memorable ride we had. He
began by saying that he had stood so far, but that divide he could not.
He said I could not conceive the pain of it, that almost numberless ties
and interests were concerned, that his friends would be driven to vote
against him, and thus their seats would be endangered. But then his
mind turned to the sufferings of the missionaries and of the slaves, and
he said after all he must weigh the real amount of suffering, and not
think only of that which came under his sight ; and that if he were in
the West Indies, he should feel that the advocate in England ought to
go straight on, and despise those considerations. In short, by degrees
his mind was made up. When we got near the House every minute we
met somebody or other, who just hastily rode up to us. ' Come on to-
night ? ' ' Yes.' — ' Positively ? ' ' Positively ; ' and with a blank
countenance the inquirer turned his horse's head and rode away. I do
not know how many times this occurred. In St. James's Park we met
Mr. Spring Rice, whom he told, to my great satisfaction, that he posi-
tively would divide. Next Sir Augustus Dalrymple came up to us, and,
after the usual queries, said, ' Well, I tell you frankly I mean to make
an attack upon you to-night.' ' On what point ?' ' You said, sonic time
asro, that the planters were opposed to religious instruction.' ' I did,
and will maintain it.' We came home, and dined at three. It is diffi-
cult to recall, and perhaps impossible to convey to you, the interest and
excitement of the moment. Catherine Hoare, R., and I and the little
boys went down with him.. We were in the ventilator by four o'clock ;
our places were therefore good. For a long time we missed my father,
and found afterwards he had been sent for by Lord Althorp for a further
discussion, in which, however, he did not yield. Many anti-slavery
petitions were presented ; the great West Indian petition by Lord
1832.] LOKD ALTHORP'S AMENDMENT. 245
Chaiulos. At length, about six, ' Mr. Fowell Buxton' was called : he
presented two petitions, one from the Archbishop of Tuam and his
clergy, and the other from the Delegates of the Dissenters in and near
London. The order of the day was then called, and he moved his reso-
lution, which was for a Committee ' to consider and report upon the
best means of abolishing the state of slavery throughout the British
dominions, with a due regard to the safety of all parties concerned.'
He spoke very well indeed, and they listened to him far better than last
year ; in short, the subject obviously carried much greater weight with
it, and the effect of the speech last year on population was manifest, as
indeed it has been ever since. He touched on that subject again, and
alluded to his statement,* which he was happy to see in the hands of
honourable members (he had sent it round to each a day or two before
signed by himself, and there were many of them looking at it while he
was speaking). I was very much pleased to see it in their hands. I
will not, however, attempt to go over the debate, or to relate the
speeches. Mr. Macaulay's was strikingly eloquent. Lord Howick's
capital, and giving such a testimony to the speech of last year as de-
lighted me. He said, it had indeed startled him, and that he had exa-
mined into all the .facts, which he found undeniable : he evidently spoke
under the effect of the impression it had made upon him. Lord Althorp
proposed the amendment of adding ' conformably to the resolutions of
1823.' Then came the trial : they (privately) besought my father to
give way, and not to press them to a division. ' They hated,' they said,
' dividing against him when their hearts were all for him ; it was merely
a nominal difference, why should he split hairs ? he was sure to be
beaten, where was the use of bringing them all into difficulty, and
making them vote against him ?' He told us that he thought he had a
hundred applications of this kind in the course of the evening ; in short,
nearly every friend he had in the House came to him, and by all consi-
derations of reason and friendship besought him to give way. Mr.
Evans was almost the only person who took the other side. I watched
my father with indescribable anxiety, seeing the members one after the
other come and sit down by him, and judging but too well from their
gestures what their errand was. One of them went to him four times,
and at last sent up a note to him with these words, ' immovable as ever?'
To my uncle Hoare, who was under the gallery, they went repeatedly,
but with no success, for he would only send him a message to persevere.
My uncle described to me one gentleman, not a member, who was near
him under the gallery, as having been in a high agitation all the evening,
* April 15, 1831. See 'Hansard' of that date; also 'Anti-Slavery
Reporter,' vol. v. No. 100.
246 THE DIVISION. [CHAP. xvni.
exclaiming, ' Oh, he won't stand ! Oh, he'll yield ! I 'd give a hundred
pounds, I'd give a thousand pounds, to have him divide! Noble!
noble ! What a noble fellow he is ! ' according to the various changes
in the aspect of things. Among others, Mr. H came across to try
his eloquence : ' Now don't be so obstinate ; just put in this one word,
" interest ;" it makes no real difference, and then all will be easy.
You will only alienate the Government. Now,' said he, ' I '11 just tell
Lord Althorp you have consented.' My father replied, ' I don't think
I exaggerate when I say, I would rather your head were off, and mine
too ; I am sure I had rather yours were ! ' What a trial it was ! He
said afterwards, that he could compare it to nothing but a continual
tooth-drawing the whole evening. At length he rose to reply, and very
touchingly alluded to the effort he had to make, but said he was bound
in conscience to do it, and that he would divide the House. Accord-
ingly the question was put. The Speaker said, ' I think the noes have
it.' Never shall I forget the tone in which his solitary voice replied,
* No, sir.' ' The noes must go forth,' said the Speaker, and all the
House appeared to troop out. Those within were counted, and amounted
to ninety. This was a minority far beyond our expectations, and from
fifty upwards my heart beat higher at every number. I went round to
the other side of the ventilator to see them coming in. How my heart
fell as they reached 88, 89, 90, 91, and the string still not at an end ;
and it went on to 136 ! So Lord Althorp's amendment was carried.
At two o'clock in the morning it was over, and for the first time my
father came up to us in the ventilator. I soon saw that it was almost too
sore a subject to touch upon ; he was so wounded at having vexed all his
friends. Mr. would not speak to him after it was over, so angry
was he ; and for days after when my father came home he used to men-
tion, with real pain, somebody or other who would not return his bow.
On Friday Dr. Lushington came here and cheered him, saying, ' Well,
that minority was a great victory ;' and this does seem to be the case ;
but we hardly know how to forgive some of those who ought to have
swelled its numbers. My father, however, cannot bear to hear them
blamed. M was wishing that some of those who professed so much
and voted against him might be turned out. ' Oh!' he said, ' I would
not hurt a hair of their heads.' He feels it a great cause for thankfulness
and encouragement to have a committee sitting to consider the best
means of getting rid of slavery. The formation of this committee was
the next business, and very difficult indeed it was. My father went
many times to Lord Althorp about it. Once Lord Althorp said, ' The
fact is, Buxton, the West Indians object, not only to your friends, but
to everybody who has any constituents : they won't have anybody out
of schedule A.' Lord Howick's name being mentioned, Lord Althorp
1832.] MR. BUXTON'S SPEECH. „
. _ I .'
said, ' Why he's one of yourselves,' but added, 'we, the gove
the middle party, must be represented in the committee.' M; ^
said, ' Now, laying aside the caution of power, and all the pledgr°u°"
have given, do you mean to say you don't agree with me in your hP1?*"
He did not deny it." t>on
"y
In this debate, as Mr. Buxton afterwards said, "the ca^h
made a seven-league stride." One sentence of his speech ma,
be given : — •
" How is the Government prepared to act in case of a general insur-
rection of the negroes ? War is to be lamented anywhere, and under
any circumstances : but a war against a people struggling for their
freedom and their right would be the falsest position in which it is
possible for England to be placed. And does the noble lord think that
the people out of doors will be content to see their resources exhausted,
for the purpose of crushing the inalienable rights of mankind ?
" I will refer the House to the sentiments of Mr. Jefferson, the
President of the United States. Mr. Jefferson was himself a slave-
owner, and full of the prejudices of slave-owners ; yet he left this
memorable testimony : ' I do, indeed, tremble for my country, when I
remember that God is just, and that his justice may not sleep for ever.
A revolution is among possible events ; the Almighty has no attribute
which would side with us in such a struggle.'
" This is the point that weighs most heavily with me : The Almighty
has no attribute that will side with us in such a struggle. A war with
an overwhelming physical force, — a war with a climate fatal to the
European constitution, — a war, in which the heart of the people of
England would lean toward the enemy ; it is hazarding all these terrible
evils ; but all are light and trivial, compared with the conviction I feel,
that in such a warfare it is not possible to ask, nor can we expect, the
countenance of Heaven. I assure the House I have been discharging a
most painful duty, and my endeavour has been to perform it without
offence to any one."
Mr. Buxton writes a few days afterwards to his daughter: —
" London, May 31, 1832.
" One line, if it be only to say that we are well and happy. I ear-
nestly hope that you are the same. Pray enjoy yourself all you can :
you are entitled to a holiday.
" I had a successful though laborious day yesterday. City Com-
mittees till 10 o'clock; Secondary Punishments from 1 till 4 ; a ride;
Criminal Law from 5 till 1 1 ; the motion carried.
246 PERSECUTION OF MISSIONARIES. [CHAP. xvm.
exclaim! morrow' the West-Ind;es Committee meets for the first time,
pounds a11 your Partv' and above a11 to yourself, my daughter, sister,
1 1 .'companion, counsellor."
in tnc,rsuant to the amended resolution, a committee was named,
^ c/hich Sir James Graham was chairman. It prosecuted its
Y . astigations from the 1st of June to the llth of August. Yet
j is period was far too short for it to receive half the evidence
which each side was eager to bring before it, and it broke up
without coming to a definite conclusion ; stating only that the
condition of the affairs disclosed by its inquiries demanded the
earliest and most serious attention of the Legislature.
Much of the evidence related to the insurrection of the
negroes in Jamaica, which had been followed by proceedings on
the part of the colonists, equally deserving the name of insur-
rection, had they not been perpetrated by the militia, the
magistrates, and the gentry of the island. These persons had
come to a resolution to maintain slavery, by putting down the
religious instruction of the negroes. They accordingly de-
stroyed seventeen chapels,* and inflicted upon the pastors and
their flocks every species of cruelty and insult. " I stake my
character," said Mr. Buxton, " on the accuracy of the fact, that
negroes have been scourged to the very borders of the grave,
uncharged with any crime, save that of worshipping their God."
He adds, in reference to the unfortunate missionaries, —
" There have not been, in our day, such persecutions as these brave
and good men have been constrained to endure. Hereafter we must
make selections among our missionaries. Is there a man whose timid
or tender spirit is unequal to the storm of persecution ? Send him to
the savage, — expose him to the cannibal, — save his life by directing his
steps to the rude haunts of the barbarian. But if there is a man of a
stift'er, sterner nature, a man willing to encounter obloquy, torture, and
death, let him be reserved for the tender mercies of our Christian
brethren and fellow-countrymen, the planters of Jamaica."!
The more obnoxious missionaries, particularly Messrs. Knibb
and Burchell, were driven from the island, and arrived in Eng-
land at the very juncture when their evidence before the Com-
* See ' Report of the Committee,' p. 270.
f ' Anti-Slavery Reporter,' vol. v. p. 149.
1832.] EFFECT OF THE DEBATE ON THE GOVERNMENT. 249
mittees was of the utmost value, and went forth to the country
under Parliamentary sanction. They then travelled through
England and Scotland, holding meetings in all the principal
towns, and their eloquent appeals produced a great effect upon
the public mind. Nothing, in fact, contributed more powerfully
to arouse the " religious world " to a sense of their duty with
regard to the question of slavery. Mr. Buxton frequently ad-
verted to the overruling hand of Providence, which had thus
turned the intolerance of the system to its own destruction.
The investigations of the Committees of both Houses were
published together, and the general impression was, that they
had established two points : First, that slavery was an evil for
which there was no remedy but extirpation ; secondly, that its
extirpation would be safe.
The nation willingly acceded to these conclusions, and im-
patiently desired to act upon them. How they affected the
minds of those in office we shall presently learn.
Such was the state of the slavery question when the session
closed ; and Mr. Buxton returned with his family to North repps.
During a short visit to London, in September, he thus writes to
his daughter :• —
" Spitalfields, Sept. 27, 1832.
" Yesterday I got through all my business well ; we had really an
excellent Bible Meeting, and we have resolved to reform our auxiliary,
upon the celebrated plan adopted by the ladies at Cromer. I saw T. B.
Macaulay yesterday : he told me one thing, which has much occupied
my mind ever since, and which furnished the subject-matter of my
meditations as I rode by the light of the stars to Upton last night. He
said, ' You know how entirely everybody disapproved of your course
in your motion, and thought you very wrong, very hard-hearted, and
very headstrong; but two or three days after the debate, Lord Althorp
said to me, " That division of Buxlorfs lias settled the slavery question.
If he can get ninety to vote with him when he is wrong, and when
most of those really interested in the subject vote against him, he can
command a majority when he is right. The question is settled: the
Government see it, and they will take it up." ' So reported Macaulay ;
and he added, ' Sir James Graham told me yesterday, that the Govern-
ment meet in a week ; they will then divide themselves into committees
on the three or four leading questions, for the purpose of settling them.
Slavery is one.' Now it is not so much the fact that Government are
250 CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE DIVISION. [CHAP. xvm.
going to take into their own hands the question, for the purpose of
settling it, which occupied my mind, as the consideration of the mode
by which we were led to that division, to which such important conse-
quences attach. It certainly was not the wisdom of my coadjutors; for,
with the exception of my own family, Hoare, Evans, Johnston, and one
or two others, they were all directly at variance with me. Brougham,
when he heard of my obstinacy, said, ' Is the man mad ? does he intend
to act without means ? He must give way.' It really was not the
wisdom of my counsellors, and as certainly it was not either my own
wisdom or resolution. 1 felt, it is true, clear that I was right; but I
did not find it easy to explain the reason why I was so clear.
" Then as to the resolution, I found it very difficult to stand firm.
I felt far more distressed than I ought to have done at acting in hos-
tility to my friends. I was unusually weak on that point. What then
led to the division ? If ever there was a subject which occupied our
prayers, it was this. Do you remember how we desired that God
would give me His Spirit in that emergency, that He would rise up as
the champion of the oppressed ? How we quoted the promise, ' He
that lacketh wisdom, let him ask it of the Lord, and it shall be given
him ' ? And how I kept open that passage in the Old Testament, in
which it is said (2 Chron. chap. xx. 12), ' We have no might against
this great company that cometh against us : neither know we what to
do, but our eyes are upon thee :' the Spirit of the Lord replying, ' Be
not afraid nor dismayed by reason of this great multitude, for the battle
is not yours, but God's' ? If you want to see the passage, open my
Bible ; it will turn of itself to the place. I sincerely believe that
prayer was the cause of that division ; and I am confirmed in this, by
knowing that we by no means calculated on the effect which that divi-
sion seems likely to produce. The course we took appeared to be
right, and we followed it blindly.
" I must now leave off. I am going to Sir James Graham, and the
Colonial Office, to-morrow, to see what I can pick up."
It was not only from his antagonists that Mr. Buxton en-
countered opposition ; the storm at times was almost as fierce
from those who were as ardent as himself in the cause of emanci-
pation. On the eve of the election of 1832, he suggested, in a
letter to Sir George Chetwynd, that the pledge to be asked
from candidates at elections should be, that they would aim at
" the extinction of slavery, at the earliest period coiHjHifiMc /rith
the safety of all classes." This last condition was unacceptable
to one section of the Anti-slavery party, whose zeal could no
1832.] ATTACK ON MR. BUXTON— HIS REPLY. 251
longer brook any degree of moderation. The following burst of
"indignant astonishment" was from the pen of one of these
impetuous advocates : —
" I have long condemned the advocates of emancipation, because they
have not sought the deliverance of the slave till it suited the con-
venience of his oppressor to let him go free. * * * To be candid, Sir, I
would rather see you throw up your brief, and take a retaining fee from
the planters, than that you should, in a reformed Parliament, bring
forward a motion in accordance with the sentiments expressed in your
letter to Sir G. Chetwynd. And if you appear as the advocate of such
a profane measure, we will look to some more enlightened advocate to
forward that cause which must be carried."
Mr. Buxton's reply was as follows : —
" Xorthrepps, Oct. 15, 1832.
"Dear Sir,' — I am so thoroughly inured to expressions of the
strongest condemnation from all sides, as to my course with regard to
slavery, that I should scarcely be prevailed on to notice those I have
received from you, were it not that I like the spirit which dictates
them, and should be glad if it were more general. Without therefore
noticing the violence of your expressions, or questioning their propriety
towards one who, however unworthy and unsuccessful, has certainly
been for many years almost wholly devoted to this cause, let me
attempt to justify the letter to which you refer. I said to Sir George
Chetwynd, as I have said on every other occasion, and as the words of
my motion expressed, that my aim was 'emancipation at the earliest
period compatible with the personal safety of all classes.' Where did
you fintl a word of ' convenience' ? How little do you know the heavy
battles I have had to fight on this very point ! If the emancipa-
tion of the slaves were in my power I could not dare to accomplish it
without previous police regulations, which is all the delay I mean.
These ought to be undertaken instantly ; for I know our power of eman-
cipating in one way or another is fast drawing to a close : I mean, that
the negroes will take the work into their own hands. But whoever else
is willing to undertake the weight of so enormous a responsibility, / am
not, without considering the personal safety of all classes. If you, my
dear Sir, can send some ' more enlightened advocate,' you may believe
me, that we are far too much oppressed and borne down with the weight
of our task in parliament not to hail his assistance, however given. But
in the mean time I must take the liberty of saying that I did not under-
take this serious work at man's bidding ; nor shall I, I trust, lay it
down at the bidding either of enemies or friends.
252 LETTERS. [CHAP. xvm.
" With every good wish, and begging you to continue your exertions,
and to blame me as much as you please if it will stir up one of our friends,
I am, dear Sir, yours, very truly,
" T. FOWELL BUXTOIT.
" P.S. — Perhaps you will let my friend Sturge see this letter, and
pray believe that I write in perfect good humour."
The day of freedom for the slaves was now evidently dawning,
and the autumn was spent in the welcome though anxious task
of preparing for that long-sought consummation. In November
he went up to London to discuss his plans with Dr. Lushington :
from thence he writes : —
TO MISS BUXTOX.
" Nov. 8, 1832.
" Thanks for your letters, which always cheer me. We had a capi-
tal meeting at Lushington 's last night, arranging our plan of Emanci-
pation ; we made good progress. This morning I saw the Government
on it, and they are well satisfied ; our views are so much in unison with
their own."
TO ZACHARY MACAULAY, ESQ.
" Dec. 1832.
" I am waiting for Lushington's plan. My conclusion is, that we
must stick firm and fast to our claims of justice. Immediate and total
emancipation is our right, and if we yield an iota of it, it must be not
for the sake of the planter, nor for the sake of Government, but for the
benefit of the negro ; and we must give up no more than it is the interest
of the negro to surrender. In short, we must fight the battle with a
single eye to the benefit of our clients the slaves."
TO MISS BUXTOX.
" Weymoutb, Dec. 14, 1832.
" Here is my first frank in this parliament ; I trust that before I give
my last the negroes will be elevated to the rank of freemen and Chris-
tians, and all in peace. I find by Cropper's letter that I am standing
for the north division of the county of Lancaster ; but I hope my letter
will be in time to stop all proceedings. The election closed yesterday in
a way which was very gratifying, and even touching tome. The town,
i. e. the voters on both sides, took the alarm lest I should be thrown out,
and I found they had, in very many instances, reserved their votes for
the purpose of giving me plumpers if needful. They have shown a
1832.] LETTERS. 253
degree of feeling, interest, and anxiety for me which I hardly expected,
and I now see that I had a strength in reserve which rendered my defeat
impossible. I am now going to be chaired. I wish the boys were here
to ' pursue the triumph and partake the shout.'
" I saw the sun rise in gold out of the sea, with Portland in the fore-
ground, this morning. I never saw anything so grand or so sublime. I
am quite well and very cheery."
254 MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. [CHAP. xix.
CHAPTER XIX.
1833.
Opening of the Session — Government undertakes the Slavery Question —
Increase of Public Feeling — Anxiety as to the Intentions of Government
— Negotiations — Day fixed for the Motion — Disappointment — Agita-'
lion resolved on — Whitely's Pamphlet — Compensation — Anti-Slavery
Meeting — The Nation aroused — Delegates summoned — Meeting of
Delegates.
MR. BUXTON began this year — the most important of his life —
by publishing a brief address to the members of the Established
Church, in which he invited them, together with the principal
Dissenting bodies, to unite in setting apart the 16th of January
as a day of prayer on the subject of slavery. In his own prayers
it was never forgotten. Just before the session commenced he
thus refers to it in one of his papers.
" Northrepps, Sunday, Feb. 3, 1833.
" I go to London to-morrow. Parliament meets on Tuesday, and I
have reason to hope that the King's speech will declare that Govern-
ment has resolved to effect the total and immediate emancipation of the
slaves.
" This then is a season, if ever there was one, for fervent prayer to
thee, Almighty God, that the light of thy countenance may rest on that
good cause, and on me, one of its advocates ; on my dear wife and
children, who will be with me in London ; on those who will remain
here ; on those to whom they will be entrusted ; on my friends and
relations ; in short, on all things and all persons who are dear to me.
" But first let me commemorate thy mercies during the six months we
have been here. There, too, my cause, or rather let me say thy cause,
the liberation of the oppressed slave, has prospered. I have had suffi-
cient health of body and vigour of mind in working at that cause to con-
vince myself that I have not been altogether a faithless and indolent
steward.
" Now that I am about to quit this peaceful haven, and embark on a
tumultuous sea, what provision and safeguard of prayer do I desire to
carry with me ?
1833.] THE KING'S SPEECH. 255
f " Grant that I and all of us may be strengthened with might by thy
Spirit in the inner man, and that Christ may dwell in our hearts by
faith. That is my prayer as to the spirit which may reign within. And
my general prayer as to our external actions is the collect of the day,
fourth Sunday after Epiphany. * * * I beg with peculiar earnest-
ness that the incomparable treasure of thy blessing may be with our
sisters at the cottage. Health to them, if I may ask it; but, at all
events, the canopy of thy wings round about them, especially in the
watches of the night ; strength, support, hope, and comfort in the hours
of illness. I pass through a chosen list of friends and relations, and
pray thee to give to each the peculiar gift which shall tend most to their
earthly joy and the welfare of their souls ; and do thou discharge the
debts of love and gratitude I owe them.
44 For the slavery cause my prayer is, that thou wouldst not leave it to
the weakness and folly of man, but that thou wouldst rise up as its advo-
cate, and wouldst dispose all hearts and mould all events by Thine
Almighty power, to the accomplishment of that which is good and right.
Oh give these thy unhappy creatures their liberty — and that liberty in
peace, and protect their masters from ruin and desolation. In my labours
give me always the spirit of prayer and the spirit of confidence in thee;
4 The battle is not mine, but God's ;' and the spirit of discretion and re-
solution ; ' Thine ear shall hear a word behind thee, saying, This is the
way, walk ye in it, when ye turn to the right hand or to the left.'"
It was generally understood that Earl Grey's government was
about to undertake the settlement of the question, and Mr. Bux-
ton went down to the House of Lords on the 5th of February,
in full expectation of hearing from the King's speech that one of
the great measures of the session was to be the emancipation of
the slaves. Great was his disappointment when the speech closed
•without any allusion whatever to the subject. He hastened back
to the House of Commons, and immediately on the Speaker's
return gave notice of a motion on the 19th of March for the
abolition of slavery. A few minutes afterwards one of his
friends hurried up to him, and said, " I have just been with
Brougham and Goderich, and they conjure you to do nothing
hastily ; you will wreck the cause if you do." " What ! not
give notice of a motion ? " said he. '• 0, no ! by no means,"
was the reply ; " you will knock the whole thing over." " JSut
it's done ! " said Mr. Buxton. This prompt proceeding had an
immediate effect on the Ministers. He writes two days later to
Mr. Joseph John Gurney: —
25G INCREASE OF PUBLIC FEELING. [CHAP. xix.
" London, Feb. 7, 1833.
" You may suppose that I was affronted and vexed at the silence of
the King's speech. I instantly gave notice of a motion, and last night,
as you will see by the papers, I asked the Government what their inten-
tions were. They replied, that they would undertake the question, and
introduce 'a safe and satisfactory measure.' I feel excessively relieved
and delighted, and not a little thankful for this great mercy." *
He says, in a hurried note to Miss Gurney, dated from the
House of Commons : —
" The Government have to-night taken the slave question into their
own hands, promising to settle it ' in a safe and satisfactory manner.'
This delights me, and now I scorn those critics who maintain that the
children of Ham ought to be flogged by all good Christians/'
A government must have been shortsighted indeed which
could have, hoped to keep clear of this great question. Public
feeling had been of late gathering with prodigious rapidity, and
a crisis was evidently near. The outcry against slavery seemed
to be rising at once from every corner of the land. Men of all
ranks, of all denominations, were joining in the attack. And the
House itself, where but a few years before scarcely half a dozen
hearty advocates for emancipation could have been numbered,
was now filled with zealous friends of the cause. This rapid
growth of popular opinion may be in some measure attributed to
the exertions of a sub-committee of the Anti-slavery Society,
called the agency committee, established by some of the more
ardent friends of emancipation, who, weary of parliamentary
delays, were anxious to appeal to the people, and had taken great
pains by lectures and other methods to disseminate information
through the country. The settlement of the Reform question
also in the previous year had been eminently favourable to the
anti-slavery movement ; not merely because the nation's will now
held greater sway in Parliament, but also because the late strug-
gles had roused without wearing out the nation's feelings, and
never are those feelings so readily called forth as when just lulled
after a storm.
The country being thus at leisure for the strife, with kindled
* " The smiles on his countenance are delightful to see," says oue of the
family letters.
1833.] INCREASE OF PUBLIC FEELING. 257
energies and the power to enforce her will, we cannot wonder at
the sudden increase of velocity with which anti-slavery principles
spread through the nation in 1832-3. But the principles them-
selves were not tho growth of a day. They had been sown when
the spirit of Christianity awoke again in England towards the
latter part of the last century. The anti-slavery movement
sprang from religious principle, and thence came its strength.
Some may think that the people were misled in fancying
slavery to have been cruel and unchristian ; others will think
that the pictures drawn of its horrors were outdone by the reality;
but in either case thus much is clear, that the people had no end
of their own to gain : that they were, for a while at least, looking
off from their own interests to shield those of others. It was a
movement of a character as .yet scarcely known in the annals of
mankind. Instances we have in history of a nation arousing
itself and demanding deliverance from its own wrongs, and there
are few spectacles more great and noble. But in the deed before
us virtue was exhibited of a far rarer kind. Impelled by the
pure motive of mercy and justice, unsullied by selfish views, the
English nation rose up as one man to befriend a far distant people,
itself undergoing a heavy sacrifice, that oppression might cease
out of the land.
It lias been mentioned that the House itself partook of the
same impetus as the people. This welcome change is thus re-
ferred to in one of the letters written to Northrepps Cottage : —
" My father tells us that the number of strangers who have come up
and addressed him is extraordinary ; and all on this subject. One
gentleman, member for an agricultural county, told him that he had
been five months canvassing, and that all the way through, instead of
Corn Laws, or anything else, slavery was the cry. At one out-of-the-
way village they began by asking him whether he was trying to get into
the Lords or Commons ? ' But,' they said, ' whichever you do get into,
you must vote for the poor slaves.' So it appears that there is quite a
band in the House, and an army out of it. My father is very often with
the ministers, and seems, on the whole, well satisfied. He said yester-
day to Lord Howick (the Under Secretary for the Colonies), ' Lord
Ilowick,you hear both sides ; now tell me fairly, have we exaggerated ?
Are our statements correct or incorrect?' The answer was, ' I cannot
say that they are correct, for they are vastly understated. You know
not one-half of the evils of the system ; you have not brought to light
s
25S ANXIETY AS TO THE INTENTIONS [CHAP. xix.
half its wickedness.' ' Well,' he said, ' bring in your bill, my lord, I
will act under you as soon as you please.' "
But while Mr. Buxton was quite willing to give up the con-
duct of the case to the ministers, he did not cease to watch their
proceedings with the utmost vigilance. Hopes and fears alter-
nated as to the nature and extent of the measures that were to
be expected from them, and as the time advanced he became
more and more uneasy.
He had consented to abstain from making his motion on the
19th of March, on the condition that the ministers would them-
selves bring in "a safe and satisfactory measure;" but some
weeks had now elapsed, and still not one word had been said
publicly as to their intention of fulfilling their pledge. They
had named no day for a motion ; they had officially announced
no plan ; and rumours got abroad that there were divisions in
the camp, that the Government collectively had by no means
decided on adopting the vigorous steps which some of its mem-
bers proposed.
From ten years' experience, Mr. Buxton had but too well
learnt the immense weight of the West Indian party in the coun-
cils of the nation. He knew also that the Government had the
questions of Finance, India, and the Church to grapple with
during this session, and were probably not so impressed as him-
self with the extreme danger of delaying the emancipation of the
slaves. He could not, therefore, but feel it a cause for alarm,
that notwithstanding Lord Althorp's promise of a safe and satis-
factory measure, so long a period should have elapsed without
the appearance of any measure at all. " He is much depn
because the ministers do not name a day ; he does not know
whether or not to execute his threat of bringing his motion for-
ward next Tuesday ; for this he is almost unprepared : and
besides, they promise so well that it seems doubtful whether it
would be right or politic to go to war with them. He sleeps
badly and is very anxious."*
Since the ministers were thus overwhelmed with business, and
fettered by their relations with the West Indian proprietors, it
may naturally be asked, why did he leave the question in their
* Letter to Northrepps Cottage, March 10.
1833.] OF GOVERNMENT. 259
hands ? Backed by such a band of followers, why did he not
wield all his powers, and drive forward the measure with his own
hand ? It was because he believed that, while emancipation in
the end was certain, it was only as a cabinet measure that it could
be carried through during this session ; and delay, fraught as it
might be with servile revolt, was the one thing that he most
dreaded. He contented himself therefore with spurring on the
Government, resolving not to take the lead unless compelled to
do so. Nothing drew such notice from his friends as the indif-
ference he evinced as to any personal credit to himself. " It is
surprising," writes one of them, " how he puts himself entirely
out of the question. It does not seem to excite one feeling in
his mind, whether, after all his toils, he is to appear in the matter
or not. He seems to care for nothing, but the advancement of
the cause."
His whole heart and soul, in fact, were given up to the work,
and the depth and intensity of his feelings were visible in all his
deportment ; he looked pale and careworn, and his tall figure
began to show signs of stooping. He spoke little, and was con-
tinually engrossed in thought. His demeanour could not be
more exactly portrayed than by Spenser's lines : —
" But little joye had he to talke of ought,
Or ought to hcare that mote delightful be ;
His mind was sole possessed of one thought
That gave none other place."
So abstracted used he to become when engaged in his fits of
musing, that often some minutes would elapse before a reply
could be obtained for the simplest question.*
The 19th of March was now approaching. A letter written
a few days afterwards describes the difficulties of the crisis.
" Ever since the notice was given on the first night of the session,"
writes his daughter, " my lather has been engaged in an anxious nego-
tiation with the ministers, who have been endeavouring to offer terms
just sufficiently favourable to prevent him from adopting active measures ;
* At this period he was threatened with a petition against his return for
\Veymouth, which seemed likely to be troublesome and expensive, but was
afterwards withdrawn. It being remarked by a friend how provoking was
this attempt to annoy him, " Oh," he replied, " it is a thousand leagues
behind my slavery matters to me."
S 2
260 A DAY FIXED FOR THE MOTION. [CHAP. xix.
but on Saturday the 16th of March all hope appeared to be at an end ;
no day had been mentioned by the Government, and he felt that he
must now make up his mind without delay. He accordingly addressed
a letter to Lord Althorp telling him so in very decided terms, and took
it himself to Downing Street. He found that a council was sitting, and
the porter refused to take in his letter; just then the Duke of Richmond
went in, and kindly undertook to deliver it ; but my father soon received
a message that they could give no answer.
" On Monday the 18th he went down to the House, at twelve o'clock,
armed with numerous petitions (one from Glasgow signed by 31,000
people), and took the opportunity of saying that he should certainly
bring on his motion the next day, ' as he had no alternative left him ;'*
afterwards he received intelligence that the Government intended to
deprive him of the day. He went down again at five o'clock, seated
himself behind Lord Althorp, and said, ' So I hear these are your
tactics.' Lord Althorp replied, ' that they really were obliged to do so,
they were in such a strait.' My father gave him to understand that he
should resist to the utmost, and was determined to push the matter
through. After a good deal of argument and hesitation, Lord Althorp
said, ' Well, if you will not yield, ice must ;' and accordingly agreed to
name a day for a ministerial motion on the subject. All this passed in
private : my father, still feeling uneasy, as no public declaration had
been made, would not leave the House (which was then in committee
on the Irish Coercion Bill). At three o'clock in the morning Lord
Althorp got up and moved an adjournment of the debate till the follow-
ing day. The effect of this would have been to deprive him of his day,
he therefore went across to the opposite side of the table and said aloud
that he would not give up the day unless he had satisfaction from the
Government respecting the abolition of slavery ; no reply was made,
but the threatened adjournment was not persisted in. Accordingly the
next evening he rose to bring forward his motion. Lord Althorp then
requested him to postpone it to a future time ; but he replied that he
was compelled to resist the request, unless upon two conditions : first,
that the Government would prepare a plan for the complete and imme-
diate abolition of slavery ; and secondly, that they would fix a day for
introduciny that measure to the House,"
" ' I see clearly,' he said, ' what will be the fate of this great question
if I postpone it without some definite assurance that it will be brought
before the consideration of the House. It will be postponed for the
session * * * and then, there is much reason to fear, it will be settled
elsewhere in the most disastrous manner. Therefore, however obstinate
* See the ' Mirror of Parliament,' March 18, 1833.
1833.] DISAPPOINTMENT. 261
I may appear, and however painful it may he for me to resist the
request, before made to me in private, and now in public, by the noble
Lord, I am compelled to proceed at once with the motion, unless His
Majesty's Government can fix a day on which they will be prepared to
explain their plans with respect to colonial slaver}'.'*
" Lord Althorp upon this named the 23rd of April, and then my
father formally told the Government that he gave up the question into
their hands, upon the security of the declaration made to him that the
proposed measure was to be safe and satisfactory."
The fears by which he had been harassed lest the ministers
should allow the session to pass away without bringing any
measure forward, were now at an end. The day for the motion
was fixed, and when this long-desired step was taken, he sank
for a while into a feeling of profound repose. He was able to
sleep at night, and began to resume his cheerfulness of manner.
He thought that as the Government had been prevented from
delaying the question, the grand point was gained ; and that it
oaly remained for him and his friends to await the unfolding of
their measure. " I have no more to do with slavery now than
any other gentleman," was an expression frequently on his lips
during that interval of rest. But he soon found that he had
been too sanguine ; at the end of a few days fresh causes of
anxiety began to arise. To his dismay, he heard a rumour that
Lord Howick, on the soundness of whose principles he thoroughly
relied, was about to resign his place, on the ground that the
Cabinet refused to concur in his scheme of immediate emanci-
pation. Afterwards he learned that the Government were
inclined to make the negroes buy out their own freedom. The
details of the measure Mr. Buxton could not learn, but the pro-
cess was sure to be dilatory, and was on the face of it unjust.
Full of chagrin and disappointment, he hurried to Dr. Lush-
ington. They agreed to call a special committee of the Anti-
slavery Society on the following day, and he then went home,
" looking as if some heavy misfortune had befallen him." The
next day the heads of the party met to deliberate on this new
turn of affairs. Their opinion as to the course they should
pursue was unanimous. The higher powers were clearly about
* « Mirror of Parliament,' March 19, 1833.
262 WHITELY'S PAMPHLET. [CHAP. xix.
to fail them ; the nation was firmly on their side : why not,
then, place the matter in the nation's hands?
" Flectere si nequeo superos, Acherouta movebo,"
was the feeling in every bosom there.
Having resolved to arouse the people, they spared no pains to
do so with effect ; and, in this endeavour, a most opportune aid
was afforded them. Just at the time when they were anxious
to call forth a burst of public feeling, Mr. Buxton being one
moi'ning at breakfast, surrounded as usual by papers, and deep
in discussion with Mr. George Stephen, a young man named
"\Vliitely was brought in and introduced to him by Mr. Pringle,
as a book-keeper who had just returned from the West Indies.
He told what he had seen, a tale of cruelty and suffering such
as Mr. Buxton had heard a hundred times before. The young
man took his leave ; but scarcely was he gone, when the thought
struck Mr. Buxton, that such a picture fresh from the spot was
the very thing they needed. He ran into the street without his
hat, caught "Whitely as lie turned the corner into Portland Place,
and, having brought him back, told him that he absolutely must
put down this story in writing, and must also produce certificates
as to his own character. These certificates proved to be highly
satisfactory, and in a few days the pamphlet was in print.*
The effect was prodigious. The narrative, written in a homely
but graphic style, realized to the mmd of every one the real
import of what he had previously heard, as to the dwindling of
the population and the terrors of the lash. Truth, too, was
stamped on every word. It contained indeed nothing new, but
in reading Whitely's simple narrative of the common incidents
of a sugar plantation, the whole scene appeared to stand before
the eye. The driver looking on with lazy indifference, — the
piercing cries and supplications of the miserable negro woman
brought out and tied down upon the ground to receive her
punishment, — the crack of the fearful cart-whip, and the shriek
of agony as it cut deep into the flesh, — appalling as the descrip-
tion was, yet no man could deny its truth. In four colonies,
* ' Three Months in Jamaica,' by Henry Whitely. The certificates are
given at the end of the pamphlet.
1833.] COMPENSATION. 2C3
and these the best ordered, the planters had themselves sworn to
the infliction of sixty-eight thousand punishments in two years.
And let any man say how they could be inflicted, without these
circumstances of horrible suffering and degradation.
The pamphlet spread abroad with wonderful rapidity.
" Whiti'ly," says a letter to Northrepps, " nothing but Whitely,
is the order of the day ; the sensation it creates is immense ; the
printers can scarcely supply the demand. Mr. Pringle says
ten thousand have been ordered to-day." In short, within a
fortnight's time, nearly two hundred thousand copies were scat-
tered abroad.
Eager as the leaders were to urge the Government forward,
by turning upon them a strong pressure of popular opinion, they
were at the same time most anxious to preserve their alliance,
and keep them in the front of the movement, by every allowable
concession. And the first concession which the Government
required was the concurrence of the abolitionists in granting
compensation to the planters.
On this question the opinions held by the Anti-slavery leaders
were not those of the main body of their followers. The former
maintained, that neither law nor custom could give one man a
real claim to the possession of another ; and, therefore, they
could not admit that the planters had any moral right to com-
pensation. On the other hand, they were both willing and
desirous to give compensation, first, because they thought that a
bonus to the planters was the best if not the only way of obtaining
emancipation with safety to all parties ; secondly, because they
heartily desired that, while the negroes were set at liberty, the
planters should not be exposed to a ruinous loss. But the
greater number of their followers did not comprehend the real
position of affairs. They were not aware of the relative strength
of the three parties in Parliament, nor did they perceive that,
unless a junction were effected with the Government, success
could not be insured against the West Indians.
Carried away by their anxiety to do justice to the negro, they
deemed all compromise, and all concession to his owner, a dere-
liction of principle ; nor could they endure the idea of striking
a bargain with the oppressor. It is likely, also, that, in the
minds of many, a feeling of personal hostility towards the
2G4 CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT. [CHAP. xix.
planters had grown up during the long continuance of the con-
test. Mr. Buxton therefore, and his more temperate coadjutors,
had no\v to undertake that task which has so frequently de-
throned the leaders of a popular movement, — that of teaching
their followers to rein in their zeal.
It was determined that the idea of acquiescing in some system
of compensation should be broached to the Anti-slavery Society
at its approaching annual meeting. This meeting was held on
the 2nd of April : Lord Suffield was in the chair, while Mr.
Buxton undertook the delicate task of introducing the proposal.
His friends listened with extreme anxiety as he commenced
his speech ; for a time he seemed to hover about the subject, as
if shrinking from his task ; but at length he grappled boldly
with it, and his appeal was met with apparently unanimous
applause. He was ably followed by Dr. Lushington, Mr. Joseph
J. Gurney, and others ; and their exertions appeared to be
crowned with unexpected success.
But nothing can be more transient than such triumphs of
oratory, which can only withdraw a party for an instant from its
natural career. Smooth as the beginning seemed, at this point
commenced divisions in the ranks of the abolitionists, and the
seeds of discord were sown, which bore fruit in due season, though
happily too late to be of injury to the cause.
But while the leaders of the Anti-slavery party made this
concession to the Government, they still deemed it necessary to
rally all their forces, and render their victory complete. The
Government certainly was pledged to effect emancipation ; but
the details of their measure — how and when it was to be brought
about — were still undetermined. Lord Goderich had been cre-
ated Earl of Ripon, and Mr. Stanley had succeeded him as
Secretary of the Colonies, while Lord Howick's place was sup-
plied by Mr. J. Shaw Le Fevre. The change of hands in itself
could not at such a momentous crisis be otherwise regarded than
as a serious disadvantage. Mr. Buxton felt great anxiety as to
the line that would be adopted by the new Colonial Secretary,
and he watched for the first tokens of his feelings with no small
solicitude. He greatly regretted the loss of Lord Howick from
the Colonial Office ; and he further apprehended that the change
might imply an intention on the part of the Government to
1833.] THE NATION AROUSED. 265
n <ist more steadily the growing pressure of Anti-slavery feeling
in the country.
Nor was solicitude confined to Mr. Buxton and his friends.
The Government had their full share of anxiety. Indeed Mr.
Stanley's position, in the midst of so many conflicting interests,
was one of great difficulty, and he found it necessary to post-
pone his motion till the 14th of May.
Now, therefore, when full success might be gained by a vigo-
rous effort, or lost if that effort were not made, now was the
time to bring every force to bear, and to sweep away all obstacles
by an irresistible impetus of public feeling. This was the mo-
ment to make the Government feel to what a pitch the hatred of
slavery had risen. Nor was it difficult. The meeting in Exeter
Hall, and the publication of "Whitely's pamphlet, had led the
way. These first steps were followed up by the most vigorous
proceedings, under the direction chiefly of Mr. George Stephen
and Mr. Pringle, whose services were of essential value at this
critical juncture. Lectures were delivered in all the Bounties of
the kingdom. Crowded meetings were everywhere held, and
the friends of the cause bestirred themselves from one end of the
country to the other. The newspapers and periodicals caught
the enthusiasm. The cause of mercy seemed the cause of
religion, and many of the clergy and dissenting ministers did not
hesitate to urge upon their flocks the sinfulness of slavery, and
the righteousness of joining heart and hand for its overthrow.
The flame soon spread far and wide ; from every corner of the
land petitions poured in, breathing the earnest desires of the
people ; from Devonshire came five hundred, from West Essex
three hundred ; the number of signatures attached to the petitions
presented this session were calculated to amount to nearly a
million and a half; and just at this moment, when the ferment
was highest, a step was taken which gave double effect to all the
previous proceedings. A circular was addressed by the com-
mittee to the friends of the cause in every considerable town,
requesting them to appoint delegates, who were to meet in
London on the 18th of the month, to represent in person the
wishes of the nation.
Mr. Buxton had been, with Mr. James Stephen, spending a
few of these eventful days in a delightful, and, as it proved, a
26G DELEGATES SUMMONED. [CHAP. xix.
farewell visit to Mr. "\Yilberforce, at liis son's house at East
Farleigh ; but when the day for the assembling of the delegates
drew near, he returned to town, and again plunged into the
whirlpool of affairs. During the heat of the conflict, the rush
of business at his house can hardly be imagined. As he usually
returned late from the House, and slept very badly, he was
rarely down in the morning till 10 or 11 o'clock, and long
before he had finished dressing, the applicants for admission
began to pour in. To him, as the Anti-slavery leader, every
one who had any connection with the utmost border of the
subject felt at liberty to apply. Besides his London coadjutors
in the cause, he was often visited by those who had been active
in promoting it in the country, and who wished for his advice or
encouragement. Then there were people from the West Indies,
teeming with complaints, arguments, and information — some
come in the hope of convincing him by their individual expe-
rience that he was all in the wrong ; some to confirm his im-
pression that he was all in the right ; angry planters come to
expostulate ; missionaries, teachers, and negroes come to lay
their cases before him, or to supply him with intelligence. His
house, which had before been a kind of depot of Anti-slavery
petitions, was now half filled with them ; in every corner they
lay in heaps, with letters and papers from all parts of England.
Anxious consultations were going on among the leaders of the
party in London. The call for delegates had been answered to
an unexpected extent ; and the question now arose how most
prudently and effectively to wield the force about to join them.
Nor was the moment unattended with anxiety. It, was very
doubtful whether so many earnest advocates could be brought to
act in concert; each had his own conscientious scruples, and
does there exist anything more wayward and hard to manage
than the conscience of a scrupulous Englishman ? They were
not unlikely to mistake matters of expedience for matters of
principle, and, in particular, to think that it would be a crime to
give the planter compensation, however much the interests <>f
the negro might require the concession. " People's principles
are the greatest nuisances in life," playfully exclaimed Mr.
Buxton, when he returned from the first meeting of 330 dele-
gates in Exeter Hall. It was an occasion which called forth all
1833.] MEETING OF THE DELEGATES. 2f,7
his tact and powers of argument ; but the delegates, strong and
independent as their views were, placed a generous confidence in
their leaders, and a sufficient degree of unanimity was at length
obtained.
It was necessary to frame an address to the Premier which
should embody their sentiments. This difficult task fell to the
lot of Mr. J. J. Gurney, and the paper which he prepared
received a cordial assent. On the ensuing day they met again
in Exeter Hall, and proceeded in a body to Downing Street.
Drawn as they had been from almost every place of note in the
United Kingdom, they included in their ranks men of every
calling and denomination ; among them were to "be seen, we are
told, " merchants, squires, bankers, magistrates, clergymen, and
dissenting ministers." Lord Althorp and Mr. Stanley received
them ; and after Mr. Samuel Gurney had read the address and
commented on it, Mr. Buxton stepped forward and pointed out
the extent of the movement which had sent the delegates thither.
" This, my lord," said he, " is the deputy from Cork — this is
the one from Belfast ; these are from Edinburgh, those from
Dundee ; this gentleman is from Aberdeen, that from Carmar-
then ; these are the delegates from Bristol, those from Liverpool,
Birmingham, Manchester, Sheffield ; these from York and
Leeds," &c.
It cannot be doubted that this manifestation had a great effect
on the Government; it was the first occasion on which public
feeling so emphatically expressed itself, and it was felt to be
called forth by no ordinary earnestness of purpose. Mr. Stanley
afterwards acknowledged its importance, but, at the time, he gave
no further pledge than that he would not again postpone his
motion. With this the applicants were, for the present, com-
pelled to be satisfied. They retired, and on the same day dined
together. When the cloth was removed, Mr. Buxton spoke
with great feeling, expatiating more than was usual with him
on his deep sense of the Providence that had attended their
course, as well as on the hopes for the future, and the motives
and principles by which they ought to be governed. He ended
with " gladly seizing a long-wished-for opportunity of bearing
testimony to the merits of the real leader of this cause — the
Anti-slavery tutor of us all — Mr. Macaulay."
268 RETIREMENT. [CHAP. xx.
CHAPTER XX.
SLAVERY. 1833.
Debate, May 14 — Mr. Stanley's Speech — Resolutions passed — Blame
attributed to Mr. Buxton — Letters — Bill brought in — Debate on
Apprenticeship : on Compensation — Progress of the Bill through the
House of Commons : through the House of Lords — Passed — Letters.
THE Government plan was now expected with the utmost
anxiety. In the interval Mr. Buxton, who stood much in need
of rest and quiet, retreated with his daughters to a fishing cottage
at Dagenham Breach, near the Thames, belonging to Mr. Fry.
This could be reached only by water, and afforded the most perfect
seclusion. " We trust/' writes one of the party, " not to see
the face of a visitor nor the direction of a letter till Monday
the 13th." Dr. Lushington remained in town to watch the
progress of affairs. Many contradictory reports were afloat, and
Mr. Buxton's brief holiday was spent in deep meditation on the
course he should pursue. His eldest daughter thus writes from
Dagenham : — •
" Saturday, May 11, 1833.
" Here we are in our singular retirement, living out of doors on the
rich bank, which is overflowing with grass and flowers, and watching
the hundreds of fine ships, which from here seem to float among the
fields ; but when we climb the bank, there lies the river stretched out —
its lovely reaches glittering in the sun. We have tasted some real
enjoyment in the exuberance of spring in this place, but far more in
seeing my dear father wandering about without his hat for hours to-
gether. He has, I fear, been reflecting too deeply during those walks.
A set of harassing letter* came from London yesterday, which imme-
diately gave him a sharp headache."
At last the 14th of May arrived. Mr. Buxton afterwards
told his daughter, that just as they were going off to the House
on that memorable evening — perhaps the most memorable of his
1833.] WOMEN'S PETITION. 209
life — he had reached his study door, when he went back to have
one look at his Bible. It opened on the fifty-eighth chapter of
Isaiah, and he read those two verses, " If thou draw out thy
soul to the hungry, and satisfy the afflicted soul ; then shall thy
light rise in obscurity, and thy darkness be as the noon day : and
the Lord shall guide tliee continually," &c. " The remembrance
of them preserved me," he said, " from being in the least anxious
the whole evening ; I felt so sure the promise would be fulfilled
to me, ' The Lord shall guide thee continually.' "
The proceedings of the evening commenced with the pre-
sentation of a huge petition from the females of Great Britain.
The scene is thus described in the Mirror of Parliament : —
" Mr. Powell Buxton, on presenting the petition from the females
of Great Britain, said, 'Ten days ago this petition was not prepared ;
it was not even in contemplation ; but within that short period, without
any solicitation whatever, it has received from all parts of the country
through which it has been circulated no less than 187,000 signatures.
I wish to consult you, Sir, as to the manner in which I am to get it to
the table, for it is so heavy that I really am unable to carry it.'
" The Speaker. ' If the hon. gentleman cannot bring up the petition
himself, he must procure the assistance of some other members of the
House.'
" Three hon. members then went out with Mr. Buxton, and by the
united exertions of the four the petition was brought in and placed upon
the table," (as we are told elsewhere,) "amidst the laughter and cheers
of the House." *
Mr. Stanley then opened the debate. He had been Colonial
* This bulky document was the result of a very simple movement. A
short form of petition was sent through the country with the intimation that,
if sheets of signatures were sent iu by Monday the 13th, they would be ap-
pended to the original in London. The time bffing so short, many answers
to this appeal were not anticipated, but by the appointed day they poured in
from all parts of the country in numbers almost unmanageable.
The preparation of the petition is thus described by a member of the
Ladies' Committee : — " We were hard at work at it from ten in the morning
till past nine at night. The two petitions became enormous; much heavier
than we could move, or even roll over ; so we had two men to each, tureens
of paste, and everything in proportion. They were like two great feather
beds. One broke entirely to pieces, and we had to begin it all again, so we
kept bracing them with broad tape, and at last they were sewn up, each in
a great sacking, and sent off, the one to Lord Suffield, the other to Mr. Buxton,
for presentation."
270 MR. STANLEY'S SPEECH. [CHAP. xx.
Secretary little more than a month, yet he showed that, vast as
the subject was, he had in that short time completely mastered
its details, had become conversant with all its dangers and diffi-
culties, and was prepared to settle it for ever. He began by
noticing the depth and extent of public feeling upon the question
of slavery, and that this feeling had its source in religious
principle.
" There is," he said, " throughout the country, from one end of it to
the other, a determination, a determination the more absolute and irre-
sistible, because it is founded in that deep religious feeling, on that
solemn conviction of principle, which admits of no palliative or com-
promise, and which has declared itself in a voice to which no minister
can be deaf, and which no man who watches the signs of the times can
misunderstand."
He then entered into the history of the case, pointing out how
confidently Parliament had looked for the co-operation of the
colonial legislatures, and that in these expectations " the country
had been grievously disappointed."
" The voice," he said, " of friendly warning — the voice of
authority has been found to be in vain. Not a single step has
been taken by any one of the colonial legislatures with a view to
the extinction of negro slavery."
After asserting the right of the mother country to legislate
for the colonies, he proceeded to show that the distresses of the
colonists were not owing " to the unceasing efforts of the abo-
litionists," and the discussion of the slavery question in Parlia-
ment ; and he read documents to prove that those distresses
existed to the same extent, not only before slavery was dis-
cussed, but even in the days 61 the slave-trade.
He then entered forcibly into the arguments founded on the
rapid decrease of population, and the immense amount of punish-
ments with the whip, proving the pregnant and dreadful fact,
that, as the population diminished, the number of stripes in-
creased.
" We are told," he said, " that the slaves at the present moment are
unfitted for the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom ; that they have
no domestic ties, and no habits of industry; that they do not provide
for their wants, and would not provide fur their families ; that they
1833.] PROVISIONS OF THE BILL. 271
have no forethought, no discretion; and that, in short, they would be
totally ruined, were you to throw them loose upon the world. * * * Sir,
it is slavery which debars them from acquiring industrious habits ; it is
slavery which prevents them from exercising the virtues of foresight
and prudence; it is slavery which leaves them nothing to labour for;
it is slavery which takes away from them all the incentives to industrious
labour, which debars them from all the ties of social intercourse : and
then you declare them to be ignorant of the duties of social life, — that
they have no foresight, no industry, no prudence, no discretion, and
therefore they must continue in a state of slavery ! "
Up to this point Mr. Buxton and Dr. Lushington had been
listening to the speech with satisfaction and delight. The very
principles, the very facts, the very arguments which they had
for years been endeavouring to impress upon the House, they had
how heard enforced from the Treasury Bench, with the splendid
eloquence of Mr. Stanley.*
But when Mr. Stanley turned from the general principles on
which he proposed to act, to his scheme for their application, the
feelings of the advocates of the negro underwent a painful
change. His plan contained the following main propositions, —
some good, some, as they conceived, fraught with evil.
That slavery be abolished throughout the British dominions.
But that the present slaves should be apprenticed for a certain
period of time to their former owners ; that is, should be bound
to labour for their former masters during three-fourths of the
day. the master in return supplying them with food and clothing.
Part of the slave's value would be secured in this way to his
former owner. The remainder was to be paid by England in
the shape of a loan of 15,000,000^. sterling (afterwards changed
to a gift of twenty millions).
* In reference to Mr. Stanley's adoption and illustration of their senti-
ments, Mr. Buxton afterwards quoted Cowper's lines to Mrs. Courtenay : —
" ily numbers that ovening she sung,
And gave them a grace so divine,
As only her musical tongue
Could infuse into numbers of mine.
The longer I heard, I esteemed
The work of my fancy the more,
And e'en to myself never seemed
So tuneful a poet before."
272 RESOLUTIONS DISCUSSED. [CHAP. xx.
All children under six years old were to be at once set com-
pletely free. Stipendiary magistrates were to be appointed to
carry out these measures, and provision was to be made for the
religious and moral training of the negro population.
The negro was to be liable to corporal punishment if he
refused to give his due portion of labour.
When Mr. Stanley had announced the resolutions of which
these were the leading features, their further discussion was
adjourned to the 30th of May.
Upon the whole, Mr. Buxton was satisfied with the result of
the evening, for although some of the proposed arrangements
were utterly distasteful to him, he looked forward to great modi-
fications of the obnoxious clauses during the progress of the
bill through Parliament. According to his invariable practice,
he laid the matter before God in frequent and earnest prayer.
The following was the substance of his supplications at family
prayers, on the second morning after the announcement of the
Government measure : —
" We beseech thee, O Lord, to be thyself the champion of the
captives ; their champion, yet not the avenger of their sufferings. We
pray thee so to assist this great work, that it may be the means of
spreading temporal peace, case, and industry among the negroes, and
of leading them spiritually to the knowledge of God, that by it millions
may be brought into thy happy fold. And for those who have laboured
in this good and great work, may their reward be in the outpouring of
thy Spirit ; may they live in thy light, and may their darkness be
removed for ever ; may the Lord guide them continually ; may their
soul be like a watered garden, and may they be satisfied in drought.
Bless the country that shall make this amazing sacrifice.
" And now I desire to return thanks unto thee, O Lord, for the
great mercies thou hast shown us ; that thou hast turned the hearts of
those who have influence and power, and made them to be labourers
in the cause of the oppressed. We thank thee, that thou at length hast
shown thine own power and come forth."
The discussion of the resolutions occupied the House till tlio
12th of June. At this point the grand object of the Anti-
slavery leaders was to see the Government and Parliament fully
committed to the measure. " For," said Mr. Buxton, '' were
an amendment on this plan to be moved and carried, and we
1833.] APPRENTICESHIP. 273
were in consequence to lose this measure altogether, an insur-
rection would inevitably take place, and I confess I cannot with
firmness contemplate so horrible a termination of slavery." *
Therefore, while protesting against the apprenticeship, they
abstained from dividing the House upon it till the principle of
the bill had been admitted. They also acquiesced in the grant
of compensation to the planters. On the clause relating to the
moral and religious instruction of the negroes —
" I shall move," said Mr. Buxton, " as an amendment, the words
which have been used by the Right Hon. Secretary in his speech,
namely, that the system of instruction shall be conducted, not on ex-
clusive, not on intolerant, but on ' liberal and comprehensive principles. 'f
I am the more anxious on this point, as I know, on the one hand, the
extreme animosity of the colonists to all religious teachers of their
slaves except those of the Church of England, while, on the other, I
know the vast benefits which the dissenting missionaries have imparted,
and are likely to impart, to the negro population. I think a system of
perfect and unbounded toleration ought to prevail in the West Indies as
in England."
But the main features of the plan were, " apprenticeship for
the negro," and " compensation to the planters ;" and these were
so extremely obnoxious to the more vehement abolitionists, that
Mr. Buxton was most severely blamed for having acquiesced in
the principle of a measure of which these formed an essential
part. He should, they said, have at once gone to war with the
Government. But his own deliberate opinion was, that if this
measure were refused, no other would be obtained; and therefore
he was most anxious to modify rather than to reject it. Dr.
Lushington took the same view, and by degrees they had the
satisfaction of finding that all their original coadjutors acquiesced
in its prudence.
But the Anti-slavery movement was outstripping its leaders.
In so large and zealous a body as that which now followed them,
* ' Mirror of Parliament,' June, 1833.
t The words were inserted, but when the bill came before the Lords the
Duke of Wellington moved their omission as an amendment: it was, how-
ever, negatived. " Were you not much amused," Mr. Buxton wrote at the
time, " to see the Duke of Wellington's protest against my words, ' liberal
and comprehensive '? This did us real service, giving fifty-fold emphasis to
the terms, and preventing the possibility of their being forgotten."
T
£74 POLICY OF THE LEADERS. [CHAP. xx.
there could not but be many so earnestly bent on the success of
their cause as to be unable to heed the obstacles which still
blocked the way, and who,
" Forgetting
That policy, expecting not clear gain,
Deals ever in alternatives," *
looked with extreme jealousy on the slightest concessions made
by their chiefs. And thus the party quickly fell into two sec-
tions, one of which was ready to make any reasonable sacrifice
in order to attain success, while the other firmly opposed all
compromise, looking on it as a breach of principle. This latter
section, dissatisfied with the moderate counsels of the original
committee, had already established another of its own, under the
name of the " Agency Committee."
There soon appeared in the newspapers a resolution purport-
ing to come from this committee, in which Mr. Buxton was
severely condemned ; and indeed his fidelity to the cause more
than questioned.
This proceeding, authoritative as it professed to be, proved
afterwards to have been the production of only two individuals.
On first hearing of it he was naturally hurt and indignant; but
with him it was easy to forgive a personal slight, when it sprang
from zeal for the slave. Instead of expressing any resentment,
lie wrote those two individuals a letter, in which he calmly
pointed out how entirely they had mistaken his views, and ex-
postulated in mild terms against the severity of their censure.
But when a certain member of Parliament thought to ingra-
tiate himself witli his constituency by calling Mr. Buxton to
account, through the medium of the public press, for his anxiety
to keep terms with the Government, he addressed him as
follows : —
"Dagenham, June 17, 1833.
" Sir, — The undoubted zeal and honesty in the cause of the abolition
of slavery, of the two gentlemen who, in the name of the Agency Com-
mittee, passed and published the 'resolution of the 13th of June, called
for an explanation from me, and I have given it, by showing that they
had misconceived the facts, and had ascribed language to me which I
never used.
* ' Philip Van Artevelde.'
1833.] SEVERE CENSURES. 275
" But what title you may have to demand an explanation of my con-
duct, through the medium of the newspapers, still remains a mystery
to inc.
" For ten long years we have been fighting the arduous battle of the
Anti-slavery cause. You never offered us that assistance which we
should have so thankfully received — you never touched that heavy bur-
den with one of your fingers; the first and the last manifestation of
your zeal occurred on the eve of the election of 1832, and even that
was not of the most unequivocal description — it was not an offer on
your part to serve the cause, but an entreaty that the cause might serve
you.
" You have a right in the House of Commons to question my Par-
liamentary conduct. I shall be in my place to-morrow at twelve
o'clock, and shall be happy to hear, and anxious to reply to, your accu-
sation. " Your obedient servant,
" T. FOWKLL BUXTON."
To a vote of censure passed on him by a committee in the
country, he thus replied : —
"London, June, 1833.
" Our cause, I trust and believe, is essentially prospering. Patience
and confidence we cannot perhaps expect from lookers-on ; but we are
not therefore absolved from our duty to God and the negro race to act
according to the best of our judgments and consciences, and this I can
safely affirm I, at least, have done. My character is of very little con-
sequence. Indeed, had I not long ago learnt that I must sacrifice that,
as well as almost all else, to this cause, I should, between my foes and
my friends, have led a very unhappy life. But I have learnt that, severe
as is the task of incurring the displeasure of those I esteem, my duty
frequently calls for it, and I acknowledge myself amenable to no human
tribunal in this cause. * * * Pray believe that I write in perfect good
humour ; but it is necessary I should be independent, and independent I
will be, or how can I give an account of my stewardship ?"
He details some time afterwards his own justification of his
conduct to Mr. Joseph Sturge : —
" After Sturge had acknowledged the purity of my motives, he added,
' But it cannot be denied that you acted against the wish of many of the
delegates ; and if you had stood firm the planters would have got no
compensation,' ' Perhaps so,' said I ; ' they no compensation, and we
no extinction of slavery : or rather it would have been extinguished by a
rebellion. Besides, what right had they to expect that I would follow
their opinion when I thought it wrong ? I protest I would rather sweep
T 2
276 MR. STURGE— MR. WILBERFORCE. [CHAP. xx.
the streets than enter Parliament pledged to do just as they bid me.
Happy am I that I never was servant to those who admit my motives,
and yet almost denounce me for my conduct. I serve a Master in this
matter who will receive my intentions in lieu of my acts, and pardon the
errors of my judgment in consideration of the purity of my motives.' I
added, ' You and I differ in our principle ; you hold by abstract justice,
I consider myself the counsel of the negro. I will either speak or hold
my tongue, agitate or not stir a finger, as the interests of the negro may
require.' "
In the midst of these attacks, it was most cheering to Mr. Bux-
ton to receive assurances of sympathy and approbation from those
veterans of the cause whose opinions he most highly valued.
Mr. Wilberforce thus expresses himself to Mr. W. Smith : —
"Bath, June 25, 1833.
" I have but one moment to-day at my command, but I cannot bear
to remain silent, when your letter touches a string which vibrates in my
inmost soul. I feel more indignant than I can well express at the un-
worthy treatment dear honest Buxton has experienced. Even had he
been mistaken in his judgment, yet, knowing the purity of his motives,
and the zeal, and the anxiety, and the labour which he has been expe-
riencing, any liberal man would have taken him to his bosom, and en-
deavoured to cheer and to comfort him. I entirely concur with you as
to our true policy."
One of the letters to Northrepps Cottage says —
" The career of victory has been mixed with many personal humilia-
tions and mortifications ; and now the Anti-slavery people are so violently
turned against my father for not voting against the twenty millions, that
they can hardly find words to express their displeasure. I must say that
his spirit through all is wonderful. He is as uninfluenced by the attacks
of friends as of foes, and goes straight on to his mark with a degree of
firmness which, considering it is unaided by that very supporting qua-
lity, natural obstinacy, seems almost incomprehensible.
" Every day he receives violent letters of censure, from one party for
voting for the money, from another for saying the planters have no
right to it ; but he is under such a deep and powerful impulse for the
good of his cause, that nothing else touches him. He seems to be
devoted to it in a way that renders him insensible to minor influences,
and reminds one of the description of Howard, in FosterV K
Decision of Character. Self is strangely forgotten by him ; not subdued
or resisted, but genuinely forgotten."
J833.] MR. STANLEY'S BILL. 277
When Mr. Stanley's bill was brought in Mr. Buxton was
disappointed to find that it retained the obnoxious points in full
force. He writes : —
"London, July 6, 1833.
" I do not think our slavery matters are going on very well. The
Government are going to bring in their bill to-night. It retains the
apprenticeship for twelve years, which makes me very indignant, and
would make me very unhappy, if I did not indulge the hope that we
shall be able to beat them out of it in committee."
TO THOMAS PRINGLE, ESQ.
" July 16.
" In all our deliberations at this moment, the first question which
arises is, at what stage of the bill we ought to make our opposition to it.
" I am decidedly of opinion that it ought not to be on the second
reading. It seems to me that, in the first place, we ought to muster all
our strength for an occasion on which we could hope to be victorious,
and this we certainly could not on the second reading. Moderate men
of all parties would tremble at the idea of throwing the bill out.
" Secondly, because I think, if even we could, we ought not to throw
out a bill of this kind, and at this period of the session, till we see what
is done to it in committee ; for though we know the sentiments of
ministers, we do not know those of Parliament. I should be exceed-
ingly terrified at the idea of throwing out the bill without giving it this
chance ; an awful conclusion might ensue, and it behoves us to give no
vote which, in that event, we could not review with satisfaction. The
good of the negroes ought to be our sole guide, and I cannot believe, if
they could judge, they would wish us to throw out this bill on the
second reading.
" We must allow no feelings to interfere with this great principle, —
no subordinate motives, no want of lavish liberality, — supposing our
object really gained. Then, in committee, we must muster all our
strength for the most vigorous opposition to the objectionable clauses,
and if we direct it judiciously and exert it fully, I feel a great hope of
gaining our point.
" I hope my friends distinctly understand that my point is to over-
throw the apprenticeship at the price of the twenty millions.
" To this end, I think, all our efforts should be directed, and the
committee seems to me the right time for making our attack."
According to that plan of operations which had excited so
much angry feeling, Mr. Stanley's bill was allowed to pass
278 MR. STANLEY'S BILL IN COMMITTEE. [CHAP. xx.
through the second reading undisputed, but no sooner had it
come under committee than the battle began.
The first and most important struggle was on the duration of
the apprenticeship.* Mr. Buxton moved an amendment for
limiting it to the shortest period necessary for establishing the
system of free labour, and suggested the term of one year ;
" for," he said, " if we are to have neither wages nor the whip,
neither hope nor fear, neither inducement nor compulsion, how
any one can suppose that we shall be able to obtain the labour
of the negroes, is to me unintelligible."'
After a spirited debate the amendment was lost, though only
by a minority of seven ; but, as Lord Howick observed, the first
fruits of the discussion were gathered the next day, when Mr.
Stanley consented, in deference to the wishes of the House, to
reduce the period of apprenticeship from twelve to seven years.
In the course of the debate on the 24th inst., Mr. Stanley
" warned his honourable friend (the member for Weymouth),
that any expression falling from him would come upon the minds
of the negroes Avith much greater weight than any similar ex-
pression coming from any other person."
In his reply, Mr. Buxton said : —
" The right honourable gentleman has done me the honour to say, that
the language which I hold towards the negroes may have some influence
upon them. If I thought that were the case — if indeed the faintest
echo of my voice could ever reach them — most earnestly, most emphatic-
ally, would I implore them, by every motive of duty, gratitude, and
self-interest, to do their part towards the peaceful termination of their
bondage. I would say to them, ' The time of your deliverance is at hand ;
let that period be sacred, let it he defiled by no outrage, lot it be stained
by no blood, let not the hair of the head of a single planter be touched.
Make any sacrifice, bear any indignity, submit to any privation, rather
than raise your hand against any white man. Continue to wait and to
work patiently ; trust implicitly to that great nation and paternal go-
vernment who are labouring for your release. Preserve peace and
order to the utmost of your power, — obey the laws, both before and at
the time of your liberation, — and when that period shall arrive, fulfil
the expectations of your friends in England, and the promises they
* July 24. See 'Mirror of Parliament' for the course of the Slavery
Bill.
1833.] DEBATE ON COMPENSATION. 279
have made in your name, by the most orderly, diligent, and dutiful
conduct!' "
When the question of compensation came under discussion,
Mr. Buxton was strongly urged to oppose it, as the apprentice-
ship clauses had not been given up. The difficulties that beset
him are thus described:* —
" Mr. Stanley declares that if any point is carried against him re-
garding the grant he will throw up the bill ; whether or not to run this
risk is now the very point of the matter, and numerous are the dilemmas
the questioi. involves. We had quite a levee this morning; Messrs.
Pringle, Cropper, Sturge, Moorsom, and George Stephen, all came in
at breakfast-time, and my father made them a speech, telling them that
on such a difficult and critical point he would never enter the House
with his hands tied. They wanted him to promise to fight the money
battle, and to defeat Mr. Stanley, if possible. He will not promise to
do any such thing, and says he must be at full liberty to act according to
the discretion of the moment. They went away to deliberate upon it,
and it is now time to go down to the House again. He told me he
trusted but n one thing — ' The Lord shall guide thy steps.' "
In the civision which followed, Mr. Buxton voted for the grant
of 20,000 ,000/. to the planters, f " as giving the best chance and
the fairest prospect of a peaceful termination of slavery," but
he moved as an amendment that one-half of that sum should not
be paid till the apprenticeship should have terminated. He
thought this would act as a check upon the planters in their
treatment of the apprentices. This amendment was thrown out.
Mr. Buxton thus writes to a friend on the 1st of August : —
" I must tell you how comfortable and happy I feel to-day. Last
night at twelve o'clock we got through the committee ; the bill, there-
fore, for the abolition of slavery must pass this session, and may Provi-
dence make it a blessing to millions. We were defeated upon my
proposal to hold back half the money till the apprenticeship was over.
Stanley declared that if we carried that proposal he would throw up the
* Letters to Northrepps Cottage.
t The following afternoon his sister, Mrs. Forster, asked him " if he had
not acted hastily in giving his vote for compensation ?" " No," replied he,
slowly rising off the sofa, and speaking with great deliberation, " No : I
would do the same again. I did it to save bloodshed ; that was my motive,
and I am glad I did it."
280 DEATH OF MR. WILBERFORCE. [CHAP. xx.
bill. I thought it right, however, to persevere, but I must confess that
I should have felt anxious if we had obtained a victory. The newspa-
pers give but a wretched report of the debate, which was one of the
best we ever had.
" Upon the whole I went to bed well pleased. To-morrow night
we have the report, and on Monday the third reading. How grand it
is to be so near the top of the mountain, which it has taken ten years
to climb !"
The joy with which the abolitionists looked forward to the
speedy termination of their labours in behalf of the slaves was
tempered by an event of deep interest to them, — the death of
Mr. Wilberforce. The great leader expired on Monday the 29th
of July, having, shortly before his death, exclaimed with fer-
vour, " Thank God that I should have lived to witness a day in
which England is willing to give twenty millions sterling for the
abolition of slavery."
The announcement of his death was received by tie House of
Commons, then in the midst of the discussion on compensation,
with peculiar feeling. Mr. Buxton referred to the event, and, in
expressing his love and admiration for the character cf Mr. Wil-
berforce, applied to him the beautiful lines of Cowper : —
" A veteran warrior in the Christian field,
Who never saw the sword he could not wield ;
Who, when occasion justified its use,
Had wit, as bright, as ready, to produce ;
Could draw from records of an earlier age,
Or from Philosophy's enlighten'd page,
His rich material — and regale the ear
With strains it was a luxury to hear."
The following verses, descriptive of Mr. Wilberforce, were
written by Mr. Buxton many years before, on occasion of the
visit to Cromer Hall of a conjurer named Lee Sugg: —
" Farewell, meagre Sugg, we are bound to attend
On a guest who 's at once our instructor and friend :
A conjurer too ! — even there he will meet you,
And at your own weapons undoubtedly beat you.
A wizard is he — to allure away grief,
To give hope to the sad, to the wretched relief.
And what are the strange incantations he uses,
When sorrow he scatters, and joy he diffuses?
1833.] ABOLITION BILL PASSED. 281
Himself is the charm, his maiuifrs are spells,
A conjuring art in his converse there dwells :
There 's magic, we know — and poor Africa knows I —
In the voice that was raised to extinguish her woes.
We ken not the potions and drugs which he blends,
But we 're sure he "s the power of enchanting his friends !"
On the 7th of August, 1833, the Bill for the Total Abolition
of Colonial Slavery passed the Lower House.
" The bill has already passed the House of Commons two or three
hours," writes Miss Buxton to Mr. Macaulay ; " would that Mr. Wil-
berforce had lived one fortnight longer, that my father might have taken
back to him fulfilled, the task he gave him ten years ago !"
Mr. Buxton writes on the following day : —
" London, Aug. 8.
" I have been intensely engaged in winding up, or watching the
winding up, of this the main object of my life. The bill passed its
third reading last night, and I cannot but feel deeply relieved and
thankful, great as are its faults. May a blessing be with it! The
fullest toleration we have, I trust, obtained. And now the thing is
done ; and all the duty respecting it which remains for us is to do our
utmost to render both the people of England and the negroes satisfied
with it, and to labour for the religious instruction of the latter."
The bill now went with little delay through the House of
Lords. Mr. Buxton thus alludes to Lord Suffield's exertions on
that occasion : —
" When the bill reached the Upper House, Lord Suffield's task was
of the most difficult and laborious kind. Dr. Lushington, and I, and
some others used to go and spend hour after hour at the bar of the
House of Lords, watching our friend in his arduous conflict ; and I find
that scarcely any one of the many memorable scenes and incidents of that
session has left so strong an impression upon my memory, as witnessing
his unsupported but determined struggle over each clause of the bill, as
it passed through the Committee of the whole House."
" On Tuesday, the 20th," writes Miss Buxton, " was the third read-
ing in the Lords. Dr. Lushington came in afterwards, unexpectedly,
to dinner; he was just setting off for his holidays, and seemed very
much pleased with the events of the session, which he discussed in the
most lively manner. Lord Althorp said to him in the House, a few
days ago, ' Well ! you and Buxton have wielded a power too great for
any individuals in this House. I hope we shall never see such another
282 END OF THE STRUGGLE. [CHAP. xx.
instance.' Among other incidents, it was mentioned that one day, in
the House of Lords, Lord Grey went up to my father to speak to him
about yielding' the ' removal ' question. The Duke of Wellington said,
' I see what the influence is under which you are ; and if that individual
is to have more power than Lords and Commons both, we may as well
give up the bill.' All the Commons' ministers who were standing there
were highly entertained."
T. F. BtJXTON, ESQ., TO ZACHAKY MACAULAY, ESQ.
"August 20, 1833.
" My dear Friend, — Priscilla will tell you what was done last night
in the Lords' Committee. The result was, that after two or three rather
mischievous alterations the report passed. The Government told me
that the Tories had collected their strength, and were determined to
throw out the bill. No symptoms, however, of such infatuation
appeared. So now we are nearly at the end of our labours. I must
confess I am, if not quite satisfied, exceedingly well pleased. I look
back to the letter which you and I wrote to Lord Bathurst in 1823,
containing our demands, twelve in number. Bad as the bill is, it
accomplishes every one of these, and a great deal more. Among the
rest, the day is fixed after which slavery shall not be !
***•*«
" Surely you have reason to rejoice. My sober and deliberate opinion
is, that you have done more towards this consummation than any other
man. For myself, I take pleasure in acknowledging that you have been
my tutor all the way through, and that I could have done nothing with-
out you. * * * This should and must cheer you. It has pleased
Providence to send you sore afflictions, but hundreds of thousands of
human beings will have reason here and hereafter to thank God that your
zeal never slackened, and that you were enabled to labour on against
difficulties and obstacles, of which no one perhaps, except myself, knew
the extent ; dragging to light one abomination after another, till the
moral and religious feeling of the country would endure such crimes no
longer. So cheer up.
" I continue very well. This session has done me less mischief than
any former one. We have had something to console us, and we knew
but very little of that kind of fare in former times.
" Ever yours very truly,
" T. FOWELL BUXTO>T."
On the 28th of August the bill for the abolition of British
slavery received the royal assent. Mr. Buxton sent a copy of it
to Mr. Clarkson, with the following letter : —
1833.] CONGRATULATIONS. 233
" Xorthrepps Hall, Sept. 22, 1833.
" My dear Sir, — I cannot forward to you the enclosed Act without a
line to inquire how you are, and to say how sincerely I trust you are
really cheered and happy in the contemplation of the Abolition of
Slavery! I am sure you ought to be, for you have greatly contributed
towards it. I always think your pamphlet, which first gave us the true
tone, was of most essential importance to our cause. Such as it is, it is
done ; and I do more and more think we ought to be very grateful and
satisfied. It is a mighty experiment at best; but we must trust that it
will answer to the full, and be as it were the pulling away of the corner-
stone of slavery throughout the world.
" I should be delighted to hear your opinion of the .measures.
" Yours very faithfully,
" T. F. BUXTON."
" Playford Hall, Sept. 25, 1833.
" Dear Mr. Buxton, — I received your letter the day before yesterday,
and I can truly say in answer to it, that I am immeasurably, more than
I can express, thankful to God for that rich display of his mercy which
at length, in his own good time, he has vouchsafed to manifest to the
long-lost children of the African race. That the bill is not entirely
what I wished, I have no objection to confess ; but yet I am thankful,
inexpressibly thankful for it.
" I tremble to think what might have been the consequences, if you
had refused the proposals of Government. What would another ad-
ministration have done, had it been left to them ? We may judge of
this by the speeches of the Duke of Wellington last session. * * *
" Yours most truly,
" T. CJLARKSON."
284 LETTERS. [CHAP. xxi.
CHAPTER XXI.
1833, 1834.
Letters — Good Accounts from the West Indies — Baron Rothschild —
Occupations of the Spring and Summer — Endeavours for the Benefit of
the Negroes — Rev. J. M. Trew — The Day of Freedom, August 1, 1834
— Conduct of the Negroes — Letters.
Now that slavery had fallen, Mr. Buxton looked forward with
delight to the leisure which lay before him. The autumn proved,
however, to be one of much sorrow. Early in September, the
eldest son of Mr. Hoare, a young man of the highest promise,*
began to sink under consumption ; and closely as the two families
were linked together, the blow which fell upon the one was felt
almost as keenly by the other. It is to this event that the fol-
lowing letters refer: —
TO SAMUEL HOARE, ESQ.
« Northrepps Hall, Sept. 1, 1833.
*' Your letter was very painful, and made us very truly and very bit-
terly sympathise with you. I know by sorrowful experience how much
is to be endured, and how many tormenting changes there are in the
disease. There is, however, one part of his case which is liable neither
to anxiety nor change. He has built upon a rock. A century hence it
will signify nothing whether at this time he was stronger or weaker in
body ; hut it will then and for ever after be a matter of the greatest
moment that he held a certain and just hope of eternal life through
Christ.
" I had intended to have divided a great part of this day between
you and myself — that is, between a review of your circumstances and of
my own mind, which particularly wants setting to rights. It is difficult
to say what I mean, so as to be understood, but I find there is such a
ihinir as bringing the mind actually to partake of the cares and sorrows
of those we love, and eating the same bread which is before them.
* See Mr. Buxton's letter to him in 1827.
1833.] TO MRS. HOARE. 285
However, my intentions were frustrated. We have had a terrible
storm : three at least, I fear five or six vessels have foundered at sea,
and all hands lost. I started after church, and rode to Sheringham by
the sands, and then to Weybournc, where I found a Weymouth vessel
on shore. I saw in this excursion eleven vessels on shore, but all lives
were saved. I did not get home till half-past eight o'clock. The
storm is much abated now, but it has had a strange effect among the
trees. It is impossible to walk about the wood at the back of the house,
or down to the cottage, except in the broad daylight, so many trees are
overturned. So ends this 1st of September. I have, I hope, arranged
that some birds shall be slain for you to-morrow ; but I must be excused
at present, I am in no great mind for shooting."
TO MRS. SAMUEL HOARE.
" Northrepps Hall, Sept. 8, 1833. '
" This has been but a low and gloomy day here, as well as at Hamp-
stead. I think that we have felt as sorely, and as much shared your
sorrows, as if we had been on the spot. We have been in a state of
much dejection since our return home, and very remarkable it has been.
I had made up my mind for months that this was to be a first-rate holi-
day. I was to throw off my arms and my armour, and forget slavery,
except now and then as a relish. In short, it was to be my business to
be merry and happy at a great rate. The event has not been such. I
have tried to shoot, but made only a poor hand of that. However, to-
day I got rather near true comfort, and was able to ask, ' Why art thou
cast down, O my soul, and why art thou disquieted within me ? Hope
thou in God ! ' And I do see in the event before us great stores of
comfort. Nothing less than the greatest comfort would avail ; for I do
not disguise from myself, that, all things considered (wife, father,
mother, station, prospects of usefulness), it is an affliction of no common
kind. Yet dark as it is, and strongly as it proclaims that all the glory
of man is as the flower of the grass, still there is that in it which tells
us to gird up the loins of our mind, and rejoice and be glad. After all,
in reason as well as in faith, it is no such miserable thing to be some-
what nearer than we supposed we were to that inheritance, incorruptible,
and undefiled, and glorious, which Christ has provided for His own.
But, my dearest sister, I shall consume my paper and my time before I
come to the point about which I wish to write. I hope you do not allow
yourself to give way to that self-tormenting delusion of unavailing re-
grets and repentances, as if you had not done all that you might. I
think it is a narrow view to suppose that minor matters have had any
weighty influence. I believe the sickness came from the hand of God,
286 TO MRS. HOARE. [CHAP. xxr.
and that he also ordained the treatment you should resort to. I believe
from first to last it was His doing, and this consideration is sufficient to
stifle all complaint as to the event, and all remorse as to the means.
Pray do not give way to any regrets, but accept the event as wholly
coming from God, and as wholly merciful, and fraught with blessings.
I cannot say how deeply and tenderly I feel for each of you."
TO THE SAME.
"Oct. 6, 1833. '
« * * * In my own afflictions I have never known how to get any
peace, except by taking hold implicitly of the great (ruths of Scripture.
Is God a God of infinite mercy, not willingly afflicting us, but sending
our sorrows as a precious and health-bearing medicine ? I am told, and
I believe it, that all which He does is done in love. Here then is solid
comfort. Secure that our Physician knows what is best for us, and does
it, a stop seems put to all idle complaints of the sharpness or bitterness
of the remedy. The answer to them all is, ' It is the Lord ; let Him
do what seemeth him good.' It seems hardly worth while to puzzle
one's self why he does so and so. He has expressly said, ' What I do
thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know hereafter.' There is too
another way of silencing and stifling grief. The apostle gives us the
argument in a perfect form. ' We faint not,' he says, ' for our light
affliction, which is but for a moment, worketh for us a far more exceed-
ing and eternal weight of glory.' There is something quite irresistible
in this. The affliction, whatever it may be, and however sad in itself,
and while we limit our view to it, is in reason, as well as in faith, light
as compared with the weight, short as compared with the eternity of
that joy and that glory, which are prepared for the followers of Christ.
Look at the things which are seen, narrow our thoughts to the pains
and disappointments which unexpectedly break in upon us, and there
seems no room for peace ; but look at the things M-hich are not seen,
let one's mind range through a boundless eternity, remember that we
have the promise of God that there we shall find that He has provided
for us beyond what eye has seen or imagination conceived ; and then to
be over anxious as to what may befal us in the present hour, and to be
diffident whether our merciful Master can and will compensate us for
our present trials, seems to be want of sense and reason. * * * After
all, we have nothing to say, in cases of human suffering and disappoint-
ment, but one thing, but that one thing carries with it supreme and all-
sufficient comfort — namely, that Christ died for us, and hath, actual///
hath, begotten us again to a lively hope, to an inheritance incorruptible
and undefiled, that fadeth not away, reserved in Ufa von for you and
yours."
1834.] THE WEST INDIES. 287
Great anxiety now began to be felt as to tlie manner in which
the Emancipation Act might have been received in the West
Indies. The accounts of this event at length arrived, and proved
to be highly satisfactory. The planters had received the new
law without irritation, the negroes without excitement or in-
subordination, and the colonial legislatures immediately prepared
to carry it into effect on the following 1st of August.
"Northrepps Hall, Dec. 29, 1833.
" In turning to my prayers for the slavery cause on last new year's
day, I cannot but acknowledge that they have been most signally and
surprisingly fulfilled. Thou, O Lord, hast stood forth its advocate;
thou hast controlled events, and disposed the nation to tbe accomplish-
ment of liberty, and that liberty in peace ; and peaceful liberty to the
slave has been accompanied by increased prosperity to the master ; every
word of that prayer has been accomplished, and I bless thee for thy
signal bounty."
On the 17th of March Mr. Stanley gave a most satisfactory
account in the House of the continued tranquillity and prosperity
of the West Indies, while awaiting the day of freedom. Mr.
Buxton is described as " full of joy at Mr. Stanley's speech: he
says, ' I go to sleep thinking of it, I wake thinking of it.' " Some
one said to him in the House, in reference to Mr. Stanley's state-
ment, " This is worth living for, and dying for." Indeed the
cordial tone, not only of his coadjutors, but of his late opponents
also, was most gratifying to him.
Lord Suffield writes on this occasion: —
"Gunton Park, March 20, 1834.
" My dear Buxton, — I read Stanley's reply to your questions with
infinite pleasure and thankfulness for God's blessing upon our efforts,
the prosperous issue of which appears to be so far beyond all that human
foresight could anticipate. The fact is we were not half so confident as
we should have been in the success of a work tending in so great a de-
gree to promote the honour and glory of God, and the temporal and
eternal interests of his coloured creatures.
" But here you are more chargeable than myself; to my shame be it
said, ' the honour and glory of God ' made a very small part of my con-
sideration, whereas, in yours, it was chiefly uppermost. Believe me I
am duly sensible now of my unworthiness to have been made in any
degree an humble instrument in the hands of God to accomplish so great
288 CHEERING INTELLIGENCE. [CHAP. xxi.
an achievement. — You felt what you were doing throughout ; you acted
from the right motive, and therefore had better ground than myself for
being confident of unbounded success.
" Ever truly yours,
" SlTFIELD."
TO MISS BUXTON AT EARLHAM.
"54, Devonshire Street, Feb. 4, 1834.
" It is curious how many compliments we West Indian fanatics *
have had on the success of our measure. I have just been in the
House ; and among a great variety of congratulators, I saw ,
who said that nothing could be doing better ; and he added, that,
having lately read my speeches from the first to the last, he must
confess that he was surprised to find how true and sound they had
been. Stanley whispered, ' I congratulate you.' I answered, ' I congra-
tulate you.'
" But I now come from the House of Lords, where Lord Grey, in
reply to the Duke of Wellington, has been pronouncing a splendid eu-
logium on ' that beneficent measure,' as it was called in the King's
Speech, ' which extirpated the worst of all human evils ;' and taunting
the Duke with having been a prophet of evil, whereas nothing but good
has as yet resulted. I am quite pleased. This is the impression which
the events of the day have made on me.
" Love to Joseph and Mary ; quote to them my favourite verse : —
' Those are not empty hearted, whose low sounds
Reverb no hollowness.' f
" It applies much to my silent feelings towards them."
TO MISS BUXTON.
"Devonshire Street, Feb. 14, 1834.
"We yesterday dined at Ham House to meet the Rothschilds ; and
very amusing it was. He (Rothschild) told us his life and adventures.
He was the third son of the banker at Frankfort. ' There was not,' he
said, ' room enough for us all in that city. I dealt in English goods.
One great trader came there who had the market to himself: lu- was
quite the great man, and did us a favour if he sold us goods. Somehow
I offended him, and he refused to show me his patterns. This was on
* He overheard one member say to another, « So, after all, the fanatics
ere right !"
t ' King Lear.'
1834.] BARON ROTHSCHILD. 289
a Tuesday ; I said to my father, ' I will go to England.' I could speak
nothing but German. On the Thursday I started ; the nearer I got to
England, the cheaper goods were. As soon as I got to Manchester, I
laid out all my money, things were so cheap ; and I made good profit.
I soon found that there were three profits — the raw material, the dyeing,
and the manufacturing. I said to the manufacturer, ' I will supply you
with material and dye, and you supply me with manufactured goods.'
So I got three profits instead of one, and I could sell goods cheaper than
anybody. In a short time I made my 20,000^. into 60,000/. My suc-
cess all turned on one maxim. I said, I can do what another man can,
and so I am a match for the man with the patterns, and for all the rest
of them! Another advantage I had. I was an oft-hand man. I made
a bargain at once. When I was settled in London, the East India
Company had 800, 0001. worth of gold to sell. I went to the sale, and
bought it all. I knew the Duke of Wellington must have it. I had
bought a great many of his bills at a discount. The Government
sent for me, and said they must have it. When they had got it,
they did not know how to get it to Portugal. I undertook all that,
and I sent it through France ; and that was the best business I ever
did.'
"Another maxim, on which he seemed to place great reliance, was
never to have anything to do with an unlucky place or an unlucky man.
' I have seen,' said.' he. ' many clever men, very clever men, who had
not shoes to their feet. I never act with them. Their advice sounds
very well, but fate is against them ; they cannot get on them-
selves ; and if they cannot do good to themselves, how can they do
good to me ? ' By aid of these maxims he has acquired three millions
of money.
" ' I hope,' said , ' that your children are not too fond of
money and business, to the exclusion of more important things. I am
sure you would not wish that.' Rothschild. — ' I am sure I should wish
that. I wish them to give mind, and soul, and heart, and body, and
everything to business ; that is the way to be happy. It requires a great
deal of boldness and a great deal of caution to make a great fortune ;
and when you have got it, it requires ten times as much wit to keep it.
If I were to listen to all the projects proposed to me, I should ruin
myself very soon. Stick to one business, young man,' said he to Ed-
ward ; 'stick to your brewery, and you may be the great brewer of
London. Be a brewer, and a banker, and a merchant, and a manu-
facturer, and you will soon be in the Gazette. * * * One of my
neighbours is a very ill-tempered man ; he tries to vex me, and has
built a great place for swine, close to my walk. So, when I go out, I
hear first grunt, grunt, squeak, squeak ; but this does me no harm. I am
u
290 NORTHREPPS COTTAGE. [CHAP. xxi.
always in good humour. Sometimes, to amuse myself, I give a beggar
a guinea. He thinks it is a mistake, and for fear I should find it out, off
he runs as hard as he can. I advise you to give a beggar a guinea some-
times ; it is very amusing.'
"The daughters are very pleasing. The second son is a mighty
hunter ; and his father lets him buy any horses he likes. He lately ap-
plied to the emperor of Morocco for a first-rate Arab horse. The em-
peror sent him a magnificent one, but he died as he landed in England.
The poor youth said very feelingly, ' that was the greatest misfortune he
ever had suffered ;' and I felt strong sympathy with him. I forgot to
say, that soon after M. Rothschild came to England, Bonaparte invaded
Germany ; ' The Prince of Hesse Cassel,' said Rothschild, ' gave my
father his money ; there was no time to be lost ; he sent it to me.
I had 600,00(W. arrive unexpectedly by the post ; and I put it to such
good use, that the prince made me a present of all his wine and his
linen.' "
During the Easter recess Mr. Buxton thus writes from North-
repps Cottage : —
» " March 27. 1834.
" Now for a history of my day. After a cheerful breakfast I lounged
with a book to the Hall. It looks brighter than I expected ; the day
so fine, the flowers so abundant, and the birds so happy. I am going to
sell my sheep, so there is the end of that sagacious speculation. Anna
Gurney called for me there and took me first to Mr. Law's, where I
saw a great craniologist, who spent an hour over my head, and told
me strange news of myself; some hitting the mark, and others far away
from it.
" Then we drove to Trimingham, where wre looked at fossils, and at
the calm sea, and the land which I am to have for shooting. We got
home about 2 o'clock, and she read to me till our quiet lively dinner ;
everything vastly agreeable. Moscow * was allowed to come in and
dine with us. After dinner, reading and a trifle of sleep, and so on, till
now. The only take oft0 is, that I am quite out of my element, hardly
knowing what to do in the country at this time of year."
"April 13, 1834.
" My birthday is just passed : though I did not minute down my
thoughts, it did not pass unheeded. How had I to exult and to thank
my God for His mercy with regard to the slave question ! On the 17th
of March, Stanley, in answer to a question from me, gave a most highly
* A favourite Newfoundland dog.
1834.] REFLECTIONS. 291
encouraging account of what was going on in the West Indies ; — the whip
abolished, the negroes more industrious, no disturbance, no murmur, no
ruin to the planter.
" Three years ago who dreamt of such a termination ? What would
I have given to secure such good tidings, even one year ago, on the 19th
of March, the day of my motion ! Do I say more than the truth, when
I say I would have given my life ?
" Blessed be God, for ever blessed, for this singular mercy !
* * * * *
"I have now been walking in the garden, and having an hour of
earnest prayer. I was much affected by looking at the expanse of the
skies — the moon — the masses of cloud. They gave me- a more realizing
view of Him who created them all, that wonderful Being, so great as to
govern the universe, so merciful as to regard such a worm as I am, and
to bear with my transgressions.
"Oh! that I might always carry with me the same awful sense
of His presence, and such a realisation of His majesty and of His
goodness ! "
Neither in public nor in private did he forget to give God the
glory of the success that was obtained. At a meeting of the
London Missionary Society, May loth, after alluding to Mr.
Wilberforce and Mr. Macaulay, he said : —
" But let it not be supposed that we give the praise of the abolition of
slavery to Mr. Wilberforce, or to Mr. Macaulay, or to *any man. I
know the obligations we owe them ; but the voice of the Christian peo-
ple of England wras the instrument of victory. Its Author, however, was
not of human race ; but, infinite in power, what His mercy decreed, His
fiat effected."
The spring and summer of 1834 were spent chiefly in active
exertions for the benefit of those so soon to be liberated, watch-
ing the regulations adopted in the different islands ; carefully
investigating the appointment of the stipendiary magistrates ;
and especially endeavouring to provide for the education and
religious instruction of the negroes. He was in constant com-
munication on this subject with Mr. Stanley, and corresponded
largely with the secretaries of various benevolent societies, trying
to stir up their zeal on behalf of the newly emancipated blacks.
A noble example was set by the British and Foreign Bible
Society, which promised a New Testament and Psalter to every
u 2
292 LADY MICO'S FUND. [CHAP. xxi.
negro who should be found able to read on the Christmas-clay
after emancipation.
Amongst other schemes there was one of great importance,
which at length succeeded. Some years before this time, Mr.
Buxton had received information that a certain Lady Mico, who
died in 1710, had left a sum of money to her daughter on con-
dition of her not marrying a specified individual, in which case
it was to be devoted to the redemption of white slaves in Bar-
bary. The daughter married and lost the money, which accu-
mulated till, in 1827 (when no Christian slaves remained in
Barbary), it amounted to more than 110,OOOJ. " This sum,"
wrote Mr. Buxton to Mr. Macaulay, from Cromer, " Lush-
ington thinks we shall be able to get applied in the right
way, if you come by the Holt coach on Saturday. — William
Smith comes on Friday. I will send for you to Holt on Saturday
night."
At length, after much expense and trouble, the money was
obtained, and invested in the names of Dr. Lushington. Mr.
Buxton, and two other trustees, to be employed in the education
of the negroes. To the interest of this sura the Government
added a temporary grant of 20,000/. per annum ; and the proper
and most efficient application of this money occupied much of
Mr. Buxton's time and attention. He, as well as the other
trustees, spared no labour in the endeavour to establish schools,
and to procure schoolmasters of ability and piety. Their chief
agent was the Rev. J. M. Trew (now Archdeacon of the Bahamas),
who had won Mr. Buxton's highest esteem by the sacrifices and
efforts he had made on behalf of the negroes, during a long re-
sidence in Jamaica.
The following interesting memoranda, in connection with the
subject, were preserved by Mr. Trew.
" The letter in which Mr. Buxton announced my appointment said,
' I have named you to the trustees for this important work. They are
abundantly satisfied ; and if you are prepared to carry out their views
upon a liberal and comprehensive basis, you will proceed immediately to
London.' Immediately on my arrival in town, I called upon Mr. Bux-
ton, and said to him, * I do not quite understand what is to be the basis
of your system, or what is meant by your "liberal and comprehensive!
principles." ' ' What is your own view of the case V ' was the rejoinder.
1834.] MR. TREWS RECOLLECTIONS. 293
' My view of the case,' said I, ' is simply this : I take the whole word
of God to be the only right basis upon which a Christian education can
rest; will you concede this?' 'Granted,' he replied; 'and let me
assure you, that upon no other principles would I have anything to do
with this charity.' Upon those principles he commenced, and by those
principles he and his co-trustees ever after continued to be governed.
Having been deputed by his colleagues to examine the teachers when
selected by their agent, preparatory to their embarkation for the West
Indies, it was delightful to witness the condescension and tenderness
with which he was accustomed to address them. He had a word of
kindness and of encouragement for each. To one he would say, as he
reached forth his hand to bid him farewell, ' Well! you are going upon
an arduous work ; but it is a noble undertaking. I Hope that you may
do well, and that God may bless you.' To another, ' Write to us often,
we are deeply interested in your welfare ; you have the prayers of many
for your success.' He used to remark, ' I like to know these men, that
I may identify each with his peculiar sphere of labour.' And if he thus
desired to know them, truly it may be said that his affectionate parting
remembrance was never forgotten by any of them. They honoured him,
and they loved him.
" Never shall I forget the effect which his manner and address
produced upon some young men who were shortly afterwards to
proceed to the West Indies. On the occasion referred to, Mr. Buxton,
having been detained beyond his appointed hour, owing to his having
been at Court, came direct from the palace before he changed his dress.
The schoolmasters in waiting, who were simple men, chiefly from
Scotland and Ireland, not one of whom had ever been in London
before, were much struck by his appearance; but when, as they were
severally introduced, he took them kindly by the hand and conversed
with each, as one interested in their respective prospects and welfare,
they were astonished beyond measure, and went forth to their labours,
assured that they had in him a sympathising Christian friend ; and
many indeed were the opportunities which subsequently presented
themselves, whereby he proved that his feelings of interest in their
welfare were not evanescent, but the result of Christian principle,
operating upon a naturally amiable and generous heart.
" In those islands for which comparatively little had been done
previously to the period of their emancipation, as in Trinidad, St.
Lucia, Mauritius, Seychelles, &c., he took the most lively interest,
always maintaining the principle, and acting on it also, that the training
of native agents was essential to a general diffusion of knowledge
amongst the islanders. With a view to this, he advocated the establish-
ment of normal schools in the most important of our colonies ; and he
294 APPROACH OF THE DAY OF FREEDOM. [CHAP. xxi.
had the happiness of living to know that so successful were the operations
of the Board of Trustees, that, under the blessing of God, upwards of
500 teachers were trained in these model seminaries ; and that, too, for
every denomination of Christian Missionaries."
The first of August, 1834, the day on which the emancipation
of the slaves was to take place, was drawing near ; an address,
written by Mr. Buxton in the name of the Anti-slavery Society,
forcibly shows what were his feelings on the occasion : —
" Surely a day of such vast moment to the welfare of one part of the
empire, and to the honour of the whole, ought not to pass unnoticed.
* * * It is a day for undoing the heavy burdens and letting the
oppressed go free ; and the true celebration of such an event is in
hearty and united thanksgiving to God for this marvellous achievement,
and prayer that He will bless the work, bless the givers, bless the
receivers, and make it a source of blessing to the oppressed and afflicted
throughout the world. * * * Some may think that this great work
was accomplished by the act of man ; some will ascribe it to one body,
and some to another ; but we trust that our friends, now that the
conflict of party has ceased, and the cloud raised around us by the
passions of man has been dispersed, will unite in acknowledging the
signal providence of Almighty God, who has, from the beginning to
the end, been the true doer of the glorious work ; originating it in the
hearts of its advocates ; lifting it over the all but insurmountable
obstacles of its early day ; setting at nought the counsels alike of friends
and foes ; providing means, providing instruments, unexpected, diverse,
conflicting ; yet, under the skilful guidance of the Divine hand, all
urging forward the same conclusion ; and from the chaos of confusion,
from the battle of irreconcileable opinions, bringing us to the scarcely
credible consummation of emancipation in peace, in harmony, in safety,
in congratulation and acquiescence on all sides."
Five days before the first of August, he thus refers to it in
his book of meditations : —
" July 27, Sumlny.
" On Friday next slavery is to cease throughout the British colonies !
I wished, therefore, to have a season of deep retirement of soul, of
earnest prayer, and of close communion with my God, and, for this
purpose, I went to a Friends' meeting. I began with earnest prayer
for the influence of the Holy Spirit that He should take the helm in all
our doings, and navigate us in peace and safety throughout our whole
voyage. Then, in deep humiliation, in a sense of my own great guilt
and ingratitude, I made confession of such sins as occurred to me, and
THE DAY OF FREEDOM. 295
pleaded hard with God, for Christ's sake, ' in whom we have redemption
through His blood; even the forgiveness of sins.' This prayer was
offered in some trouble of soul, and in a full sense that every other cord
was broken, and that the only cable by which I could hold on was for-
giveness through Christ. Then I returned thanks — I was sensibly
affected with a view of God's dealings with me. Each one knows the
history of himself, and many things are known to him which are con-
ceali'd from others — perhaps, therefore, others could recount similar
experience, but to me it appears that there has been a strange and
peculiar guidance over me ; and that God, designing to commit to me in
his goodness some share in the emancipation of the negroes, had ori-
ginated contrivances, and ordered events, singularly suitable for such a
result. Then I prayed for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on those
700,000 oppressed and persecuted children of our common Father who
will be liberated on that day. O thou who hast been indeed their
merciful Deliverer, who, for the oppression of the poor and the sighing
of the needy, hast arisen and set them in safety ; add, we beseech thce,
to all thy benefits, by such an effusion and outpouring of thy Spirit, as
shall make them a people peculiarly obedient to thy commandments,
and peculiarly visited by thy presence, and that, as by thy goodness
they are changed from slaves to freemen, they may also be transformed
from heathens into Christians; in deed, in spirit, and in truth.
" And now I commend next Friday to thee, my merciful God. May
it be a happy day, and the harbinger of many, many happy days, to
one very, very dear to me, and to multitudes for whom I have been
favoured long to labour!"
The anxiously expected first of August at length arrived. It
was kept very generally throughout England as a day of re-
joicing. To Mr. Buxton it was rendered memorable, not only
by the consummation of that great work to which his heart had
so ardently been given, but also because on this day his eldest
daughter was married to Mr. Andrew Johnston, of Renny Hill
in Fifeshire, M.P. for St. Andrews. He thus alluded to the
circumstance, in a letter to the Rev. Dr. Philip at Cape Town :
" I surrendered my vocation, and, next to Macaulay, my best
human helper in it, on the same day ; and I am not only well
contented, but very happy, and very thankful, that she is so
bestowed."
A large circle of his connections assembled at his house on
the occasion, and expressed the lively interest with which they
had sympathised in his public labours, by presenting him with
296 THE DAY OF FREEDOM. [CHAP. xxi.
two handsome pieces of plate, in commemoration of the emanci-
pation of the slaves.
It was indeed a day which called forth the expression of his
deepest feelings of thankfulness, and of his most earnest desires
for blessing's on those near and afar off, to whom the day was
one of such signal importance.
"Never had we," he said, "such a call for thanksgiving, never
such occasion to pray for a blessing, as upon the work of this day. It
is demonstration to our understandings, it is vision to our minds, that
God has done it. We had no might, neither knew we what to do.
The battle was not ours, but God's. The Lord has been with us."
TO MRS. UPCHER.
" August 1, 1834, four o'clock.
" My dear Friend, — The bride is just off. Everything has passed
off to admiration, and there is not a slave in the British colonies!"
" Mark the seal, ' Safe and satisfactory.' "
In the evening the leading Abolitionists dined together at
the Freemasons' Tavern ; the Earl of Mulgrave, the late
Governor of Jamaica, in the chair.
But many of those who shared in the festivities of the day
could not divest themselves of a feeling of uneasiness, when they
thought of what might, at that very time, be passing in the
West Indies. The period that intervened between August,
1833, when Mr. Stanley's measure became law, and August 1,
1834, when it was to take effect, had indeed passed away in un-
exampled tranquillity. But would not the gloomy predictions
of the West Indians be now fulfilled ? The bloodshed, the
rioting, the drunkenness, and confusion they had so often
foretold — would not these tarnish the lustre of this glorious deed
of the British people?
It was, therefore, with feelings of deep solicitude, that Mr.
Buxton and his friends awaited the news from the colonies. He
was at Northrepps Hall, when, on the 10th of September, a
large pile of letters came in with the colonial stamps upon them.
Well knowing that they would contain the long-looked-for intel-
ligence, he took them, still sealed, in his hand, and walked out
into the wood ; desiring no witness but One of the emotion and
anxiety he experienced. He opened them : and deep indeed was
1834.] THE DAY OF FREEDOM. 297
his joy and gratitude to God, when he found that one letter
after another was filled with accounts of the admirable conduct
of the negroes on the great day of freedom. Throughout the
colonies the churches and chapels had been thrown open, and
the slaves had crowded into them, on the evening of the 31st of
July. As the hour of midnight approached, they fell upon their
knees, and awaited the solemn moment, all hushed in silent
prayer. When twelve sounded from the chapel bells, they
sprang upon their feet, and through every island rang the glad
sound of thanksgiving to the Father of all ; for the chains were
broken, and the slaves were free.*
* Amongst the many beautiful verses which the occasion called forth, the
following, by Mr. James Montgomery, stand pre-eminent : —
" Hie to the mountains afar,
All in the cool of the even,
Led by yon beautiful star,
First of the daughters of heaven :
Sweet to the slave is the season of rest :
Something far sweeter he looks for to-night,
His heart lies awake in the depth of his breast,
And listens till God shall say, ' Let there be light ! '
" Climb we the mountain, and stand
High in mid air, to inhale,
Fresh from our old father-land,
Balm in the ocean-borne gale.
Darkness yet covers the face of the deep :
Spirit of freedom ! go forth in thy might,
To break up our bondage, like infancy's sleep,
The moment when God shall say, ' Let there be light! '
" Gaze we awhile from this peak,
Praying in thought while we gaze ;
Watch for the dawning's first streak, — •
Prayer then be turned into praise.
Shout to the valleys ' Behold ye the morn,
Long, long desired, but denied to our sight ! '
Lo ! myriads of slaves into men are new-born,
The word was omnipotent — ' Let there be light ! '
" Hear it and hail it ;— the call
Island to island prolong ; —
Liberty ! liberty ! all
Join in that jubilee song. [Hark,
298 CONDUCT OF THE NEGROES. [CHAP. xxi.
TO THE RIGHT REV. DANIEL WILSOX, LORD BISHOP OF CALCUTTA.
" Cromer, Oct. 21, 1834.
" My dear Friend, — How long have I neglected to write to you,
and how often have I reproached myself for it ! My only excuse for it
is, that Andrew Johnston, M.P. (who breakfasted at your house, just
before your departure), has run away with my secretary, Priscilla.
They were married on the 1st of August, — the day on which, says the
Act of Parliament, ' Slavery shall cease and be unlawful in the
British colonies, plantations, and possessions.' I know you heartily
rejoiced at this termination of our labours ; for I remember with
gratitude, that you were ever steadfast and faithful to that good cause.
We have now accounts from the West Indies of the way in which the
1st of August was passed ; and highly satisfactory they are.
u The apprenticeship seems to go down with the negroes. This
is wonderful to me ; for I cannot reconcile it even now to my reason
that this system should flourish. In Antigua the legislature wisely
dispensed with the apprenticeship, and from thence we have most
encouraging reports.
" A letter, dated the 2nd August, says, ' The day of wonders — of
anticipated confusion, riot, and bloodshed — has passed by, and all is
peace and order.' On Monday the negroes all returned to work. Now
this quite amuses, as well as pleases me. During four days' examina-
tion before the Lords, they asked me, among a thousand strange
questions, ' If emancipation were to take place to-day, what would the
negroes do to-morrow ? ' I replied, ' To-morrow they would, I think,
take a holiday ; so they would on Saturday ; on Monday I expect they
would go to work, if you paid them for it ! '
" Another letter, dated the 4th, says : — ' Yesterday I was round the
island, and did not hear of a single improper act, not even of a man
being intoxicated. Our chapels were crowded to suffocation.' And
not only from Antigua, but from every other quarter, we hear that
almost the whole population attended chapel or church on the day of
their liberation."
Hark, 'tis the children's hosannahs that ring !
Hark, they are freemen, whose voices unite !
While England, the Indies, and AiVii-a sin<j;,
' Amen ! hallelujah ! ' to ' Let there be light ! ' "
1834.] RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION. 299
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" Bellfield, Nov. 23, 1834.
" I could not get a place in the Dorchester Mail, so I took my place
to Salisbury in another. Soon after I was seated, the Bishop of Barba-
does got in, and a great deal of very interesting conversation we had.
lie has received letters from many parts of his diocese, giving the most
encouraging accounts. At Antigua seven important results have fol-
lowed emancipation : —
" First : Wives and husbands hitherto living on different estates began
to live together.
" Second : The number of marriages greatly increased. One of his
clergy had married ten couple a week since the 1st of August.
"Third: The schools greatly increased ; a hundred children were
added in one district.
" Fourth : The planters complain that their whole weeding gang,
instead of going to work, go to school.
"Fifth: All the young women cease to work in the fields, and are
learning female employments.
" Sixth : Friendly societies for mutual relief have increased.
" Seventh : The work of the clergymen is doubled. One of the
chapels which held 300 is being enlarged, so as to contain 900, and will
not be large enough.
" The utmost desire is felt by the negroes for religious instruction,
and their children are in every way as quick in learning as the whites.
The most intelligent and influential of the Antigua planters tells him
that the experiment is answering to his entire satisfaction. It will
require some time, he says, for the planters to overcome their prejudices
against machinery. He has not heard of an act of violence anywhere.
The negroes are a very affectionate and docile race. He has seventy-
seven clergymen in his diocese, and most of them zealous good men.
Twenty young men have been educated at Codrington College for the
church ; and some of them, who are already ordained, are excellent
ministers.
" But now about my journey. When we got to Salisbury the Bishop
and I posted on together. I dressed and breakfasted at Dorchester,
and went on very cheerfully. As soon as I got to Weymouth I col-
lected some of the best of my party, and got them to advise me to do
the things which I had resolved to do, viz. to canvass immediately, and
to abstain from anything like treating or giving beer.
" I said publicly, and said truly, that if my election depended on a
single vote, and that vote was to be sold for sixpence, I would not
give it."
300 THANKSGIVINGS. [CHAP. xxi.
" Northrepps, Dec. 28, 1834.
" On February 3, 1833, I prayed that thou, O Lord, vvouldst rise up
as the Advocate of the oppressed, disposing all hearts, and moulding all
events, to the accomplishment of liberty, and that liberty in peace : pro-
tecting their masters from ruin and desolation. — Thou didst rise up !
It is said in the Psalms, that ' the nations shall see that it was thy
doing,' and how manifest was thy instrumentality ! Who raised up the
population of England to demand as one man the liberation of the negro ?
Who overruled that convincing warning, the insurrection in Jamaica,
to prove to a hesitating Government that the crisis would brook no
delay ? Who, contrary to our wishes, caused the formation of those
Parliamentary committees which, designed and demanded by the enemy,
ended in their discomfiture ? Who sent witnesses at the very crisis in
which they were needed ; carrying conviction to the minds ot many of
our antagonists, that slavery must be abolished ? Who prevailed on a
money-loving people freely to sacrifice twenty millions of money ?
Who thus delivered the masters from ruin and desolation? Who
moulded the hearts of the negroes, so that their first act was universally
crowding to the chapels, to return thanks to thee ; then of their own
accord abolishing Sunday markets, and abstaining from any instance of
intoxication ? and who enabled the Governor to report that ' no act of
violence on the part of the negroes had occurred ' ?
" In each of these events, and in numberless others, it were blindness
not to perceive the guidance of a more than human hand.
" Let me entreat thee, O merciful Father, to go with me, to guide
me, and guard me, and prosper my ways. Oh ! the comforting plain-
ness of that promise, ' If any man lack wisdom, let him ask of Got!, and
it shall be given him.' "
1834.] TREATMENT OF ABORIGINES. 301
CHAPTER XXII.
1834, 1835.
Inquiry into the Treatment of Aboriginal Tribes in British Colonies —
Address to the King on the Subject — Caffre War — Aborigines' Com-
mittee — Letters — Lord Glenelg's Despatch — Visit from a Caffre Chief
— Mr. Buxton turns to the subject of the Slave Trade of Foreign Nations
— An Address to the King agreed to.
ALTHOUGH the summer of 1834 was mainly occupied by Mr.
Buxton in endeavours to complete the great work of emanci-
pation, yet his mind was much occupied by a new undertaking,
which, however, was in many respects similar to that upon
which he had been engaged.
This was an inquiry into the condition and treatment of the
aboriginal inhabitants of our colonies ; a subject peculiarly cal-
culated to arouse his interest, and, indeed, to excite his indig-
nation. " I protest," he said, " I hate shooting innocent
savages worse than slavery itself."
He thus concludes a long paper of meditations, dated January,
1834 :—
" Though I practise not, I see what a noble course there is opened
for me ; and if I have a desire, it is that by the instrumentality of thy
grace, O Lord, thou wouldest mould me into a man who is altogether
thy servant, in temper, in objects of pursuit, in labours, in meekness, in
charity, in faith, in godliness, in prayer, and in practice, directing my
steps heavenward.
" My attention has been drawn of late to the wickedness of our pro-
ceedings as a nation, towards the ignorant and barbarous natives of
countries on which we seize. What have we Christians done for them ?
We have usurped their lands, kidnapped, enslaved, and murdered them-
selves. The greatest of rheir crimes is that they sometimes trespass
into the lands of their forefathers ; and the very greatest of their mis-
fortunes is that they have ever become acquainted with Christians.
Shame on such Christianity ! My object is to inquire into past pro-
ceedings, for the purpose of instituting certain rules and laws, on prin-
302 TREATMENT OF ABORIGINES. [CHAP. xxn.
ciples of justice, for the future treatment of the aborigines of those
countries where we make settlements.
" O thou God of mercy and justice, who hast supported me and
strengthened me in the ten years' combat for the deliverance of the
negro, be thou my guide and guardian in this effort. Let it be con-
ducted under the direction of thy good Spirit. Let prayer be made for
its good issue. Give us wisdom and resolution. Move the hearts of
those who have power, and the hearts of all thy righteous people in this
land, to corne to our help. Purify the motives from which we act : let
no unworthy desire of praise spring up ; but let this good cause begin
in a hearty desire to serve thee. Let it be conducted under the guidance
of thy wisdom, and under the succour of thy strength. And let it ter-
minate in the entrance of millions of our fellow-men, now barbarous,
ignorant, and heathen, into thy Church: let innocent commerce, civili-
sation, knowledge, and that which is better than all, true faith in Christ,
be extended to the barbarous nations, to whom we are as yet known only
by our power and our cruelty.
" O God, for the sake of Him who healed the sick, comforted the
sorrowful, instructed the ignorant, and shed abroad that light and that
influence to which we owe all our present enjoyments, and on which
all our future hopes are built, for His sake hear and answer these
prayers."
TO THE REV. DR. PHILIP, AT CAPE TOWX.
"January 17, 1834.
" It appears to me that we ought to fix and enforce certain regulations
and laws, with regard to the natives of all countries where we make
settlements. Those laws must be based on the principles of justice.
In order to do justice we must admit —
" 1st. That the natives have a right to their own lands.
" 2ndly. That as our settlements must be attended with some evils
to them, it is our duty to give them compensation for those evils, by
imparting the truths of Christianity and the arts of civilised life.
" Having agreed on the points to be aimed at, our next business is to
ascertain in what degree we have acted, and now act, in violation of
justice and humanity towards the natives — what encroachments we have
made on their property — what moral and physical evils we have intro-
duced. Next, as to the reparation of these oppressions. Have we done
our best, or have we done anything, for the purpose of improving their
condition and making them Christians ? or have we resisted both the
one and the other, and done our best to retain them in a condition of
debasement and depravity ? And, finally, how must we now retrace
our steps ? and what are the most judicious modes of securing to them
1834.] ADDRESS TO THE KIX(J. 303
some portion of their own land, and giving them an equivalent for their
losses and sufferings, by making efforts lor their civilisation and con-
version to Christianity ? "
On the 1st of July, 1834, he moved an address to the King
on the subject. In his speech on this occasion he dwelt upon
the grievances of the commando system in South Africa. These
commandos greatly resembled the border forays of the fifteenth
century. On some plea of cattle having been stolen, the colo-
nists used to arm and make inroads into Caffreland ; and after
despoiling the lands of the barbarians, they would march home
in triumph, usually with large booty. Thus in .a single year
(1819) as many as 52,000 head of cattle were taken from the
natives ; and this system of spoliation was continued, till the
colonists became persuaded that nothing could secure their own
existence, but the annihilation of their irritated foes.*
The address, having been seconded by Mr. Spring Rice (the
Colonial Secretary), was passed unanimously. It prayed His
Majesty that he would be graciously pleased to take such measures
as should secure to the natives the due observance of justice and
the protection of their rights, promote the spread of civilization
among them, and lead them to the peaceful and voluntary recep-
tion of the Christian religion.
TO THE REV. DR. PHILIP, AT CAPE TOWN.
" Sept. 30, 1834.
" I have received and heartily thank you for your long letter, dated
May 6th. Pray keep me well informed.
" I have also received the letters and newspapers about the attempted
renewal of the Vagrant Act.f I think it will «ome to nothing, but if so,
* The following is an extract from a description, given by an eye-witness,
of a commando sent out from the Cape in 1830. (See Evidence before Par-
liamentary Committee, 1835.) — " The military were divided into three or
four parties. * * * We were only aware of the presence of the
other parties in the country by the smoke of the burning villages. One
Caffre shouted to us across a ravine, to ask why we were burning his cot-
tage; it seemed difficult to make a reply ; there was silence throughout the
party !"
t This -vagrancy act was an ingenious contrivance of some of the colonists
to reduce the Hottentots once more to slavery : but it was prevented from
becoming law by Mr. Spring Rice.
304 LETTER TO DR. PHILIP. [CHAP. xxn.
your prompt interposition prevented it. I wrote a very strong letter to
Spring Rice, our Colonial Secretary, and my old friend and coadjutor on
Mauritius and slavery matters. Power would make great changes
indeed if it were to give him any fellowship in feeling with West India
planters or your boors.
" I have also received your note about the commando system. Upon
that I feel most deeply interested : furnish me with facts ; give rne facts
about commandos, and I will, if alive and in Parliament, aim an effectual
blow at them. I stay in Parliament very much against my inclination,
for no other purpose except to watch the West Indies and to protect the
aborigines, — chiefly the latter. Did you ever read Wordsworth's ' Life
of Baxter ' ? Baxter says, ' There is nothing in the world which lieth
so heavy upon my heart as the thought of the miserable nations of the
earth. I cannot be affected so much with the calamities of my own
relations, or the land of my nativity, as with the case of the heathen,
Mahometan, and ignorant nations of the earth. No part of my prayers
is so deeply serious as that for the conversion of the infidel and ungodly
world.' I feel, in my poor way, somewhat ol the same kind, and desire
and pray that my heart may be turned, and my exertions directed, to
the spread of peace, and justice, and knowledge, and Christianity among
them. I think England is a deep offender in the sight of God, for the
enormities she permits to be practised upon these poor, ignorant, defence-
less creatures; and, with God's help, I hope to do something for them
yet. I have read with great interest your letter to America. In one
respect you are in error : you praise the American Colonization Society.
It is nothing else than an artifice of the slave-owners, who wish to divert
public attention from the question of slavery, and to get rid of the people
of colour. They pass the most furious and bigoted laws against them.
For exam pie, they make it death for the second offence of teaching negroes
and people of colour to read : and thus forcing the people of colour to quit
America, they are pleased to set up for philanthropists in Africa. With
this exception, I was highly gratified by your letter. There is one ques-
tion which I beg you to consider. What are the measures which I should
aim at for the benefit of countries where we make settlements ? I have
thought of a protector, through whom all bargains shall be made, that
they may not be cheated out of their land ; and secondly, that as inevit-
ably we must do them much injury by spreading our diseases, and our
brandy, and our gunpowder among them, we ought to make them com-
pensation by measures for the diffusion of Christianity. What more
shall I aim at ? You know I look to you as my chief informant and
adviser, so pray help me. Let me have every species of information
about the Kat River Settlement. How does ' Buxton ' get on ? I am
now going to a Bible Society meeting in the neighbourhood, where I
1835.] PLANS FOR THE YEAR. 305
shall make u speech out of your letters and the Kat River ; they do me
frequent and good service at Bible and Missionary Meetings."
TO MRS. BUXTOX.
" Bradpole, Jan. 4, 1835.
" How sincerely sorry I am when I think that it is but too probable
that you are at this very time suffering from another attack of those
dear eyes ! How very very glad I shall be if I get to-morrow an im-
proved account !
" Now for election matters. — Bankes has resigned. There never was
anything like the infatuation of these people. At this moment I am
safe, but we must not be too confident. Everybody is mad, and there
is no telling what they may do in their frenzy. * * * On Wednesday is
the nomination. I shall make a speech and tell them my opinions with-
out reserve, and those opinions will not be gratifying either to Tories
or Radicals.
" I came over here yesterday, and have enjoyed much the silence, the
divine silence, of the country. I am now going to meeting with Wil-
liam ; and to-morrow morning I return to Weymouth."
At the commencement of 1835 he thus refers in his common-
place book to the coming year : —
" I shall devote myself to the three great subjects now on my
hands.
" 1st. The completion of emancipation ; for much remains to be
done.
" 2nd. The abolition of the Spanish and Portuguese slave-trade.
" 3rd. The just treatment of the aborigines.
" Then (if I am to have these honourable duties, and shall be en-
abled to fulfil them) I desire and pray that I may be returned at the
approaching election; but if, () Lord, thine eye perceives that I shall
be turned away from the path of duty, that 1 shall pursue my own
pleasure or aggrandisement in preference to thy service, then I heartily
pray thee to avert from me the temptation. But in all acts, in all coun-
sels, be with me, and teach me what I shall do and say for Christ's
sake."
" Northrepps Hall, January 18, 1835.
" Late yesterday evening I returned to this sweet home, having, for
the seventh time, been elected, and having had my prayers answered.
I have been, 1 thankfully acknowledge, guided and directed. May it
please thee, thou prayer-hearing God, to make my being in Parliament
X
306 PLANS FOR THE YEAR. [CHAP. xxn.
conducive to the spread of thy name among the heathen, and to the
interests of humanity, justice, freedom, and real religion.
" My mind has been a good deal occupied of late with deep and
powerful impressions of the shortness of the time which remains for me
on earth, and with the irresistible reasons for dedicating it to God, and
through his grace to the salvation of my own soul. Oh, my God, now
give pie the spirit of wisdom, that, the eyes of my understanding
being enlightened, I may know the riches and the glory of thy
inheritance. Is it prudent, is it the part of true wisdom, to employ
this small remnant of time in the pursuit of pleasure, or honour, or
wealth ?
" If these things could certainly be acquired, and if certainly they
would last for ever, the tempter might have some colour of reason
wherewith to seduce my mind to the belief that they were really objects
worthy of my affections. But when there is a certainty, not of their
continuance but of their speedy flight, every reason and argument is
marshalled on the side of dedication of heart to pleasures, glories, riches,
which shall endure for ever.
" With the conviction then that I stand almost on the verge of eter-
nity; that the days cannot be many before the secret and awful things
of futurity shall be unveiled to me ; that ere long I must be an inhabitant
of the world of spirits, and that then my eyes will assuredly see that
Christ, whose name I bear, royally attended with an innumerable com-
pany of angels descending from heaven to judge me and all mankind,
and that then my ears will hear that sound of the trumpet which shall
summon all flesh before His presence, and that on me must be pro-
nounced that irrevocable sentence — ' Come you blessed,' or c Depart
you cursed '
" Seeing then that those earthly things must be dissolved, what
manner of person ought I to be? Thou good and gracious Spirit,
teach me this ; thou blessed Lord who instructs the ignorant and
euccours the weak, do thou, in compassion to a soul very ignorant
and desperately weak, but nevertheless with some desires after a higher
and holier walk than heretofore, do thou in mercy be my guide and
teacher.
" Let me then picture the character I ought to be, — a Christian in
faith. This is, beyond doubt, the great point to be obtained. * * * *
What then are the acts which correspond with a true and sound
faith ?
" The habit of prayer.
" The habit of watching the mercies of God, and solemnly returning
thanks for them. I am sometimes inclined to think that I have boon
peculiarly the child of Providence. At all events, how much have
1835.] PLANS FOR THE YEAR. 307
I to be thankful for, and how poor and dull is my abiding sense of
gratitude !
"There is something very alarming in the question, — ' Were there
not ten cleansed, but where are the nine?' Oh, may I not be of the
number who ' returned not to give glory to God !'
" The habit of kindness, courtesy, tender-heartedness. How much
does this appear the spirit which is congenial to Christianity, 'and
which grows and flourishes in a Christian heart ! How often is it
inculcated ! How high is the standard placed before us, forbearing one
another and forgiving one another, even as God for Christ's sake hath
forgiven you !
" The habit of doing and seeking to do all the good in my power.
God has given me a portion of property, station, reputation, intellectual
energy. Such as they are, God gave them, and to his service must the
influence they give be dedicated.
" The habit of dedicating the Sabbath to its peculiar duties, not
wasting its precious hours, not worshipping God with a wandering and
unsteady mind, not stealing its moments for secular purposes.
" The habit of calling myself to account for the use I make of my
money, my time, my powers. * * On Wednesday next I go to attend
my duties in Parliament — what are my prayers? I have now been
wandering about the garden ; my last Sabbath's walk this season, it may
be the last I shall ever take, and I have been pouring forth my heart in
prayer. I have prayed for myself, and my prayer is that thou, O Lord,
wouldest enable me to give thee my heart. Constrain rue to dedicate
myself, body, mind, and soul, fortune, talents, influence, and energy, to
thy service, and this without reserve. If I am convinced in sober judg-
ment that nothing can be so wise, so right, and so happy, as this sur-
render of myself to thee, enable me to act in all things as one who is
resolved to make that my one absorbing aim ; and as without Christ I can
do nothing, do thou work this change in my heart. Do thou fortify my
resolutions, and do thou give me the ability to offer this willing and
reasonable sacrifice. As to all my affairs, public and private, I ask of
thee the fulfilment of this rich promise ; — ' I will instruct thee and
teach thee in the way which thou shalt go, I will guide thee with mine
eye.'
" Let this guidance be with me especially in my Parliamentary
duties ; in the cause of the natives, in the slave-trade, in the religious
instruction of the negroes, in dealing with the Church.
" In these great questions do thou be my teacher, and make me to
attend rather to the small voice behind me, saying, ' This is the way,
walk thou in it,' than to the bias of party or the desire of favour in the
eyes of man.
x 2
308 CAFFRE WAR. [CHAP, xxn
" () Lord, be with the rulers of the nation, making them to do that
which shall conduce to the peace and welfare of the nation, and to thy
glory.
" Be with the emancipated negroes in our colonies, pour out upon their
ministers and upon them that living water which is better than liberty
or wealth.
" Oh, my God, hear and answer these prayers for Christ's sake."
At the election of January 1835 he stated to his constituents
that his labours should be devoted to the objects above men-
tioned ; and in fact they formed his principal occupation through-
out the year. The grievous accounts of the Caffre war turned
his attention more especially to the state of the natives in the
colonies. The depredations of the Caffres had led to severe
retaliations on the part of the colonists, which ended in open war
and the complete overthrow of the Caffres.
In a despatch to Lord Glenelg, who had succeeded Mr. Spring
Rice, Sir Benjamin D'Urban announces that —
" 4000 Caffre warriors have been slaughtered ; 60,000 head of
cattle and almost all their goats captured ; their country (now called
the Adelaide territory) is taken from them ; their habitations are every-
where destroyed, and their gardens and corn-fields laid waste."*
Mr. Buxton obtained a Parliamentary committee to inquire
into this war, as well as into the general treatment of the abori-
ginal nations bordering on our settlements.
TO MRS. BUXTON.
" London, Aug. 8.
" I went yesterday into the city to the Alliance, to the Anti-slavery
Society, to the Aborigines' Committee, and to a meeting at Lushington's
about the Mauritius. The variety and interest of these subjects, espe-
cially the two last, animated me.
" We had a pleasant journey down to Coggeshall, where Edward,
Edmund, Abraham Plastow, and myself took a walk of an hour and a
half, and very interesting it was to me and Abraham recounting old
events. It is strange that, having hardly been at Coggeshall since I
was a boy, of all the numbers of persons associated in my recollection
* November, 1835.
1835.] TREATMENT OF NATIVES. 309
only my uncle and Abraham remained as my seniors. I was all but the
oldest of the party. Abraham, in whom I could remember nothing but
that he was my tutor, was a little more reverential than suited my recol-
lections ; but I was greatly pleased to meet that most honest, brave,
facetious, old associate."
When the session closed Mr. Buxton occupied himself in
a careful investigation of the evils of the system hitherto
pursued towards the native tribes, and of the remedies to be
applied.
In commencing these inquiries he as usual summoned to his
aid the members of his family circle, especially those at oS^orth-
repps Cottage, whom he employed to make extracts from and
abstracts of those documents which related to the tribes of South
Africa.
TO HIS SISTER, MISS S. M. BUXTON, AT NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
"Earlham, Sept. 28, 1835.
" I hope you read Anna Gurney my letter about her preparing an
epitome of Dr. Philip's letters. I am thus hard-hearted in taxing her
strength, because I do believe that an able digest of these letters, stick-
ing close to the text, might save a nation of 100,000 beings and several
flourishing missions from destruction. It is a cause well worth an effort.
I gave our new Colonial Secretary a disquisition to my heart's content on
the treatment of savages, the death of Hintza, the atrocities of white
men, and above all, on the responsibilities of a Secretary of State ; and
I gave him to understand that I knew there was a corner in the next
world hotter than the rest for such of them as tolerate the abominations
which we practise abroad. I feel happy that I let loose my mind, but
I am afraid Ellis of the London Missionary Society was almost shocked
at the recklessness of his lordship's feelings with which I spoke. I
believe, however, that Lord Glenelg feels both soundly and warmly on
the subject."
TO ZACHARY MACAULAY, ESQ.
"Northrepps Hall, Oct. 1835.
" I am deeply interested about the savages, particularly the Caffres.
Oh ! we Englishmen are, by our own account, fine fellows at home !
Who among us doubts that we surpass the world in religion, justice,
knowledge, refinement, and practical honesty ? but such a set of mis-
310 LETTER TO LORD GLENELG. [CHAP. XXTI.
creants and wolves as we prove when we escape from the range of the
laws, the earth does not contain."
When the statement of the South African case had been pre-
pared he communicated it to Lord Glenelg, accompanied by the
following letter : —
" Northrepps Hall, Oct. 10, 1835.
" My dear Lord, — I send you by the mail to-morrow various docu-
ments relative to the commando system, the Caffre inroad, and Hintza's
death. I think the papers sent establish —
" 1st. That the colonists, or at least some of them, have long been
actuated by an eager desire to get possession of the Caffre territory.
" 2ndly. That the commando system has been the real cause of the
war.
" 3rdly. That facts are stated relative to the death of Hintza, which,
if true, throw a deep reflection on the colonial authorities, and which
demand a close inquiry.
"I cannot forbear adding, that I am persuaded the future peace of
the colony, and the life or death of many thousands of human beings,
depend upon your decision. That, you may be guided to a righteous
one, and that you may stand between the oppressor and his prey, is my
heartfelt desire and prayer. Believe me, my dear Lord, with every sen-
timent of respect,
" Your faithful servant,
" T. FOWELL BUXTON."
Shortly after this he was exceedingly gratified at finding that
the subject had been thoroughly investigated by Lord Glenelg,
and that he had come to the conclusion that the Adelaide territory
had been unjustly taken away from the Caffre people. Accord-
ingly, with a regard for justice as rare as it was noble, his lord-
ship determined not to acquiesce in our usurpation of the terri-
tory, but to restore it to its rightful possessors.
" Lord Glenelg," says Mr. Buxton in a letter to Mr. Macau-
lay, " has sent a most noble despatch to the Cape of Good Hope,
restoring the territory we lately stole, to the Caffres, and laying
down the soundest principles with respect to future intercourse
witli them." He was greatly pleased at finding that the Govern-
ment had agreed to place protectors of the aborigines in every
colony where the English came in contact with them, and he
writes —
1835.] RESTORATION OF THE CAFFRES. 311
" Many other things did I hear equally delightful. I lay awake
almost all last night from an exuberance of gratification and thankful-
ness ; the image rising before me of the hunted people restored to their
land ; of Macomo, now so dejected, soon amazed with unlooked-for
relief.
" How glad am I," he remarks in December 1835, " that I did
not give way to the difficulties of obtaining a committee ! I was too
near letting it be postponed to another session. The events of the
war, liintza's death, and the clamours of the settlers for permission
once more to spoil these ' irreclaimable savages,' have called the at-
tention of the Government to our evidence, and, coming at the very
nick of time, I have reason to know it affected the decision of the
question."
When the news arrived that the restoration of the Caffres to
their own lauds in the Adelaide territory had been effected, he
thus conveyed it to Miss Gurney of Northrepps Cottage : * —
" I have to tell you a piece of news, which has made me sing ever
since I heard it. You, of all people, ought to have known it two or
three days ago, and should, if I had not been too busy to write
on Wednesday, and too desperately tired on Thursday. Well, what
is it? It is life itself, and liberty, and lands and tenements to a
whole nation.
"It is nothing short of this — the hand of the proud oppressor in
Africa has been, under Providence, arrested, and a whole nation, doomed
to ruin, exile, and death, has been delivered and restored to its rights.
On a given day the drum was beat in the front of Tzatzoe's house, and
the troops were marched directly back again to the British territory, and
the ' fertile and beautiful Adelaide ' was once more Caft'reland. Only
think how delighted must our savage friends be, and with what feelings
must they have viewed our retreating army ! Surely we must make a
party, and pay King Macomo a visit. This is, indeed, a noble victory
of right over might."
On the re-appointment of the Aborigines' Committee in 1836,
Dr. Philip brought over to England Tzatzoe, the Caffre chief
alluded to above, and Andrew Stoffles, a Hottentot, to be
examined before it. As a matter of course, Mr. Buxton invited
them to his house, and the following description j gives an ac-
* March 18, 1837. t Letter from Mrs. E- N. Buxton.
312 TZATZOE AND STOFFLES. [CHAP. xxn.
count of the evening which these children of the desert spent
with him : —
" Dr. Philip dined here yesterday with his two African proteges,
Tzatzoe* and Stoffles, Mr. Read, who had married a Caff're woman, and
his half Caffre son, being also of the party. Tzatzoe was dressed in
fanciful English attire, with a gold-laced coat, something like a naval
officer. He is rather a fine-looking, well-made man, but his hair is like
a carpet. Both he and Stoffles behaved in a perfectly refined and gen-
tlemanly manner. James Read acted as interpreter ; he looks more like
a Caffre than an Englishman y he is full of animation, and very clever
and observing. He sat by Tzatzoe at dinner and kept up the conver-
sation capitally. Tzatzoe was asked what struck them most in England ?
He said, ' First; the peace, no fighting, all looking " kind ;" secondly,
no beggars ; everybody had their own business and wanted nothing of
other men, but all looked comfortable and happy ; thirdly, no drunkards,
no fighting about the streets.' He was then asked, what he could men-
tion to our discredit. He hesitated at first, but then boldly said we
abused our Sabbaths ; he was shocked to see the carnages about, and
people selling in the streets ; he admired the horses, but could not think
what the donkeys had done to merit such different treatment; and as to
the dogs, he thought it a most wicked thing ' to make them work like
Hottentots.' He pleased my father very much by saying, that if it had
not been for his labours in the committee, his nation must have been
entirely extirpated. He told us, so great was the gratitude felt towards
him, that in most of the Christian settlements about the Kat River
they held a regular meeting every Wednesday evening to pray for Mr.
Buxton, Dr. Philip, and Mr. Fairbairn. When Tzatzoe spoke in Caffre,
Stoffles translated it into Dutch for Mr. Read. Doing this gradually
roused up Stoffles himself, and now when we applied to him on the sub-
ject of infant schools he lighted up in a most extraordinary way, his
heavy face beamed with life and pleasure, and he was all action and
animation. Dr. Philip says, that in oratory he is quite the Lord
Brougham of his country; * * * After dinner they sang to us :
first, the three together a hymn in Dutch, then Tzatzoe and Read in
Caffre, and then Stoffles alone sang a war song in Hottentot. It had a
most extraordinary effect. Ices then came round. The poor men had
seen none before, and the grimaces made at the first mouthful are not to
be told. They could not eat more, but laughed heartily.
* A portrait of Tzatzoe will be found in Prichard's Nat. Hist, of Man,
3rd ed., p. 314.
1835.] loUEIGN SLAVE-TRADE. 313
" When they were about to go away they commanded silence, and
Stoffles rose formally, with Read to interpret, and made a very good
speech, returning thanks to his host. ' I thank God,' he said, ' that my
life has been spared long enough to come to England, and that Buxton's
life has been spared long enough also for me to see him. I have long
desired nothing so much, but never thought I should have that happi-
ness. I hope Buxton will live much longer and continue to help the
oppressed, and that he will never cease to hold his hand over my nation.'
lie thanked him heartily on behalf of all the Hottentots for his labours
for them. Tzatzoc then rose and made a similar speech, expressing him-
self most warmly. My father then thanked them for their good wishes,
and said he hoped their nation would go on improving, and especially
that religion would increase among them, that they would be firm to
their God and Saviour, for that was the only path to peace, to happi-
ness, and to Heaven."
Even while the discussions on British slavery had been
pending, Mr. Buxton's thoughts were often directed to the
subject of the slave-trade, as conducted by foreign nations,
between the coast of Africa and the slave states of America
and Cuba. So long before as 1832 Mr. Wilberforce had thus
written to him : —
" Happening lately to have been led into some lucubrations on the
slave-trade, I was gradually excited into such an internal heat, that were
I not to attempt to lessen the intensity of the flame by imparting a mea-
sure of it to you, I should almost become the victim of my own exces-
sive inflammation. Happily, I am persuaded I need use no laborious
exertions to excite your warmth. Let me beg you, unless you happen
to have recently looked into this subject, do not suppose yourself to know
it, but do review your inquiry and consideration, and you will be as
ready to burst into aflame as I am. I feel, and shall feel, this affair the
more, because I myself am not guiltless. I myself ought to have stirred
in it more than I did before I left the House of Commons ; and now that
I am there no longer, you I consider as my heir-at-law ; and I really
believe, if you cannot get Government to concede to your wishes, you
might carry the measure in the House of Commons. Farewell ! may
the blessing of God be with you and yours !"
But important as Mr. Buxton felt this subject to be, he could
not enter upon it while his time and strength were engaged in
the contest with the more immediate evil of British slavery.
Now, however, lie was able to examine it more closely.
314 FOREIGN SLAVE-TRADE. [CHAP. XXH.
"Bellfield, April 29, 1835.
" I had a pleasant journey, and the coach to myself, so I had plenty
of time for both reading and reflection. I shall spend much of my
time over the slave-trade question, in which I feel the deepest interest,
and perhaps a quiet day here may be useful. I am very fond of this
garden as a study, it is so lonely."
A day later he continues : —
" I am now going to wander about these charming walks with the
slave-trade question on my mind. Then my uncle is to drive me
with the four ponies. On Saturday I shall, I doubt not, take my place
inside the Magnet, and after a pleasant ride, fruitful in meditation,
have the great pleasure of getting home again. * * * The constant sub-
ject of my wondering gratitude is, that we have so much to be thankful
for. Now for the garden."
TO MISS GURNEY, OF NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
" 54, Devonshire Street, May 6, 1835.
" I hope to bring forward the slave-trade question next Tuesday.
I have abundance of facts, but the House of Commons ' careth for
none of these things,' and I care very little for any political things,
these excepted. I went to the Missionary Meeting yesterday, and
made a speech, which I thought vastly fine, but I was singular in that
opinion. The clergy are desperately sulky with me for my Church
speech."
On the 12th of May, 1835, Mr. Buxton laid the results of his
investigation before Parliament. He proved that though, at the
Congress of Vienna, Spain and Portugal had received more than
a million of money from England, on engaging to give up their
traffic in men, yet that they were still carrying it on to as great
an extent as ever ; no less than 264 vessels, avowedly engaged
in the slave-trade, having sailed from the single port of Havannah
between January 1, 1827, and October 30, 1833 — this being but
a small part of that detestable commerce. He moved for an
address, suggesting the consolidation of all the treaties on this
subject with various powers into one great league, which was
to contain, amongst other clauses, a proposal for extending the
right of search, for giving the right of seizure in the case of
vessels equipped for the slave-trade, though not actually having
slaves on board, and for declaring the trade in slaves to be
piracy. This address was agreed to.
1835.] FOREIGN SLAVE-TRADE. 315
•' I now feel," he said on the following day, " as if the session
was over. Let me see, what is there more for me to do ? There
is the Apprenticeship, 16th June ; Aborigines, 14th July ;
Irish Education ; and I must have another little touch at the
Church, which they have so vilified me about."
Except that from time to time he brought the subject before
the House, no further step could be taken for the present upon the
slave question ; but it continued to occupy his thoughts, and to
be a source of continual solicitude.
3 If. GOOD ACCOUNTS FROM [CHAP. xxni.
CHAPTER XXIII.
1835, 1836.
Accounts from the West Indies — Motion for Committee of Inquiry — Cor-
respondence— Writings, January, 1836 — Committee on Apprenticeship,
March, 1836 — Letters — Letter from Mr. Johnston — Irish Church
Questions — Speech on Irish Tithe Bill, June, 1836.
THE best news continued to arrive from the "West Indies of the
industry and excellent behaviour of the negroes, during the
period to which the preceding chapter refers. Crime had rapidly
diminished ; marriages had considerably increased ; education
and religion were progressing. " The accounts from the "West
Indies are capital," writes Mr. Buxton, March 7, 1835 ; " this
puts me into excellent spirits. The truth is, my spirits rise or
fall according to the intelligence from that quarter."
TO HIS SISTER, MISS BUXTOX, NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
"House of Commons, March 16, 1835.
" I must give you a taste of the good news which I have received
within this hour. Lord Aberdeen said yesterday that everything was
going on marvellously well in the West Indies. The negroes quiet,
dutiful, diligent. ' It is quite amazing, it is contrary to reason, it
cannot be accounted for, but so it is ! ' Just now Stanley came over to
me, saying he had a letter from Lord Sligo * to-day, dated the 29th
January. He read me the greater part of it, and most gratifying it
was. The Christmas holidays had gone off more quietly than for
many years. No case of riot had been reported, and the negroes had
all returned to their work in good humour. The produce of the crop
sent to England would be a good average one. Lord Sligo had re-
called all his troops and vessels (which had gone out to quell possible
disturbances), because everything was perfectly quiet. ' In s-hort,' said
Stanley, ' it is impossible that matters can be better than in the focus
* Then governor of Jamaica.
1835.] THE WEST INDIES. 317
of danger — Jamaica; except it be/ he added, 'in Antigua.' Is not
that something like good news ? It makes me two inches higher for
pride."
TO ZACHAEY MACATJLAY, ESQ.
" Northrepps Hall, 1835.
" Now as to Jamaica, I send you copies of Lord Sligo's letters. It
is curious that I have before me at this moment letters from him and
Lord Mulgrave, in which they unite in saying, that so far from having
exaggerated, we have never told a tithe of the horrors of slavery.
What an honour, and what a privilege, to have had part in over-
turning such an abomination ! "
The following is one of the letters from Lord Sligo, referred
to above : —
TO T. FOWELL BUXTOX, ESQ.
" Mansfield Street, 8th April.
" My dear Sir, — In reply to your inquiries, whether my opinions on
slavery had undergone any change while I was in Jamaica, I beg to say,
that when I went out there I thought that the stories of the cruelties
of the slave-owners, disseminated by your society, were merely the
emanations of enthusiastic and humane persons ; rather a caricature than
a faithful representation of what actually did take place. Before, how-
ever, I had been very long in Jamaica, I had reason to think that the
real state of the case had been far understated, and that, I am quite
convinced, was the fact. I was an ardent supporter of emancipation
before I went out. but after being there a short time I was shocked
at ever having held different opinions.
" My dear Sir, most truly yours,
" SJUGO."
TO LORD SUFFIELD.
"March, 1835.
" The news from every part of the slave colonies is most excellent.
I hear this from a variety of quarters— friends, enemies, colonial bishops,
and the Secretary of State. I saw a letter from the Bishop of Jamaica
to the Bishop of London, saying everything that we used to say ; I
recollect one expression — ' the industry of the negroes when working
for wacres has so entirely belied the apprehensions of the planters here,
that I have not a doubt of the entire success of the emancipation
measure.' In short, we have every reason to be happy and to be
thankful."
318 DEATH OF LORD SUFFIELD. [CHAP. xxnr.
This was one of the last letters addressed by Mr. Buxton to
his excellent coadjutor and friend. Lord Suffield was thrown
from his horse on the 30th of June, 1835, and died a few days
afterwards from the injuries he had received. " Every day
since the event happened," writes Mr. Buxton, " I have felt
more and more strongly what a calamity it is, and what a loss
we have all sustained."
It was indeed a time when Lord Suffield's co-operation was
particularly missed. The favourable accounts from the West
Indies were chequered by intelligence of the occasional ill-
treatment of the apprentices by their masters, who could not
divest themselves of the habits formed under the system of
slavery.
On the 19th of June Mr. Buxton moved for a select com-
mittee to inquire whether the conditions on which the twenty
millions had been granted, for the abolition of slavery, had been
complied with ; but upon receiving an assurance from the
Government that the most vigilant measures had been taken,
and would continue to be taken, on behalf of the newly eman-
cipated people, he consented to withdraw his motion.
For so doing he was severely blamed by some of the more
vehement abolitionists. He thus replies to one of those who had
expressed himself with great warmth on the subject : —
"September 11, 1835.
" You think it right to say that you could see no reason for my with-
drawing my motion, except it was a wish to please the ministers. I am
conscious of a thousand defects in the management of our great question,
but I do not and cannot charge myself with having at any time sacri-
ficed one iota of our cause to please any set of men. You add, that ' I
should have gained public confidence by pressing my motion to a division.'
I hope you do not do me the injustice to suppose that a momentary
popularity with you, or with those worthy and faithful men who think
with you, would be bait enough to allure me to do that which I thought
likely to prejudice the cause or impair the prospects of the negro. I
should be srill more unworthy than I am to be the advocate of that
afflicted and oppressed race, if I were to be biassed by any such con-
siderations; or if I sacrificed opinions, formed deliberately, with the
whole facts before me, and with an earnest desire to be directed aright,
to the wishes of friends, or foes, or ministers of the Crown.
1835.] LETTERS ON THE WEST INDIES. 319
" I have thought it right to enter thus at length into my views, that
you may not be prevented from taking any steps in order to secure a
division, when the subject comes to be debated in Parliament. Think
of mo as you please ; I think you an honest man, a true friend to the
negro, a faithful advocate of freedom ; but I give you this unequivocal
warning, that I never will take your advice as to my conduct on these
questions, when I think that advice likely to be disastrous to those for
whom we feel an equal concern.
" You are quite at liberty to show this to anybody, or to publish it
if you please."
A day or two later he thus writes to Mr. Macaulay : —
" The fact is, my apprehensions lie in a direction different from the
apprenticeship. The planters will, I think, try for a vagrancy law,
which will be slavery in reality, and for a permanence. Sorry should
I be that by our want of support about the apprenticeship, the Govern-
ment should be led to suppose that we could not make a good fight
against a vagrancy law. Is it not dangerous, then, to reveal our
weakness ? or, rather, is it not dangerous to go to battle on a question
where we have no chance of success ? Some of our warm friends write
in newspapers and periodicals as if they believed that I should hesitate,
because I did not like to offend the Government. I flatter myself you
know that neither that, nor any personal consideration, should tempt
me to betray the cause of our poor clients."
During this autumn the Rev. Mr. Trew left England for the
"West Indies, taking out with him the agents selected for school-
masters. This was an occasion of deep interest to Mr. Buxton.
TO THE REV. J. M. TREW.
" Northrepps, Dec. 1835.
" Many thanks for your letter just received. Depend on my disposi-
tion to ' strengthen your hands, and to make all reasonable allowances.'
The truth is, I feel very grateful to you for going out, and consider it
my duty to do all to make your labours as light and as pleasant to you
as possible. * * * And now J wish you God speed. In going you
make a noble sacrifice. The sacrifice of your living, and the derange-
ment of your family ; the opposition and persecution you will have to
encounter, and many other similar things you have to surrender or to
endure ; but I trust that God's blessing will go with you, remain with
you, remove difficulties, and crown you with success and with re-
joicing."
320 REFLECTIONS. [CHAP. xxm.
On Jan. 1, 1836, he thus speaks of the end of one, the begin-
ning of another year.
" What mercies has the past year produced, and what events may the
next unfold ! My prayer at the beginning of 1835 was for myself, that
I might give God my heart ; that in matters public and private He
would instruct me in the right way, especially in slave questions, the
cause of natives, slave-trade, instruction of negroes, and Church legis-
lation.
" O God, grant that we may each of us be branches of the living
vine, that are fed and nourished from the sacred stem ; that we may
bear fruit, and much fruit. I thank thee, O Lord, that I know there
is none other source of profit to my own soul, or of usefulness to others,
save through Christ. If I abide in Him, I shall be enabled to bring
forth rich clusters of heavenly fruit ; if not, a withered and unprofitable
branch am I. Grant then, O Father, to thy weak, poor, most unworthy
servant, that I may be the true servant of the Lord, that I may belong
to Him, and may be made useful through the fructifying influence of
His Spirit ; that that Spirit may carry with it the whole man to His
blessed service ; that He being my ruler and guide, I may be enabled to
do something this year for the negro race, — something towards deliver-
ing them from the remnants of their cruel bondage, — especially some-
thing for their souls ; and may large flocks be brought to thy fold.
May I this year do something towards the further abolition of the slave-
trade, and something for the natives of our colonies.
" Help me, O Lord, in forming a right judgment of the critical affairs
of the Irish Church. Direct me aright, and let neither the love of
liberal policy on the one hand, nor the fear of the resentment and re-
proach of the evangelical clergy on the other, lead me astray.
" May all peace and all profitable prosperity be granted in this year
to all my relatives and friends. Each and severally I recall them, and
present them before thee, craving health to the sick, consolation to the
afflicted, strength to the weak, instruction to those who know not thy
saving grace, and happiness, wisdom, grace, the guiding, the encourag-
ing, the comforting influence qf thy Holy Spirit to all. This year I
shall have numbered half a^century. It is a subject of deep meditation,
where shall I be at the end of the next half-century ? Through mercy,
through love unbounded, through Christ, I trust that I shall be in His
kingdom. Walk with me, tutor me to thy will, be with me in every
struggle, shape out my course, be my wisdom, my guard, my guide, in
every hour of this year, for Christ's sake."
The following memorandum, in Mr. Buxton's handwriting,
1836.] NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. 321
appears on the last page of a book of ' Papers on the Abolition
of Slavery :' —
4' January 7, 1836.
'• I have finished this collection of papers with a degree of satisfaction
and thankfulness which I cannot express. My expectations are sur-
[j;i— rd, God's blessing has been on this perilous work of humanity."
On the 22nd of March he moved for a committee to inquire
into the working of the apprenticeship system. His investiga-
tions on that subject had cost him much time and labour ; and he
now brought forth a mass of statistical facts, proving, on the one
hand, that the negroes had behaved extremely well, and on the
other, that they had been harassed by vexatious by-laws and
cruel punishments. " This is my case," he said, in conclusion ;
" it shows at least this : that if the planters have misconducted
themselves, they can find no excuse for it in the conduct of the
negroes. There has been no disappointment in that quarter."
The committee was granted, and Sir George Grey (the Under-
secretary for the Colonies) soon afterwards introduced a bill
for enforcing, in Jamaica, certain measures in favour of the
negroes.
The Aborigines' Committee had likewise been re-appointed,
and Mr. Buxton's attention to these two subjects, in addition to
matters connected with them, occupied him closely. A friend,
who spent a day at his house in Devonshire Street during the
spring of this year, described it as "curious, and almost fearful,
to witness the multiplicity of business, the wave upon wave of
deep interests, which poured in upon him. No time for air or
exercise, no time for relaxation." His strength was barely equal
to the claims upon it. " Oh ! how we shall throw up our hats,"
he said, " when I am out of Parliament ! "
TO THE REV. 3. M. TREW.
" July 1, 1836.
" I am truly grieved not to hear a better report of your health, for I
do regard it as invaluable. We arc not less over-worked at home. The
Apprenticeship and Aborigines' Committees have been heavy and in-
cessant work, and there are innumerable calls upon our best exertions.
" I look upon your exertions and those of your fellow-labourers with
Y
.•522 NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. [CHAP. xxnr.
unmixed comfort. I hope that ' meekness of wisdom ' may be yours,
and I desire that we may all truly remember that ' One is our master.'
With cordial good wishes to you and yours, in which my family warmly
join,
"I am, &c. &c."
TO ZACHARY MACAULAY, ESQ.
" Renny Hill, Fifeshire, Sept. 6, 1836.
" Once more I have to feel how scandalous it is that I have been so
remiss in writing to you, but I must lay the blame on the labours of the
session. What with the Committee on the Apprenticeship, which
occupied two days in the week, the Aborigines' Committee, which
occupied two more, the House' itself, and my own private business, I
was as much overworked, or more so, than at any former period; but
for the last month I have done literally nothing, except learn to sleep in
my bed, and to eat at my meals, arts which I had nearly lost while in
London.
"It is, however, full time that I should tell you something of my
impression as to the effect of the Apprenticeship Committee. I think
we proved, beyond dispute, that the negroes are subjected to many op-
pressions quite at variance with the intentions of the Abolition Act.
On the other hand, it was proved that these had gradually, but deci-
dedly, abated, and that feelings of hostility had much subsided.
" In discussing the report I was placed in a difficult and painful posi-
tion. Johnston was in Scotland; O'Connell could not often attend ; in
short, had I divided upon its continuance, I should have been alone.
1 contented myself, therefore, with a protest, and got for my modera-
tion the introduction of a paragraph declaring that, after 1840, the
negroes were to have ' unqualified freedom,' and to be subject to no
other restrictions than those imposed on white labourers at home. This,
to my mind, is a great victory. The Government are pledged up to
their teeth to consent to no act which shall in any way cripple or en-
croach upon perfect freedom when the apprenticeship ceases.
" The Mico teachers are going on excellently well in the West
Indies. They describe the thirst for instruction among the coloured
people as excessively strong.
" The Aborigines' Committee went on exceedingly well. I wonder
whether you have seen Lord Glenelg's despatch about the seizure of the
Caffre territory. It is most admirable, and is about the first instance of
a nation acting towards the weak on the principles of justice and
Christianity.
>' I begin to hope that my period of public service is nearly expired,
\B'M.] HE DECLINES LEAVING PARLIAMENT. 323
and that 1 ^liall he so fortunate as to he turned out at the next election.
I should not be satisfied if I resigned ; but if I stood and failed, I
should think it a most happy consummation."
Mr. Buxton's friends were anxious that he should not expose
his broken health to the fatigue of another Parliament. His
uncle, Mr. Charles Buxton, had written him a pressing letter
upon this subject. In reply, he says : —
* * * * « At present I am remarkably well, have no headache,
and no complaint, except rather too good an appetite. I have received
very encouraging accounts from the West Indies of the conduct of the
negroes, and this I am sure will please you. Three years ago, it ap-
peared by official returns that in Jamaica there were 300,000 flog-
gings with the eartwhip in a year. Last year the number was reduced
nine-tenths, from 300,000 to 30,000. The result being such, I grudge
neither the time, nor the money, nor the labour, nor the health 1 have
spent on tins object ; and I hope this consideration will make you better
satisfied with my having been in Parliament. Can I, as an honest man,
retire now, when I know for a certainty that the effect of my motion in
the House, last year and the year before, has been to frighten the ma-
gistrates, and to save the backs of thousands of poor fellows from unmer-
ciful floggings ?
" You may say what you please, I know it is all in kindness for me ;
but I also know that if you were in my place, no personal consideration
would be sufficient to prevail on you to abandon your duty."
His conduct upon these committees has been well portrayed
by his son-in-law, Mr. A. Johnston, who was his companion and
assistant in them, and who supplied the place of a private secre-
tary during the last three years that he was in Parliament. His
remarks, as will be seen, refer also to the earlier and still more
important warfare on the slavery question, in which Mr. Johnston
had been one of his most faithful allies.
" 1 had," says Mr. Johnston, " been well acquainted with Mr. Bux-
ton's name, and had watched his proceedings with interest, before I
entered Parliament in 1831. Shortly after I took my seat, I introduced
myself to him as one who aimed at being enlisted under his Anti- slavery
banner, and before long I was honoured with that friendship which I
ever felt I could not sufficiently prize. I was soon strongly impressed
by seeing his almost exclusive devotedness to the object he had in hand
at any given time ; he spared no pains to achieve his purpose, he was
constantly on the watch, and by his tact and perseverance frequently
Y 2
324 REMARKS BY MR. JOHNSTON. [CHAP. xxm.
succeeded in obtaining documents which would otherwise have remained
in obscurity. Often did he patiently wait to the end of the usually long
debates for the small chance of success in a motion for papers ; often did
one tiresome opponent, in particular, who seemed to make it his pecu-
liar vocation to hinder his progress, succeed in frustrating his endea-
vours, after he had remained till two or three o'clock in the morning.
Then did Mr. TJuxton, night after night, postpone the motion till a
favourable opportunity should arrive, arid in our refreshing walks home,
in the early cool morning, after the heat, glare, and fatigue of the
House, he betrayed no impatience, but showed himself content to labour
on, accepting with thankfulness every little success which he was per-
mitted to enjoy in this harassing but most necessary portion of his
duty.
" He was very often at the Foreign Office ; and at the Colonial Office
he was, during the sitting of Parliament, almost a daily visitor. Though
his proceedings called forth bitter opposition from some quarters, and
though the Government generally resisted his proposals, at least for a
time, I soon saw that his honesty and singleness of purpose, his manly
understanding, and the weight of his character, commanded a decided
and increasing influence in Downing Street. He was thoroughly liked
and respected in the House, and yet his constant urbanity and kind
feeling, even towards his bitterest opponents, ought to have disarmed
them more than it seemed to do. His firmness was sometimes exposed
to severe trials. I remember in particular the debate of May, 1832,
when the Government, who were unwilling to oppose his resolutions
directly, endeavoured to neutralize their effect by a ' rider.' He was
earnestly entreated by a great many members to consent to this without
dividing the House ; but, strong in his own conviction of what was
right, he resisted them all. I sat by him through the whole of that
anxious evening, and was astonished at the firmness which he displayed,
He obtained a large minority, but many of those who voted in it were
very angry with him lor placing them in opposition to the ministry.
" This debate led to the appointment of a committee, on which I was
one of Mr. Buxton's nominees, as well as on those which were subse-
quently appointed at his instance, on the state of the Aborigines con-
nected with our colonies, and on the working of apprenticeship in the
West Indies. These cost him very many toilsome hours. Nothing,
indeed, could exceed the perseverance with which he pursued his in-
quiries, or the zeal with which he endeavoured to elicit truth. His
energy never flagged, nor do I remember his ever losing temper in the
fatiiuie? and annoyances of these labours. In general, at the rising of
the committee, when the members were summoned to the House, a
number of persons were in waiting, each of whom had his own obscrva-
1836.] IRISH CHURCH. 325
tions on the evidence, or his suggestions, to submit to Mr. Buxton, or it
might he some grievance to bring under his notice, or some scheme of
benevolence for which his patronage was requested. Each of these
watched his opportunity, probably believing his own to be the business
of all others paramount in importance. To all these persons he was
accessible, and, though exhausted by his previous exertions, to all he
gave a patient and attentive ear. Often on these occasions I have urged
him to break away from this additional strain upon his mind, and leave
the heated committee-room, but he invariably persevered until he had
dismissed his numerous applicants, satisfied with the manner of their
reception, and charmed with his great kindness and consideration.
" For some years Mr. Buxton and myself were associated with a
select band of members of Parliament who, though of varied and even
opposite political opinions, met on every ' House night,' for a short
period, to enjoy confidential intercourse on the one subject upon which
all were agreed.
" Reading from Scripture and prayer were the leading objects for
which we assembled. Mr. Buxton was one of the most constant at-
tendants, and very often ' the chaplain.' Nor can I doubt that these
meetings greatly strengthened and sustained him, under the fierce oppo-
sition with which he was too often assailed."
In one of Mr. O'Connell's speeches on some Irish question, he
exclaimed, " Oh ! I wish we were blacks ! If the Irish people
were but black, we should have the honourable member for
Weymouth coming down as large as life, supported by all ' the
friends of humanity ' in the back rows, to advocate their
cause."
This allegation was jocosely made, but it was not entirely
wide of the truth. Everything connected with the African race
seemed to touch a chord of feeling in Mr. Buxton's heart, and to
bear a stronger sway over his sympathies than any other subjects
could attain.
Yet the affairs of Ireland deeply interested him. " Never,"
he .*aid, in 1835, " did I make any public subject, except
slavery, a matter of so much prayer as this question of the Irish
Church." Being, as he was, a thorough Whig, the natural bias
of his mind was to support the measures of that party.
" But," said he, " the Irish Church is too sacred. I am a Protestant
and a churchman, and. I would not sacrifice an iota of either for all the
326 LETTER TO HIS SONS. [CHAP. xxm.
political connections in the \vorld ; so I was for some time a wavercr ;
exactly what Hume called a loose fish, and which sort of loose fish he
afterwards described as a wolf in sheep's clothing. Rumour ran that
the Whigs were going to assign part of the Church revenues to the
Roman Catholics. I resolved to resist, having come to the conclusion
that, if a surplus wrere proved, it ought to be given to religious education.
To my surprise and satisfaction, I found lhat the plan I had worked out
in my closet, and which I meant to adhere to, in defiance of them, was
precisely what they had resolved on."
Some of the reasons which had brought him to this decision
are thus mentioned in a rough memorandum : —
" TOO/, tithes from parish of Killeen : — you give 75/. to your working
curate, and 625/. to Sir II. L. at Bath. Pray is this a religious use, or
ecclesiastical? I have a butler; pay him TOO/. He, too rich to work,
hires a deputy for T5/. I say, as the deputy does the work, I may as
well hire him; save 625/. Is my establishment in danger? No; but
more means to make it more perfect in other respects.
" Church not in danger. Sir H. L. in danger — of being obliged to
do his duty."
He moved, however, as an amendment to Lord John Russell's
motion, the insertion of the words "moral and religious," instead
of " general " education ; and a provision for the resumption of
the surplus by the Church when required.*
The following letter was addressed, after that debate, to his
two younger sons at Northrepps : —
" Devonshire Street, April 3, 1835.
" My dear Fowell and Charles, — C. will tell you how I have been
engaged this week. It has been very laborious work. I did not get to
bed this morning till broad daylight, near seven o'clock ; so 1 suppose
you were up before I was down.
" I have scarcely time to write, as I must be at the House of Com-
mons again early, and there I shall be kept all night I suppose ; but I
am quite equal to the exertion, and (I must confess it) somewhat cheered
and exhilarated by the success of last night's effort. Work hard, my
lads, and what you do learn, remember; fix it in your minds, and then
write it in your commonplace books. The passage of my speech last
night which was best liked was a quotation picked up by me some thirty
years ago, when I was a youth — planted in my mind — and there it was
* ' Hansard,' April 2, 1835.
1836.] CHURCH QUESTIONS. 327
\\hen 1 \\antcd it. I have just been taking a delightful walk with your
dear sister Priscilla, talking about slavery, and savages, and slave-trade.
Whenever I want to clear and brighten up my mind, I find nothing so
effectual as an interchange of thoughts with her.
" Give my best love to the ladies at the Cottage, and tell them, that
there, on the table before me, lie their Caffre papers, and I now and
then glance at them, and smile at them as a treasure. Tell Miss Glover
I am going to treat her as the king treated Daniel. I call upon her,
not only to interpret my dream, but to tell me what my dream is.
" I want her to find a passage to this effect: ' Our religion braves
the face of day ; it does not skulk from truth.' But where is it ? Oh,
that is more than I know. I think it is either in a volume of South,*
or in the fourth volume of Hopkins ; and I think it is .on the bottom of
the left-hand pagt, and marked by me. If she can find it by these
clear directions, awl will send it to me, the world shall have it. I
think you might rile over to Sheringham^ to tell them all the news ;
they would be so p eased to find that we were pleased.
" I was delightel to have Edward at the House last night. I was
sure of one auditor who would listen attentively, and judge with partial
acuteness."
Mr. Buxton's readiness to go hand-in-hand with Dissenters in
any work of mercj, and the hearty friendship with which he was
honoured by manj eminent Christians of different persuasions,
gave rise to an irrpression that he had little affection for the
Established Church. This impression was entirely erroneous.
" I look up," ie said, " to the Established Church with grateful
affection; I hail ler as the great bulwark of religious truth, and I can
conceive no calanity greater than any inroad made on her security.
But I must avow hat I am an enemy to every species of intolerance ;
justice to every mm, charity to every man, are parts of the religion I
profess."
Thrown, as ht had been, amongst pious and benevolent Dis-
senters, he coulc not but rejoice in the deep fellowship of heart
* He quoted this passage from Dr. South, in his speech, in the following
year. It stands tlus : — " Some of their (the Koman Catholic) clergy deal
•with their religion is with a great crime ; if it is discovered, they are undone.
But our religion i.ca religion that dares to be understood, that offers itself to
the search of the inquisitive, to the inspection of the severest and most
awakened reason ; for, being secure of her substantial truth and purity, she
knows that for ler to be seen and looked into is to be embraced and
admired."
323 NOTES FOR FAMILY PRAYERS. [CHAP. XXIH.
which existed between them and him ; but he was not the less
firmly attached to his own branch of the Church of Christ : he
loved her sublime and solemn ritual, and he looked upon her as
a most important means of preserving and propagating Christian
truth. But he could not consider any particular form of church-
government as having come from God, and therefore too sacred
to be touched by the hand of man. Accordingly, his desire to
increase the efficiency of the Church led him to seek the reform
of those abuses which, during the lapse of ages, /iad crept into
her institutions. But on this, as on all other important occa-
sions, he did not act without deep deliberation and earnest
prayer for guidance. In the lists* which he made almost every
Sunday, of the subjects to be dwelt upon in his family prayers,
" the Church" is, at this period, usually inserted as one 011
which he required help and direction.
For instance, the following notes for his fanily prayers were
written by him when about to leave Northrepps in February,
1836, to engage in the duties of the session : —
" In removing, we pray that that merciful Pnvidence, which has
stood round about us, may continue; sheltered, refreshed, counselled,
strengthened by thee. Ward off danger, baffle oir enemy, rob sin of
its temptations ; make us wholly, in inward thought: and outward deeds,
thine own.
" Be thou the mover of every work in which we eogage.
" The counsellor to teach us what to say and do.
" The source of strength, confidence, and comfort.
" May we labour, not with eye-service, but in singeness of heart.
" Bless those rising from bondage, and all efforts 01 their behalf; the
heathen, suffering from the evils and oppression of nen calling tlicm-
selves Christians ; and may a choice blessing rest on tie efforts made for
tlic'ir physical advantage and religious advancement.
" Bless the spread of education, and of thy truth.
" Bless me in dealing with the Church ; no scF-vvill, no meaner
motive than a desire to advance its interests."
Nor did he omit to use every means of rendering himself fully
acquainted with the case. Writing to the Bishcp of London, to
* These were mere notes, to aid him in his family demotions ; tli«-\
not the same as the papers of religious meditations, from wneli extract! have
been given before.
1836.] IRISH TITHE BILL. 329
request information on many points connected with it, he adds,
— " I trust the importance of the subject, and my anxiety to be
fully persuaded as to my vote upon it, will be my excuse for
giving1 your lordship so much trouble." These examples prove,
that, whether his conduct on these Church questions did or did
not deserve the severe reprobation which it received from many
of his religious friends, it was, at least, not undertaken in a spirit
of rash self-confidence.
The second reading of Lord John Russell's Irish Tithe Bill
was brought forward on the 1st of June. Mr. Buxton argued
strongly in favour of each of the three leading clauses, which
provided, in his own words, " First, that the incumbent should
no longer apply to the wretched cottager and impoverished
tenant, but should have his claim upon the laud itself." " Will
any one," exclaimed he, " pretend to say that this is ruin, or
even peril to the Church?" " Secondly, that the funds of the
Irish Church should be more equally distributed among its
ministers." " The present system," he said, " by which the
Church is often liberal and bountiful to the ineffective, and par-
simonious to the useful labourer, is not merely injustice, but also
the worst husbandry in the world." " Thirdly, that the re-
muneration to the clergy should thereafter be confined within
certain limits on either hand." " It should be," he said, " not
a state of poverty, not a state of abundance ; it should neither
rise so high as to attract the envy of the people, nor fall so low
as to forfeit their respect. * * * Again, I ask, where is the
wickedness of all this, and where lies the danger?"
He strongly supported the plan of giving the surplus fund
(after the new distribution of the Church revenues) to defray the
expense of a system of education in which as much of the Bible
was to be read as the Roman Catholics would allow.
" Do I say that this is enough ? No ! I lament that Scripture is thus
sparingly doled out. * * * But though this system does not do all, it
does much. It teaches the Catholic to read — it gives him a portion of
Scripture to read." " I have better faith," he added, " in the truth of
my religion, than to dread that instruction can damage it; and this is
good old sound Protestant doctrine."
He concluded by pointing out how little the harsh system
hitherto pursued had done towards the spread of truth : —
330 MR. BUXTON'S SPEECH. [CHAP. xxm.
" How has it been," he asked, " that truth itself, backed by a Pro-
testant establishment, by a Protestant king, a Protestant army, a Pro-
testant parliament— that truth itself, so far from advancing, has not kept
her ground against error? My solution of the question is, that we have
resorted to force where reason alone could prevail. We have forgotten
that though the sword may do its work — mow down armies, and subdue
nations — it cannot carry conviction to the understanding of men ; nay,
the very use of force tends to create a barrier to the reception of that
truth w hich it intends to promote. We have forgotten that there is
something in the human breast — no base or sordid feeling, the same
which makes a generous mind cleave with double affection to a distressed
and injured friend, and which makes men cleave with tenfold fondness —
deaf to reason, deaf to remonstrance, reckless of interest, prodigal of
life — to a persecuted religion. I charge ihe failure of Protestant truth
in converting the Irish upon the head of Protestant ascendancy.
" Protestant ascendancy! It sounds well enough in English ears.
It seems to mean no more than the Church under the peculiar protec-
tion of the State ; but happy had it been for the Protestant Church had
Protestant ascendancy never been heard of — happy had it been had we
dared to present our truth to the Irish, not in arms, not in pomp, not
decorated with the symbols of earthly power, but in that lowliness and
gentleness which naturally belong to it.
" But I dare not trespass longer on the House. I like the bill, and
shall vote for it : first, because tithe is adjusted ; secondly, because
stipend is to be measured by duty ; thirdly, because education is to be
granted. I like, and shall vote for the bill, lastly, because it bears no
affinity to the old overbearing system of Protestant ascendancy ; and
because, as I have so often said, it gives my faith fair play ; because, at
last, the Protestant religion will do herself justice. Stripped of her
odious disguise, she will appear to the Irish what we know she is. She
will appear in her natural, her peaceful, her charitable, her attractive
character."
This speech gave great displeasure to many of his clerical
friends, who conceived that he was bent on the ruin — though all
he desired was the temperate reform — of the Irish Church esta-
blishment ; and although " he had taken the opportunity," as he
writes the day after the debate, " of separating himself from the
Radicals by condemning Hume's proposal for paying church-
rates out of the money to be saved from bishops and deans."
1836.] BLAME INCURRED. 331
TO JOSEPH JOHN GURNET, ESQ.
" The Vicarage, Lowestoft, 1836.
" * * * * Francis Cunningham preached a noble sermon last night ;
plain, strong, earnest, and no self about it. It would not have disgraced
Goat Lane,* as I have heard those there, and at Bradpole, which would
have done honour to a cathedral.
" It is curious and instructive to see Francis and his wife going full
drive, and devoting their all to their sacred calling. I love, at least I
think I love, the real thing — this entire dedication, whether it displays
itself among Churchmen or Dissenters. But I am not flattered by
Churchmen for my views ! Our friend writes thus to Francis : —
' Buxton cuts me to the heart ; I never read such hollow, weak, flashy,
unsatisfactory speeches in my life.' And this but represents the general
impression among Evangelicals, for whom I feel, nevertheless, the
strongest affection, and with whom, I must add (though they would be
indignant at my presumption if they heard it), the strongest union."
The Friends' Meeting House, in Norwich.
332 CAPERCAILZIE. [CHAP. xxiv.
CHAPTER XXIV.
1836.
Scotland — Capercailzie — Letters — Habits of Life at Northrepps —
Order — Love of Poetry — His Domestic Character — Letters.
OVERWROUGHT with toil and anxiety, Mr. Buxton was delighted
to escape to Scotland in the beginning of August. While he
was on this tour, the Marquis of Breadalbane, with true High-
land hospitality, placed one of his moors at his disposal, and ac-
cordingly he remained for some time at Dalmally, and after-
wards at Luib,* enjoying the sport afforded by the surrounding
country.
Wishing to express his sense of this act of kindness, he applied
to his relative, Mr. Llewellyn Lloyd, f who was residing in
Sweden, engaging him to use his best exertions to procure as
many live capercailzie as possible, as a present to Lord Breadal-
bane.
The capercailzie, or cock of the woods, as it is well known,
were in former times denizens of the Scotch forests, but the last
specimen was shot about, a hundred years ago in Perthshire.
They are large birds, a full-grown cock weighing about twelve
pounds ; they live, for the most part, in larch forests, and are
found throughout Sweden and Norway. Mr. Lloyd sent adver-
tisements for live capercailzie to the villages up the country.
These advertisements, according to the Swedish custom, were
read from the pulpits after divine service ; and in the course of
the winter thirteen cocks and sixteen hens were procured, which
were placed under the care of Larry Banvill (Mr. Buxton's faith-
* While at Luib Inn he was rendered uneasy after two or three clays by
the non-appearance of his letters. " I understood you had a post here," said
he to the landlord. " Oh yes, sir," was the reply, " but the last day or two
he has been out shooting with you."
f Author of ' Northern Field Sports.'
1836.] DEATH OF MRS. HOARE. 3.33
ful Irish gamekeeper), who had been sent to Sweden for the
purpose, and by whom they were successfully conveyed to Tay-
itiouth Castle. After a time they were all turned out into the
large woods at Taymouth, in which they have thriven so well
that they are now stated to amount to about two thousand ; and
as several other proprietors have followed the example, and have
introduced them from Sweden, there is every reason to expect
that this fine bird will become once more naturalised in Scot-
land.*
Mr. Buxton writes from Loch-earn-head : —
"August 27, 1836.
'* I am astonishingly idle, and it agrees with me beyond any other
medicine. I do not get much shooting, but plenty of walking and
•wetting, plenty of appetite, and plenty of sleep. Sad thoughts of dis-
tant friends cloud the imagination, but the bodily benefit is still ob-
tained. I certainly wanted a holiday, and in one sense I have got a
complete one, for I have nothing to do, nothing to read, and this is
almost the only letter I have written for a week."
The illness of his sister-in-law, Mrs. Samuel Hoare, was one
of the painful circumstances to which he refers as clouding his
enjoyment. On receiving the account of her death, he writes
from the house of Mr. Johnston to the Bishop of Calcutta: —
" Kenny Hill, Fife, Sept. 10, 1836.
" Our minds have been occupied of late by a most sad event — the
death of my wile's sister. I am sure you must remember Mrs. Samuel
Hoare of Hampstead. I hardly know how to speak of her as I ought;
she was almost as dear to me as anything upon earth. For more than
thirty years I have been united to her in the closest intimacy. In all
that time I cannot recollect one moment's ruffle between us, or one word
which betokened anything but affection or love. But what is my loss
compared with that of her husband and children ? She came as near
perfection as any human being I ever knew. It was not that she had
* When the Queen visited Lord Breadalbaue in 1842 he kindly permitted
my brother and myself (then staying in the neighbourhood) to shoot the first
of these birds that had been killed in Scotland for a hundred years, in prepa-
ration for Her Majesty's dinner. They were so extremely wild that it took
the whole day to get six shots. We could just see them vanishing from the
tops of the tall larches while we were still a great distance from them, and
we could ouly kill them by using cartridges of No. 3. — ED.
334 LIFE AT NORTHREPPS. [CHAP. xxiv.
one kind of merit carried to a great height. She possessed each accom-
plishment of a female and a Christian in the same rare degree. Soft and
gentle as she was, she was no less stedfast, firm, and immovable. To
these moral qualities, to the most winning manners, to a noble counte-
nance, to the utmost refinement and delicacy, she joined an intellect of
a very high order. Her views on every subject were broad and capa-
cious. There was nothing petty about her. * * * She laid out her
talents to the best advantage, and never was idle. She read a great
deal, and turned all her reading to account, as her Tracts and her Hints
on early Education evince. * * * I know not why I pour out all this
to you, but my mind and my pen can turn to no other subject."
After spending a few weeks at Renny Hill, Mr. Buxton re-
turned to Northrepps, and resumed the usual tenor of his life
there during the autumnal months. Every year seemed to in-
crease his delight at leaving behind him the cares and turmoils
of London; and often, when nearly worn out by the fatigues of
the session, would Swift's lines rise to his lips : —
" Thus in a sea of folly toss'd,
My choicest hours of life are lost ;
Yet always wishing to retreat,
Oh, could I see my country seat !
There, leaning near a gentle brook,
Sleep, or peruse some ancient book ;
And there in sweet oblivion drown
Those cares that haunt the court and town.
0 charming noons ! and nights divine !
* * * * *
Each willing to be pleased, and please,
And e'en the very dogs at ease ! "
His system on coming into the country was, after a thorough
arrangement of his personal affairs, to abandon the first few
weeks to the relaxation of field sports. Towards the end of
October, when Mr. Hoare usually left Norfolk, Mr. Buxton
resumed his settled occupations, and was strict in devoting to
them the best hours of the day. He thus adapted to himself
some well-known lines of Sir Edward Coke : —
" Secure six hours for thought, and one for prayer,
Four in the fields, for exercise and air,
The rest let converse, sleep, and business share."
Six hours may appear a large proportion of his day to give to
1836.] POWER OF THOUGHT. 335
reflection, but his singular power of sustained and concentrated
thought was unquestionably the most remarkable feature of his
mind. Not, indeed, that he had a turn for meditation upon
speculative or philosophical questions, but when (as very often
happened) his decision was required upon practical matters of an
intricate character, he would wrap his mind in reflection upon
them, with an intensity not often equalled. lie could not, like
some, take a question by storm, and in a moment put eveiy doubt
to flight ; he seemed to give every difficulty its fullest weight,
and to balance the arguments on one side against the arguments
on the other, with accurate care ; giving them such close atten-
tion, that, whatever might be going on around 'him, his mind
could scarcely be diverted by anything from its track. When
going to London with various important matters on his hands, he
would often take a list of them with him, and, going regularly
through it, would clench his mind upon them one after the other,
till by dint of strenuous thought, he had mastered all their bear-
ings and made up his mind for ever. Once decided, he seldom
turned to the question again. His character may be said to have
been formed of a durable material, so that an impression once
effectually made seemed never to be obliterated, scarcely even
to lose the sharpness of its edge, by the lapse of years.* This
quality was seen in lesser as well as in greater matters, and in no
instance was it more displayed than in the important point of
order. The love of order, and power to maintain it, had cer-
tainly not been given him by nature ; for many busy years of his
life, his study, wherever it might happen to be, seemed a chaos
of confusion, crowded with heaps of books and papers, letters
and documents, unsorted and unlabelled, — nor would he allow
any one to touch them. But in the year 1827 he was vividly
impressed by a casual view of the order and precision maintained
in one of the Government offices. After the illness of that year,
when he could not bear mental application, a favourable oppor-
tunity presented itself for carrying out his resolution to have
* In early life he was often unpunctual in his attendance at church ; but
after hearing a sermon from the Kev. Samuel Crowther on the duty of being
present at the beginning of public worship, and joining in the confession, he
was thoroughly convinced, and was never again (as he said himself thirty
years after) late at church through carelessness.
336 HABITS OF ORDER. [CHAP. xxiv.
his " papers in subjection." For three weeks he devoted him-
self, with his domestic helpers, to this task ; every document in
his possession, public and private, was looked over, folded to a
certain size, with its contents accurately endorsed upon it, and
then classified. The parcels of papers were tied up in boards
made to the same size, legibly marked ; the more copious sub-
jects, such as slavery, filling many of these packets, under
different subdivisions. Pigeon-holes in his bookcases and other
expedients were provided, by which these packets were so placed
as to be instantly accessible. The work once accomplished, he
never relaxed in it again ; from this time to the end of his life
every paper that came into his hands was subjected to the same
regulations, and his various secretaries well remember the playful
but unremitting strictness with which he required the execution
of his plans in this respect. The same principle extended to all
his pecuniary affairs. He had some unalterable rules about
money matters, which preserved him from the dangers that
might otherwise have resulted from his natural tendency to free
expenditure. In his private accounts he was exact, but not
minute ; and once a-year he thoroughly investigated the whole
state of his property. At the beginning of his private ledger
the following sentences were written : —
" ' Quid refert igitur quantis jumenta fatiget
Porticibus, quanta nemorum vertetur in umbra1,
Jugera quot vicina foro, quas emerit aedes ?
Nemo malus felix.' — Juvenal, Sat. 4.
" ' What need so much provision, for so short a journey?' — Hopkins,
vol. iv. p. 57.
" ' What a nothing it is that we make so much of, and follow so
greedily, and hold so fast!' — Baxter, vol. iii. p. 429.
" ' To work our own contentment, we should not labour so much to
increase our substance, as to moderate our desires.' — Bishop Sanderson.
" ' He that getteth riches, and not by right, shall leave them in the
midst of his days, and at his end shall he a fool.' — Jeremiah, chap,
xvii. verse 11."
He was an excellent man of business, handling minute details
with ease and unfailing patience, yet always keeping his eyr
fixed upon their general scope and bearing. Before undertaking
anything, he would ponder over the matter for days together,
1836.] LOVE OF READING. 337
weighing it and examining it again and again before he put his
shoulder to the wheel. But though he was too deliberate to be
a vehement man, he was in the highest degree energetic. He
feared neither fatigue nor labour. Where he gave his mind, he
gave the whole of it. When once resolved to act, he threw his
whole heart and soul into the attainment of the object before
him ; every wish and feeling became swept into the vortex ;
nothing else seemed capable of attracting his interest, nor would
he leave it till it was done, and done well.
Except that his hospitalities were more bounded by want of
room, his life at Northrepps was much the same as it had been
at Cromer Hall, domestic, yet social. The mornings were
spent, as has been said, in his study or with his gun ; and after
dinner he usually lay upon the sofa, while some one read aloud
to him from the passing literature of the day. Reading, in fact,
filled up every leisure hour ; he never tired of listening to it.
" Well, what shall we read ?" was the first question upon his
entering the drawing-room ; and he paid the closest attention,
being always able to repeat the words that terminated the passage
read on the previous evening. He had a great taste for biogra-
phy, perhaps still more for works of humour ; but especially he
had, as he said himself, an " insatiable thirst for military adven-
ture." His love of poetry has been alluded to before, and he
endeavoured to cultivate the same taste in thos.e about him.
Every Sunday evening his children were expected to repeat a
passage of poetry, and he always required the utmost fluency
and accuracy in the repetition : he insisted also on the reciter
looking him full in the face while going through the task. He
distributed his rewards with his usual open-handed generosity,
and sometimes his guests were playfully invited to join in the
exercise, and received their half-crown with the rest. His fre-
quent quotations (especially from Shakspeare, Pope, and Dryden)
showed how thoroughly his mind was imbued with the writings
of the principal English poets. Johnson's ' Vanity of Human
Wishes ' was a favourite with him. On the well-known lines —
" In life's last scene, what prodigies arise,
I Fears of the brave, and follies of the wise" —
" I take that," he remarked, " to be one of the truest things
z
338 DELIGHT IN POETRY. [CHAP. xxiv.
ever said in poetry ; but," he added, " the word ' last ' should be
omitted. Life is crowded with ' fears of the brave, and follies
of the wise.' '
With Cowper's poems he became acquainted somewhat late in
life. He was with a shooting party at. Marham (the seat of Mr.
Villebois, in Norfolk), when, being driven in by rain, and
thoroughly wetted, he retreated to his room. It happened that
there was no book there but a volume of Cowper's poems. He
read them for hours, and ever afterwards took the greatest delight
in them. For more modern poetry he had less taste, but to that
of Sir Walter Scott he would listen again and again with the
keenest enjoyment. When tea was finished, he usually walked
into his study, and returned after a time with any letters or
papers connected with his undertakings that he might have
received or written in the course of the day, and the reading of
these, with the discussions upon them, which he encouraged,
usually occupied the remainder of the evening. In all Mission-
ary enterprises he took the liveliest interest, listening with
avidity to intelligence of their progress. Many private commu-
nications of this nature were also made to him ; especially from
Africa and the West Indies. He annually made himself com-
plete master of the affairs and proceedings of the Bible Society,
his fidelity to which never wavered. " I am ready to confess,"
he once wrote, " that there is no cause, not even Emancipation
itself, to which I would more readily give a helping hand than
to the Bible Society."
Some mention ought to be made of the part he took in the
establishment of the London City Mission. He was not alarmed
at the novelty and boldness of the experiment ; its catholic cha-
racter was completely to his taste, and it always received his
adherence and generous support. On its first foundation by
Mr. David Nasmith, in September 1835, he wrote to that
gentleman : —
" Dear Sir, — I have only reached home within these five minutes ;
but, in order to save the post, which is just starting, I write at once to
say that I will, with pleasure, accept the office of treasurer; and only
hope that you are right and I am wrong as to the propriety of the
selection."
1836.J HIS DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 339
This office he held till his death.
His family were early trained to take an interest in his pur-
suits, and to share in his hopes and fears ; he encouraged the
remarks and the criticisms even of its younger members, and
would accept from them the most trivial assistance. Indeed, he
seemed to have a strong feeling of personal gratitude to any one
who would share his solicitude for the welfare of his black
clients. " From the time that I became closely connected with
him," writes Mr. Johnston, " I saw how much of his time and
mind were given to his great objects, in his domestic circle, as
well as in his study. He had a happy art of imbuing all those
around him with his own feelings, and of inducing them to give
him their most strenuous aid. He was, indeed, a delightful
chief to work for, so stimulating, yet so indulgent, and so ready
to repay, with lavish liberality, every effort, however trifling,
made on behalf of those to whom he was devoting not labour
only, but life itself. * * * His generosity, in fact, was un-
bounded — he seemed to watch for opportunities of heaping
kindness upon those he loved."
The extreme tenderness of his feelings was especially shown
if any of them were in sickness or distress ; or when he received
them again under his roof after any lengthened absence,- —
" Never, I think," observed one, " was such a welcome seen on
any human face." His papers bear witness to his unremitting,
untiring " labours in prayer " for the members of his family ;
they are individually mentioned, on every occasion, with dis-
criminating affection, and striking, indeed, was the solemnity and
the fervour with which he poured out his supplications.
As a parent he was remarkably indulgent : a trivial instance
may be quoted from one of his letters to Mrs. Buxton : —
" I write now about the coursing to-morrow. As did not
behave well and kindly, you were quite right in deciding to deprive
him of the sport to-morrow : but, as it is so very great a pleasure to me
to think of him as happy and enjoying himself, I hope you will for this
time excuse him, and that he will make a point of repaying the indul-
gence by very good behaviour. Thus we shall think of him as happy
and good too."*
* In order that this letter might be in time for the coursing he sent a man
over with it from Norwich, a distance of 20 miles.
z 2
340 CONDUCT AS A FATHER. [CHAP. xxiv.
Nothing was more remarkable than the activity of his kind-
ness in small things : the pains he would take to give pleasure.
In the midst of his business he would help his children to find
their lost playthings, or go out himself to buy what they might
want ; nor did they fear to interrupt his studies with the most
trifling requests. At the time of his hardest work in London,
he would often, on his way to the House, buy pictures, and
conceal them in his waste-paper basket, to enjoy the glee of his
younger children, and their daily renewed astonishment, at dis-
covering them there in the morning.
His manner to them, as they grew older, is shown in the
following casual mention of it by one of his sons, then a mere
boy : —
" I cannot help being struck with the exquisite tenderness of heart
which my father always displays ; his unwillingness to debar us from
pleasure, the zeal with which he will make any sacrifice or take any
trouble to gratify us, is most surprising. One little example to-day
will describe his whole conduct. He, being really unwell, was lying
nearly asleep on the sofa, and observing me upon another, with my
feet hanging over the side, he quietly got up, placed a chair under
them, and then lay down again. His whole appearance, with his worn
and thoughtful face, is so much that of a man whom one would approach
with some sensation of awe, that these small, though exquisite acts of
tenderness are the more unexpected, and, consequently, the more
pleasing."
He occasionally, but very rarely, gave direct admonitions.
The following letter was addressed to one of his sons on entering
Trinity College, Cambridge : —
" My dear , — It is always a disappointment to me to be absent
when my boys are at home ; but I particularly regretted being away
last week, as I think I might have done something for your shooting
before you went to College. I need not, I hope, tell you of the
extreme interest I take in the launch of your little skiff on the ocean of
life, and how heartily I desire that ' soft airs and gentle heavings of the
wave ' may accompany your voyage ; and that you may be safely piloted
into the serene and lovely harbour prepared by the love of God. It is
not often that I trouble my children with advice ; and never, I believe,
unless I have something particular to say. At the present time I think
I have that to say which is deeply important to your success in the
1836.] LETTER TO ONE OF HIS SONS. 341
business of life ; nay, its effects may extend beyond the grave. You
are now a man, and I am persuaded that you must be prepared to hold
a very inferior station in life to that which you might fill, unless you
resolve, with God's help, that whatever you do, you will do it well;
unless you make up your mind that it is better to accomplish perfectly
a very small amount of work than to half-do ten times as much. What
you do know, know thoroughly. There are few instances in modern
times of a rise equal to that of Sir Edward Sugden. After one of the
Weymouth elections I was shut up with him in a carriage for twenty-
four hours. I ventured to ask him what was the secret of his success ;
his answer was, ' I resolved, when beginning to read law, to make
everything I acquired perfectly my own, and never to go to a second
thing till I had entirely accomplished the first. Many of my com-
petitors read as much in a day as I read in a week ; but, at the end of
twelve months, my knowledge was as fresh as on the day it was acquired,
while theirs had glided away from their recollection.'
" Let the same masculine determination to act to some purpose go
through your life. Do the day's work to-day. At college I was
extremely intimate with two young men, both of extraordinary talents.
The one was always ahead of his tutor ; he was doing this year the
work of next year, and, although upon many parts of the subject he
knew more than his examiner, yet he contrived to answer what was
actually proposed to him most scandalously ; — while the other, by
knowing perfectly what it was his business to know (though not con-
fining himself to that), never, to the best of my recollection, failed to
answer any question that was put to him.
" Again, be punctual. I do not mean the merely being in time for
lectures, &c. ; but I mean that spirit out of which punctuality grows,
that love of accuracy, precision, and vigour, which makes the efficient
man ; the determination that what you have to do shall be done, in spite
of all petty obstacles, and finished off at once, and finally. I believe I
have told you the story of Nelson and his coachmaker, but you must
hear it once more. When he was on the eve of departure for one of his
great expeditions, the coachmaker said to him, ' The carriage shall be
at the door punctually at six o'clock.' ' A quarter before,' said Nelson ;
' I have always been a quarter of an hour before my time, and it has
made a man of me.'
" How often have I seen persons who would have done well if they
would but have acted up to their own sense of duty ! Thankful I am
to believe that conscience is the established ruler over your actions ; but
I want to enlarge its province, and to make it condescend to these,
which may appear to you minor matters. Have a conscience to be
fitting yourself for life, in whatever you do, and in the management of
342 LETTER TO ONE OF HIS SONS. [CHAP. xxiv.
your mind and powers. In Scripture phrase, ' Gird up the loins of your
mind.' Sheridan was an example of the want of this quality. In early
life he got into a grand quarrel and duel, the circumstances of which
were to his credit (always excepting the fighting the duel), but they
were misrepresented: he came to town, resolved to set the British
public right, and as Perry, the editor of the ' Morning Chronicle," was
his friend, he resolved to do so through the channel of that paper. It
was agreed between them that Sheridan, under a fictitious name, should
write a history of the affair, as it had been misrepresented, and that he
should subsequently reply to it in his own name, giving the facts of the
case. The first part he accomplished, and there appeared in the
'Chronicle' a bitter article against him, written, in fact, by himself;
but he could never find time to write the answer, and it never was
written : ' The slothful man roasteth not that which he took in hunting.'
"All the men who have done things well in lite have been remark-
able for decision of character. Tacitus describes Julius Caesar as
' monstrum incredibilis celeritatis atque audaciae ;' and Bonaparte,
having published to all the world the day on which he should leave
Paris to meet Wellington at Waterloo, did actually start on that day ;
but he had so arranged matters, and travelled with such expedition, that
he took the British army by surprise.
" The punctuality which I desire for you involves and comprehends
the exact arrangement of your time. It is a matter on which much
depends ; fix how much time you will spend upon each object, and
adhere all but obstinately to your plan. ' Method,' says Cecil, ' is like
packing things in a box ; a good packer will get in half as much again
as a bad one.' My letter, I see, is swelling into a sermon, but the day
is fine, and Larry is waiting, so I must bring it to a close. Ponder well
what I have said, and call on God to help you in arraying yourself in
the qualities which I desire. If you mean to be the effective man, you
must set about it earnestly, and at once. No man ever yet ' yawned it
into being with a wish ;' you must make arrangements for it; you must
watch it ; you must notice when you fail, and you must keep some kind
of journal of your failures.
" But, whatever negligence may creep into your studies, or into your
pursuits of pleasure or of business, let there be one point, at least, on
which you are always watchful, always alive ; I mean in the performance
of your religious duties. Let nothing induce you, even for a day, to
neglect the perusal of Scripture. You know the value of prayer; it is
precious beyond all price. Never, never neglect it.
" Well, my dear boy, or man if you please, if I have been somewhat
hard upon you in parts of this letter, yon must excuse me, remembering
that few have a father so deeply and tenderly attached as you have ; or
18.36.] ANECDOTES. 343
one, in general, more blind to defects, or more keen-eyed in the discern-
ment of excellencies.
" Your most affectionate friend and father,
"T. FOWEIX BUXTON."
Mr. Buxton, as we have noticed before, and as appears in this
letter, was very fond of anecdotes, both of hearing and telling
them. The following were some of his parliamentary remi-
niscences, as taken down by one of his friends.
Mr. Buxton. — " I was several years in Parliament with Lord Castle-
reagh. He had some excellent qualities for a leader, and some very
much the reverse. His temper was admirable, but then in speaking he
was strangely obscure, and sometimes made the most queer blunders, so
that occasionally, in the midst of a pathetic speech, he would say some-
thing which would make the whole House burst out laughing.
" Huskisson gave me a melancholy account of Castlereagh's last days.
He had taken up the idea that none of his colleagues would speak to him.
It made him miserable, and nothing could drive it from his mind. At
length he was obliged to give a Cabinet dinner, but he was confident
that none of the ministers would come, and most unhappy the idea made
him. Huskisson was the first to arrive, and he was received with such
extravagant warmth and cordiality as were quite incomprehensible to
him. The rest came, and everything went on smoothly, till at last he
counted them and said, ' There is one too few — Palmerston is not here :
the others are all my private friends, but you see Palmerston won't
come.' His gloom instantly returned, and he did not speak again the
whole evening. A day or two after he put an end to his life. Clerk
says that no man would shoot himself if he took two doses of physic
beforehand ; and probably if poor Castlereagh had consulted a doctor, he
might have been alive now.
" Nothing ever was so delightful as to hear Canning make a fine rich
poetical speech, and then Tiernoy pull it to pieces. But Tierney has
no name, wonderful as he was. That is because he never did anything ;
but to be sure his talents were surpassing. He had the most delicate
wit : everybody we hear now is coarse, blunt, and gross, compared to
him. The House was extremely fond of him; let him rise when he
would, it would listen to him with eagerness. He deserted his party,
and joined Lord Sidmouth's government at last. It was, however, in-
scribed on his tomb, or proposed to be so, ' He lived without an office,
and died without a debt.'
" Canning could be extremely entertaining too, but his speeches were
evidently prepared and polished. He was the first man I ever heard
344 ANECDOTES. [CHAP. xxiv.
speak in the House, and I remember asking my neighbour who he was.
There was, also, when I first went into Parliament, another man of
remarkable talents — Mr. Ward, afterwards Lord Dudley and Ward.
He, too, finished his speeches down to the minutest comma, and
he only made one or two in a year. You know the epigram upon
him on its being said he was a man of no heart :
' You say Ward has no heart ; but I deny it,
He has a heart — and gets his speeches by it.'
" The first time I heard Chalmers was in a chapel on the other side
of the river. It was so crowded that Canning and Wilberforce had to
climb in at the window. Seven years after I heard Canning make that
sermon the substance of a speech on the Catholic question.
" A certain member of Parliament changed his opinions rather rapidly
after losing a place in the Government. Whereupon my friend S
quoted Lord Bacon's words, ' The two great alterants of human opinion
are time and place.' ' Now,' said he, ' in this case time there has been
none, so * * * ,' but the remainder of the sentence was drowned
in the laughter and applause of the House.
" Sir Robert Peel's Currency Act is said to have enormously increased
the national debt. It certainly was one of the boldest measures that
have been done in our time, but probably the author of it scarcely fore-
saw the whole result. But it was perhaps an act of justice. When
Attwood brought forward his bill for its repeal, Mr. Grote said he was
like the unjust steward in the parable : 'How much owest thou? An
hundred measures of oil — then take thy bill, sit down quickly, and write
fifty.'
" When Peel's Currency Bill was passing, Hudson Gurney moved an
amendment in which six members only supported him ; of whom I was
one, and Mr. Wodehouse another. Three days afterwards, however,
the ministers, who had reconsidered the question, came down to the
House, and carried that very amendment by a large majority. So we
received the title of 'the seven wise men.'
" I lately dined in company with Sir James Scarlett. I asked him
what was the secret of his pre-eminent success as an advocate. He
replied, that he took care to press home the one principal point of the
case, without paying much regard to the others. He also said that he
knew the secret of being short. I find, said he, that when I exceed
half an hour, I am always doing mischief to my client: if I drive into
the heads of the jury important matter, I drive out matter more impor-
tant, which I had previously lodged there."
One event of the year 1836 had been the marriage of Mr.
183G.] LETTER TO MRS. BUXTON. 345
Buxton's eldest son to Catherine, second daughter of Mr. Samuel
Gurney.
Soon afterwards, he writes to Mrs. Buxton, from Bellfield : —
"It is now five o'clock; we dine at half-past; the interval, my
dearest wife, is reserved for you. I have much enjoyed being here; I
went off from London very comfortably, having the coach to myself
almost the whole way. I slept the first stage and the last, so I had
from seven in the morning till seven at night to read and reflect, and I
was very happy, and I feel very strongly, perhaps never so strongly,
that mercy and goodness have followed me all the days of my life.
Others may deny that there is a special Providence, but it is too bare-
faced a lie for me. What kept me from the brewery at fourteen, sent
me to college, and made me avail myself of its advantages? What led
me to Earlham. * * * What placed me in so prosperous a business,
without which I never could have thought of public life ? What placed
me under Pratt's ministry, where my eyes were first opened to real
truth ; and what sent severe illness to confirm and ripen the impression
made at Wheeler Chapel ? What placed me in Parliament, and kept
me there for nearly twenty years, in spite of almost desperate proba-
bilities against me ? What made my mother sow the seeds of abhor-
rence of slavery in my mind ; and dear Priscilla exhort me to undertake
the subject, when she was dying, and Wilberforce commit it to me,
when he became unable to continue the task ? I could go on till the
dinner-bell to-morrow evening, recounting the instances in which I have
seen the finger of a blessed and divine Providence.
" I looked yesterday and to-day, in walking through this serene place,
at the present posture of our affairs, and I could see only cheering pros-
pects, and causes of deep thankfulness. How happy this connexion of
Edward's ! I feel the kindness of Providence in giving me, in a new
child, the very person I most like ; * * * and then what confi-
dence I have that it will be blessed ! I sat still and prayed, and a loving
Providence arranged it all. Then I turn to A., and P., who is rich in
the things her happiness requires. If dinner would but wait, I would
tell you how happy I felt about the three younger ones. But in none
have I had a greater sense of comfort and of God's mercy, than in one
who, though not here to cheer us, is in the regions of perfect bliss. I
can contemplate his state, and the dealings of Providence with us, as
concerns him, and be very thankful, and very sure, in feeling as well as
in reason, that all is right. — There goes the bell."
In his often-repeated visits to Bellfield, he showed himself in
quite a new character. His uncle, who was very fond of him,
346 LETTER TO HIS UNCLE. [CHAP. xxiv.
and towards whom he felt like a son, treated him, to the last, as
quite a young man, and it was amusing to observe the happy
mixture of deference and decision, playfulness and respect, with
which his uncle's continual admonitions, especially with regard
to his health, were received by one who was generally somewhat
impatient of the uncalled-for interference of others.
From his numerous letters to his uncle, the following may be
given : —
TO CHARLES BUXTON, ESQ., BELLFIELD.
" Northrepps, December 31,
Eleven o'clock at Night.
" My dear Uncle, — In the first place, as the old year is just going, I
must wish that the new one may be a really happy one to you and my
aunt. I hope that you both will pass through it in health and comfort.
No nephew had ever more reason for this sincere wish than myself, and
few nephews have so truly desired it. The termination of one year
and the beginning of another is always a time of much reflection with
me. I look back to the past year, and see innumerable errors and sins ;
and forward to the coming year, and consider that, before it terminates,
I ma) be called to judgment. Eternity is at hand with us all. Happy
they, and only they, who know that they have no merit which can save
them, who look for mercy only through Christ, who repent of past sins,
desire to do God's will while on earth, and believe on Christ, that he
can and will save those who obey him, and trust in him. I know you
are never offended by my talking on such subjects, and they naturally
spring up in my mind just as a new year is coming."
He was at all times deeply anxious for the religious interests
of those with whom he was in any way connected, and occasion-
ally he felt it his duty to express his opinions to them on the
subject. The following letter was thus addressed to a friend,
much his senior ; and it is evident that nothing but strong con-
scientious feeling could have induced him to write it : —
" I am persuaded you will forgive me for saying to you what has
been upon my mind for some time. I have very much wished to have
some conversation with you on religious subjects, but from various
causes, chiefly, perhaps, my own want of courage, I have hitherto left
you without unburthening my mind of the few things I wished to say.
As you were, however, so kind as to say that the hint I dropped was
not lost upon you, and that you had of late read through the New Tes-
1836.] LETTER TO AN AGED FRIEND. 347
lament more than once, I must venture to add something to that hint.
I trust, then, that the great and capital truth of Christianity is always
before your mind, viz. that there is salvation in no other way than
through the atonement of Christ. The whole New Testament is a
declaration that in ourselves we are sinful, and deserving nothing but
condemnation ; but that the Son of God bore the punishment of our
offences, and that, by his merits, those who believe on him are delivered.
Faith, then, in Christ, is all in all. With it, however guilty we may
have been, we shall be safe ; and without it, no virtue, no moral excel-
lence, nothing in the shape of meritorious works, will suffice. You
will find the New Testament full of these two simple, but all-important
doctrines, viz. our sinfulness, and salvation through Christ ; and he who
knows them, knows almost all that is essential. But then, those only
who believe in Christ shall have the benefit of the pardon and reconcili-
ation which he came from heaven to obtain for us. ' No man cometh
unto the Father but by me.' — John xiv. 6. St. Paul has explained his
faith in Philippians iii. 7, 8, 9 ; and in Titus ii. 11-14 : ' There is none
other name given among men, whereby we may be saved, but that of
Christ alone.' ' What must I do to be saved ?x said the gaoler to the
Apostles : Acts xvi. 30. The plain unequivocal answer is, ' Believe on
the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved.' It would be easy to
multiply texts to the same effect, for Scripture is full of them. Faith
in Christ, then, as the Son of God, and as delivering us from our sins,
being essential, how is it to be obtained ? It is to be obtained only
through the influence of the Holy Spirit; and it is said, over and over
again, that if we pray for the Holy Spirit, it will be given us ; that is
the promise: Luke xi. 13. Then comes the point which 1 venture to
urge, prayer to God for the Holy Spirit to teach us all the truths
essential to our salvation ; to reveal Christ to our understandings, to
impart to us that holiness which is required of his disciples, to give us
true repentance, and to prepare us for the day of judgment. I am
persuaded you will forgive me for thus unburthening my mind. II is
some effort to me to do so, and I am sure you will ascribe it to its true
motive."
As usual, the year was closed by him with an enumeration of
the mercies received during its course. To his list of domestic
blessings, he now adds his little grandson, who, he says, " is a
source of delight, arid infinite amusement."
He proceeds : —
" The accounts from the West Indies of the conduct of our negroes
are gratifying in the last degree; so that that subject, which for eleven
years was a source of daily disquietude, is now the refreshment and
348 DESCRIPTION OF MR. BUXTON. [CHAP. xxiv.
solace to which I continually turn. The history of the past year is of
favours heaped upon me and mine, on the right hand and on the left."
After expressing his earnest desire that the Lord might be
with him in every public duty (enumerating " the Report about
the Aborigines ; all that relates to the negroes ; the Apprentice-
ship Committee; the Mico fund; our speeches, and all our
doings"), he adds : —
*****
" Guide me aright in all that I may say or do about the Church ques-
tions, and let me take no part which shall impair the real efficiency of
that which I am sure I love and admire.
" Bless my little grandson, * * * my brothers, sisters, and
dear friends, and myself also, with the best of blessings, for Christ's
sake.
" ' Thou hast given me a goodly heritage,' is the language which I
ought continually to be using. In what respect have I not been bounti-
fully dealt with ? Especially in having pursuits in life so deeply in-
teresting as they proceed, and so full of promise as to the vast import-
ance of their results, that they may well satisfy my whole mind ? I
would not change objects with any man."
The following description of Mr. Buxton's appearance and
manner at this period of his life is from the pen of the Rev.
John Richards, long a valued inmate of his family : —
" I shall never forget my first interview with your father. I had
been passing the night at Ham House, where he was expected by an
early coach from Norfolk. We were already seated at the breakfast-
table, when his arrival was announced, and in he walked, stooping as he
passed beneath the door-way, and then drawing himself up to the full
height of his commanding form. My thoughts had been previously busy
portraying the image of one with whom I was to be brought into such
close contact, and that, as you may suppose, with an interest which excited
me ; but, as he stood dilated before me, though his frame was not so firmly
knit together as to convey the idea of robust strength, the real impres-
sion was certainly one of awe. This feeling, however, soon subsided on
witnessing the joyous hilarity with which he returned the greetings of
his nieces, or, if it recurred for a moment when, on being presented to
him, he surveyed me with a somewhat scrutinizing look, it was at once
completely dispelled by the warmth of his welcome and the kindness of
his manner; and I was not long in discovering, from the playful sallies
and affectionate tones of his conversation, that within that manly form
there glowed the sensitive heart of a child."
1837.] REPORT ON ABORIGINES. 349
CHAPTER XXV.
1837, 1838.
Aborigines' Report — Correspondence — Election — Defeat at Weymouth —
Letters — Efforts to shorten the Apprenticeship of the Negroes — Mr.
Buxton's Hesitation — The Apprenticeship abolished.
WITH the session of 1836 had closed the sitting of the Abori-
gines' Committee, and the drawing up of its report was entrusted
to Mr. Buxton as its chairman. He was anxious to render this
report a sort of manual for the future treatment of aboriginal
nations in connection with our colonies. Accordingly, in
January, 1837, he invited Dr. Philip to Northrepps, and com-
menced his work.
" Dr. Philip has been here three days," he writes. " We
are in the heart of the Report on Aborigines. Oh ! for a spirit
of wisdom poured down on our labours!"
The object of the report was to prove, first, the destructive
cruelty to which the native tribes had generally been subjected :
and, secondly, that, wherever they had received equitable and
humane treatment, they had increased in numbers, acquired the
arts of civilized life, and accepted the blessings of religion.
"April 2, 1837.
" The next few months are very important, as in them the Abori-
gines' Report will be settled. Most earnestly I pray that it may stop
the oppressor, and open the door for the admission of multitudes of
heathens to the fold of Christ.
" Then there is the Apprenticeship Committee, which I bring for-
ward on the 20th; and the slave-trade question, and East Indian slavery;
and other deep and various interests which will speedily be unfolded.
Grant, O Lord of mercy, that in all I have to do I may be steered by
thee ; that each event may be fraught with mercy ; that the influence
of thy grace may operate more directly and more forcibly on my heart
than it has hitherto done ; that thy blessing may reside with my family,
my friends, and my fellow-workers ; with the Aborigines, the West
350 THANKSGIVINGS. [CHAP. xxv.
Indies, Africa, India ; and if I have offended, forgive me, or at least
shield me from the dreadful punishment. Cast me not away from thy
presence, and take not thy Holy Spirit from me.
" I must confess I look back without much sense of satisfaction to my
course on the English Church-rate Bill. I did desire and pray to be
guided aright ; but yet I have a lurking suspicion that secondary mo-
tives did, in some measure, bias my judgment. If it were so, I beseech
thy forgiveness, O Lord, and pray that in future nothing may influence
me, or turn me aside from what is my duty to thee."
Many of his papers and letters at this period are full of ex-
pressions of those grateful feelings to which his heart had always
been disposed, but which seem to have risen higher and higher
after the great purpose of his life, the abolition of slavery, had
been achieved. In this strain, he writes from Northrepps to one
of his children : —
- « May 14, 1837.
* * * "I dwelt much yesterday, and still more to-day, on the
mercy which has been showered upon me by a gracious and indulgent
Lord. I feel that I cannot be grateful enough for the heaps and loads
of mercies which have been my lot since my marriage thirty years ago.
* * * That may fairly stand among earthly blessings as number
l( Then my success in business, so good and so untroublesome, my
seat in Parliament for nineteen years, and the objects which have been
entrusted to me. * * * My children, my brothers and sisters, my
friends ; the success which has crowned my public labours. These are
a few, and but a few, of my sources of grateful satisfaction.
" My cup runneth over : surely goodness and mercy have followed me
all the days of my life, and (may it be !) I shall dwell in the house of
the Lord for ever.
" Bless the Lord, O my soul, and forget not all his benefits (and every
clause in that catalogue of mercies, each of which has been offered for
my acceptance). He maketh me to lie down in green pastures.
" Farewell ! Farewell ! I must go and hear the birds sing, and turn
my eyes to the wonderful Giver of such stores of mercies."
During this session he was chiefly occupied in completing and
carrying through the committee the report on the treatment of
Aborigines, which had been drawn up with so much care at
Northrepps. Before it was printed it was carefully revised by
1837.] CORRESPONDENCE. 351
Sir George Grey, and it appears to have had considerable weight
with the Government in promoting the equitable treatment of the
natives in our colonial dominions.
It was with peculiar satisfaction that he saw this work com-
pleted, for it was very doubtful whether he would long have the
opportunity of continuing his exertions in the House of Com-
mons. The death of the King, on the 20th of June, produced
an immediate dissolution of Parliament, and Mr. Buxton's return
for Weymouth had never before appeared so insecure.
On account of his health he had felt serious doubts as to stand-
ing again, and he had been advised by many to withdraw, at least
for a time ; but he was not willing to take the responsibility of
leaving his post. " I am of opinion," he writes, " that I ought
to remain in Parliament, even at a vast sacrifice."
TO CHARLES BUXTON, ESQ., BELLFIELD.
" Spitalfields, 1837.
" My dear Uncle, — You must not be alarmed about the election.
* * * I really think I should not be happy, or feel that I had done
my duty, if I were to retire. I think (though, perhaps, it is absurd vanity
to say so) that my being in Parliament is of some little consequence to
the negroes in the West Indies, to the oppressed natives of our colonies
and to the inhabitants of Africa, exposed to the slave-trade. As the first
are nearly one million, the second three millions, and the third a Teat
many millions, it would not be right to give up a chance, if it were only
a chance, of being returned, merely because there may be some little
humiliation to myself in being turned out.
" I don't care a straw about the disgrace. If I am turned out I
cannot help it : I have done my best, and I shall be satisfied. But if 1
were to go out of my own accord, I think my conscience would reproach
me. Besides all which, I do not think they can turn me out quite so
easily as they imagine."
The following letter was addressed to Mr. Joseph John Gurney,
who was about to proceed to America, on a religious visit to the
Society of Friends : —
" Upton, June 25, 1837.
" I think it is hardly possible for any one, at least of our harder sex to
feel more than I do in all that concerns your going to America. We
have been bound together for not far short of forty years, in one cloud-
352 CORRESPONDENCE. CHAP. xxv.
less friendship. As boy and man, I have been partner in all your for-
tunes, and you in mine. I do not believe you ever, by word or deed,
gave me a momentary vexation. You, I dare say, are not aware how
you have refreshed and encouraged me in my career ; in truth, I look to
you with almost boundless affection and gratitude. It is against the
grain with me to let you go without seeing you again, but I fear it must
be so. After much deliberation I have resolved to go down to Wey-
mouth. The way in which Parliament affects my health has had great
weight in the one scale, but in the other there are three great points —
West India negroes, East India slavery, and the Brazilian slave-trade.
If it were the West India negroes alone, I believe I should retire, be-
cause nine-tenths of the work is done, and because there is feeling
enoucrh in the country to accomplish the remainder, and persons enough
willing and able to call forth that feeling. I am steadfast in the belief,
that that great experiment has been, and will continue to be, crowned
with more complete success than the most sanguine among us anticipated.
I know very well that evil influences are working hard against it, and
that thousands of the negroes are exposed to cruel injustice. Neverthe-
less I do rejoice, and will rejoice, in the extinction of slavery ; and the
more I see of the posthumous brood the more I rejoice in the death of
the old parent dragon.
" And now, my dear brother, if I do not see you before your depar-
ture, I take leave of you with a heart full of love, with the most pleasant
and grateful remembrance of you, and with the most earnest prayers for
your safety, comfort, and peace, for the full success of your mission, and
for your fruition of all that is contained in these words — ' Fear thou not,
for I am with thee ; be not dismayed, for I am thy God. I will
strengthen thee, yea, I will help thee, yea, I will uphold thee with the
right hand of my righteousness.' "
On the day that the Queen dissolved Parliament, he writes to
Mrs. S. Gurney, whose aged mother he had visited on the pre-
vious day : —
"July 17, 1837.
" My dear Elizabeth,— I this day saw our youthful Queen surrounded
by all the chief officers of state, herself wearing a crown of diamonds,
and arrayed in royal robes, and the House of Lords filled with all the
great ones of the country. She delivered an admirable address to the
Parliament, with the utmost sweetness of voice and the most exquisite
grace of manner ; and yet this spectacle has left a less pleasing, a less
lively impression on my mind than the sight which I had yesterday the
pleasure of witnessing, — of an aged Christian, refined and purified, her
work completed, waiting in patient cheerfulness the will of her Lord.
18.17.] ELECTION — DEFEAT OF MR. BUXTON. 353
That is a sight full of instruction and consolation. So much must I say,
my dear sister, and you may repeat it to her who is ready to depart and
to be with Christ."
In July he went down to the election at Weymouth. After
mentioning to his eldest son the difficulties into which he had
been thrown by the non-appearance of the other Whig candidate,
he adds: —
" If Burdon does not stand, I think it all but certain I shall lose the
election. After hearing, on my arrival last night, all the particulars I
have given you, I felt so perfectly satisfied, and so devoid of a momentary
feeling of regret, that I am confident I shall be very thankful if I arn
turned out. Per contra, I am equally confident I shall be very thankful
if I am once more turned loose in the House against slavery, slave-trade,
and white men's cruelties. So I am pretty sure to get a triumph.
Love to C , and my smiling namesake."
TO MRS. BUXTON.
"Bellfield, July 25, 1837.
" Here I am looking out on this splendid view ; nothing can be
more calm. I have passed a restless night, and have been awake for
hours.
" This day will, I expect, make an entire revolution in my vocation.
I have no expectation of being returned. When I look at some of the
arts that have been employed, I am half ready to be provoked; but
when I turn to the Creator of these fields, and those waters, and remem-
ber that all events are in His hands, that nothing occurs but at His bid-
ding, I am restored to full peace. He ordereth all events, and that is
reason enough for satisfaction ; and though, for the moment, we are car-
ried away by the current, it is not very difficult to perceive that we shall
derive a hundred family benefits from my exclusion from Parliament. I
look upon myself as an old horse turned out to grass, and it is folly to
worry myself by supposing that other and better steeds will not be found
to do the work.
" I must now get ready. I do not expect to be in any way disturbed
by the events of the day ; but before it closes I shall be a man of lei-
sure ; that is no mean blessing : a man, not slaving himself to death, but
with time to walk, to read, to sleep, to reflect, — and better than these,
time to pray.
" One o'clock. — Well, my dearest wife, your wishes are realised : the
troubles and worries of Parliament are over with me ; and now we must
2A
354 DEVOTION OF THE ELECTORS. [CHAP. xxv.
be as happy, as healthy, and as long-lived as possible. I am perfectly
well satisfied with the result, and view it as a release from a vast deal of
labour."
That the cause of this defeat was not any diminution of per-
sonal attachment to him on the part of his constituents, was
evident from the strong expressions of grief on all sides at his
rejection. But the Tory party had for some years been increasing
in local influence, and did not scruple to employ a degree of inti-
midation till then unknown in the borough. In Mr. Buxton's
farewell address to the electors, he distinctly states : —
" During twenty years in elections, seven of which have been severely
contested, I have had the opportunity of ascertaining the motives which
actuate almost every individual in this borough, and I gladly state this
fact, so honourable to the poorer electors of this town, viz. that I never
paid any man one sixpence for his vote, and never, except in two
instances, was asked to do so."
An incident which occurred is recorded by one who was present
at this election : —
" It strongly illustrates," says the narrator, " the deep personal inte-
rest which Mr. Buxton had the power of exciting among those who
knew him best. Captain Penny, R.N., had long been one of the active
men on Mr. Buxton's committees ; he was an old man, exceeding
ninety-two. The contest was virtually over by one o'clock, though the
]K>11 remained open till four o'clock. Shortly before its close the gallant
veteran inquired how it stood, and on hearing of the increasing majority
against Mr. Buxton, he called for his hat, and declaring to his wife that
' if it were to be the last act of his life it would be a good one,' he pro-
ceeded to the polling booth, and voted for Mr. Buxton and Mr. G.
Stephen. He then went home, but had been much fatigued by the
exertion, and shortly after reaching home asked his wife to help him to
bed. She assisted him up stairs, and began tc undress him, as he was
seated on the side of the bed. She took off one of his stockings, and
told him to raise his other foot, that she might draw off the other, lie
did not do so ; and being on her knees, she looked up to him, to repeat
her request, when, to her amazement, she perceived that he was ac ; uilly
sitting erect, but a corpse ! So his voting for Mr. Biixton was the last
act of his life."
1837.J LETTER TO MR. GURNEY. 355
TO JOSEPH JOHN GURNEY, ESQ., IN AMERICA.
"Upton, July 30, 1837.
" My dear Brother, — We have gone so much hand-in-hand together
all our days, that I greatly miss you now that a change has taken place
with me. I am reprieved from death, and emancipated from slavery ;
and both these blessings came under the form of a dismissal from Wey-
mouth on Tuesday last. But you shall have my history for the last
fortnight, at least as much of it as 1 can remember.
" You know, I believe, that a few days before the session closed I
presented our report on the Aborigines. It is a fair compendium of the
evidence given before the committee during three years, and as I had
but a small portion of the merit of drawing it up, 1 may be allowed to
call it an admirable document; and I have little doubt it will go far to
check that desperate and wide spreading villainy which has rendered the
intercourse of the civilised and Christian man with the savage little else
than one uniform system of cruelty, rapacity, and murder. In short, I
am well satisfied ; and have little more to say on that subject. Two or
three days before the session closed, I brought before the House briefly
the questions of the slave trade, East India slavery, and the transporta-
tion of the Coolies from India to the Mauritius and the West Indies.
41 But now for my personal history. On Monday, the 17th of July,
the Queen dissolved the Parliament. Before her messenger gave his
three taps at our door I gave notice of a motion on East Indian slavery
for next session. We were then called before her Majesty. She looked
well and quite composed ; in delivering her speech her voice was sweet
and clear almost to perfection. In that great room, with the multitude
of people and some bustle, every syllable was so distinctly articulated as
to be perfectly heard ; and her voice rose into suitable emphasis when
she said, that her reign was auspiciously begun by giving her assent to
the mitigation of the Criminal Law.
14 Thus, a second time, I have been drawn away from my history, but
these things may interest you, and I shall not have anything to tell you
of queens and parliaments for one while. But now to my history in
earnest.
" Before I went down to Weymouth, I began to fear; for one of my
supporters told me that, if I wished to secure the election, it would be
necessary to open public houses and to lend money (a gentle name for
bribery), to the extent of 1000/. I of course declined. It might or it
might not be my duty to get into Parliament, but it could not be my
duty to corrupt the electors by beer and bank notes.
41 At ten o'clock on the day of nomination, out came Burden's address
2 A 2
356 EEGRET OF WEYMOUTH ELECTORS. [CHAP. xxv.
resigning the contest. George Stephen happened to arrive by the
mail at half-past ten, — unshaven, unbreakfasted, we converted him into
a candidate. The Tories had hired a stout mob from the adjacent coun-
try, and as they kept the beer going, our audience was rather of the
noisiest. It seemed to me that I could not be heard ; but I find I
was distinctly. * * * On the 2oth the polling began awkwardly.
My friends were desperately intimidated. One of them spoke out the
real state of the case. When asked at the booth how he voted, he re-
plied, ' One for Buxton on principle ; one for Villiers on interest.' In
the middle of the day I found the affair was hopeless, and ceased to
press my voters to come forward.
(i * * * As to my worthy colleague, Mr. Burdon, I cannot prove
that he sold me ; but I am sure that if he had done so, he could not
have taken more skilful measures to effect my expulsion.
" At the close of the poll I went with Edward to the booth, where
my opponents and their friends were collected, shook hands with them,
wished them joy, walked about the town for half an hour with Barlow
and Edward to cheer up my friends, who were sadly out of spirits, and
then went to Bellfield, where we passed a very cheerful evening ; and
up to this moment, not one shade of regret on my own account, how-
ever slight, however transient, has passed over my mind, at the memory
of my departed honours.
" The next morning, about eighty of my constituents came up. I
ran to the balcony and began a cheerful speech ; but I soon found I was
entirely out of tune. I went down amongst them, and then made them
an oration. It could not help being a feeling one ; certainly I never
saw a greater appearance of regret. * * * I have not half described the
manifestation of feeling which took place in the town. The children
set themselves to work to collect subscriptions to give me a piece of
plate. The men are also doing the same thing on their part. The
very Tories, they say, are disconsolate ! In the evening, several of the
working men who had not joined the procession in the morning, came
up to bid me farewell ; and at six o'clock the next morning, when I
got into the coach, there was an assemblage of them looking sadly
downcast. Spite of all this lamentation, I have been in great glee the
whole time. I am right glad that I stood — right glad that I have got a
holiday. My own impression is, that I could not have stood the fatigues
of Parliament many sessions more ; and perhaps this turning out to
grass may, in the long run, enable me to do more work, if I should have
the privilege of being called to it. I saw , who said more about
the regret of Government, than I should like to repeat. On the other
hand, Dr. Holland has sent me a message by Samuel IIo.irc, of warm
congratulation.
1837.] TESTIMONIAL TO MR. BUXTON. 357
" 1 had fully resolved, had I continued in Parliament, to have sent
you a kind of journal of notable events, but in my present non-effective
condition, I am not likely to have anything more interesting to tell you,
than the history of the pigs and poultry at Northrepps. As I leave
Parliament for health, I do not by any means intend to defeat that end
by dedicating myself to any other objects. I mean, for conscience' sake,
to ride, shoot, amuse myself, and grow fat and flourishing."
He soon afterwards went to "Weymouth, to receive from his
friends there two pieces of plate; the one, a candelabrum from
his late constituents ; the other, which, as he said, pleased him,
if possible, still more, a silver snuff-box from their children. He
was exceedingly gratified by these testimonials of regard from
the place with which he had so long been connected, and few of
his possessions were valued so highly.
From no less than twenty-seven different places were proposals
made to Mr. Buxton to stand as a candidate ; but he felt at
liberty to take advantage of the opportune repose afforded him,
and accordingly declined them all.
On returning from a short visit to Scotland, he writes to Mrs.
Johnston at Rennyhill.
" Northrepps Hall, October 7, 1837.
" I have just been debating on this difficult question — shall I write
to Rennyhill, or stretch myself on the sofa? — you see how I have
decided.
" Our return home is vastly pleasant, and I hope we feel something
of true thankfulness at being permitted to reassemble — none missing,
none injured, and many benefited. * * * My week in London was
anything but idle. I got through my fifty-six memoranda. We re-
solved that Mr. Trew should, without delay, provide thirty-four first-
rate teachers for the colonies. Only think of sending forth such a
troop! Is it not cheering ? Whilst I was in London, three separate
deputations called upon me on the same morning, to urge me to go into
Parliament. They were very philosophic on the subject of my health,
and said in substance that it was good economy for them to work me up
now, and that when I was fairly dead, they dared to say they should
find some other agent ; but I was stedfast against this kind of argu-
ment."
TO CHARLES BUXTOX, ESQ., AT BELLFIELP.
"October, 1837.
" I take shooting very easy this year, having always a shooting pony
with me ; he is a wonder, has as good action as your old leader, and is
353 NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP. [CHAP. xxv.
as handsome ; as quiet as a lamb, and strong enough to carry, and some-
times does carry, Mr. Hoare and myself together, eats bread and
cheese, drinks beer, is a particularly good judge of porter, and prefers
ours."
TO EDWARD N. BUXTON, ESQ.
" November, 1837.
" I have again made an alteration in my gun-stock, contrary to your
advice. I have shot execrably all the year, and could stand it no
longer, so I employed a Holt carpenter to hew me a stock, according to
my own fancy, out of the trunk of a tree. It is in its primitive sim-
plicity, and is so wide as to ' contrive the double debt to pay,' of stock
while shooting, and table at luncheon ; but rough and awkward as it is,
I shall, I trust, take the conceit out of the young men with it.
" I have been calculating that since Parliament closed I have ridden
500 miles, and walked 1500.
" ' Better to hunt in fields for health unbought,
Than fee the doctor for a nauseous draught, —
The wise, for cure, on exercise depend.'
" So sings Dryden, and what he preached I practise.
" I shall send you a basket to-night, as proof that my log of a gun-
stock can do execution. * * * We are very happy here. If you catch
the influenza, lie up at once — principiis obsta."
At the end of 1837 a work was published by Messrs. Sttirge
and Scoble, who had visited the West Indies, describing- the
condition of the negro apprentices, and such general indignation
was excited by their narrative, that from all parts of the country
were delegates sent to London in the beginning of 1838, to urge
the discontinuance of the apprenticeship system. Mr. Buxton,
for some time, refused to join them, and he thus states his reasons
in a letter to G. W. Alexander, Esq. : —
"Februarys, 1833.
" I have received your very kind letter, and have given the subject
of it my very best consideration. The result is, that my opinions, as
expressed in my letter to the delegates, yet remain unchanged. I
thought, and continue to think, that the attempt to overthrow the ap-
prenticeship will be fruitless, while there is another object to be accom-
plished, viz. that of securing to the negro the full and entire liberty of
a British subject in 1840, which is at once more important, and far
more practicable.
" I am afraid that this main and capital object should in some degree be
1838.] LETTER TO MR. JOHNSTON. 359
lost sight of, by the peculiar prominence that is given to the abolition of
the apprenticeship, and I could not attend any meeting without stating
my doubts as to the policy of the present movement. I am, however,
far from wishing to give circulation to these doubts. It is very possible
that I may be altogether mistaken in the views I entertain ; and I should
be extremely sorry to weaken the probability, small as I consider it, of
Parliament consenting to the immediate abolition of the apprenticeship.
I apprehend, therefore, that I should best serve the cause of the negro
by abstaining from attending your meeting. It is needless for me to
add, that it is with hearty regret I cannot on this occasion altogether
unite with those good and zealous men with whom I have so long
acted."
His refusal to attend the meeting excited great displeasure
among those who were bent on breaking down the apprentice-
ship. After alluding to the severe censures to which he had
been exposed, he proceeds, —
" Well, after all this, I am in excellent health and spirits, not the
least chagrined. I do not repent of any step I have taken in this
business."
He writes, during a short visit to London, to Mrs. Johnston: —
" It only wants a few minutes to breakfast, but there is time for a
scrap of a letter to you. First, be it known to you, and to all the
Northrepps party, that I am quite well, and in excellent spirits, and in-
stead of being worried by my adventures, only amused and interested
by them. I left Northrepps on Monday at four o'clock in the morning,
and as it was too dark to read, I occupied a good part of the way in com-
posing a mighty grand oration, intended for the delegates. The horses
flew; but the time flew still faster, and I was almost surprised 10 find,
after two hours, that the town I entered was not Aylsham, but Nor-
wich ; full half an hour too soon for the coach. Conceive me then in
the kitchen, writing down my notes on the dresser. Off I was taken
before I had half done, and had to finish my notations in the coach. I
then had to read a budget of letters from Floresi, and to make sundry
resolutions on them. Then Lord Bacon, in the Edinburgh Review ;
have you read it ? Pray do, though it is very sad. After doing so,
you must, when quoting the line —
' The greatest, wisest, meanest of mankind,'
lay all the emphasis on the labt epithet. With this, varied by other
books, and stages given up to a kind of meditation, I cheated the
360 LETTER TO MR. JOHNSTON. [CHAP. xxv.
journey of every thing like tediousness, and reached Ham House to
dinner. S. Gurney soon told me that perhaps it would be as well that I
should attend the public meeting, as he found that the current ran
strongly against me, and that pains had been taken to poison the minds
of simple-hearted Friends, with the suspicion that I had become a kind
of enemy to the anti-slavery cause. I called a meeting of our society on
Tuesday, which I attended, and I asked their opinion of the propriety of
my going to Exeter Hall. The general opinion was against it; and I
decided not to go. Soon afterwards I was called out of the room by
Dr. Philip and Josiah Forster, to tell me that a reaction had taken place ;
that a public breakfast had been given the day before by the delegates
to the anti-slaveryites in the neighbourhood of town, where my conduct
was the chief subject of discussion. At length my old friend Capt.
Stewart proposed a resolution, condemning, though in gentle terms,
more in sorrow than in anger, my letter. For some time no seconder
could be found, but when at last one appeared, Dr. Philip made them a
speech. He first said he owed every thing to me ; but for me he would
have been trampled to the earth, would have been tried as a traitor, and
convicted ; that but for me the whole of Caffreland would have been
Adelaide country, and the whole Caft're nation exterminated ; but for me
not one missionary left in all South Africa: that they owed all anti-sla-
very success, including the present force of public opinion, the very
groundwork on which they stood, to me. This oration was received
with great applause ; the seconder vowed he would second no such non-
sense as Stewart proposed. Stewart would move no such motion, and
these three curiosities occurred : — First, instead of a lecture, they
unanimously voted me thanks ; secondly, G. Thompson offered to draw
it up; thirdly, Sturge begged that he might be allowed to present it.
He did so the following day, and we parted the best of friends. * * *
I long now to return to the ' fairy land of snowdrops.' I am very well,
but I cannot sleep. As Milton says —
' What has night to do with sleep ?'
I affronted E. W , by not calling her at three o'clock this morning
to read to me, but I could not do anything so barbarous. I have less
pity on poor Andrew, who is most useful to me in various ways."
As the spring advanced, he found that he had been in error,
and that public feeling was less torpid than he had expected. He
writes, on the 12th of March, to one of his old Anti-slavery co-
adjutors:—" It seems just possible that the delegates may succeed,
and if so, I am sure we shall both say, ' thank God that other
people had more courage and more discernment than ourselves.'"
1838.] SIR GEORGE STRICKLAND'S MOTION. 3C1
On the 23nl of March he received a letter from Dr. Lushington,
urging him to come to town and meet the delegates, and he
accordingly left Northrepps for London, and after much delibe-
ration he determined to join them.
" I went," he says, " to the meeting of the delegates ; they were
very cordial. I told them freely my mind, and some of it was not much
to their liking, I dare say. Among the rest, that I praised Glenelg."
After mentioning the charge of inconsistency which he might
incur, he adds, —
" No matter. The sin unpardonable in my eyes would be, to do any-
thing for any consideration whatever, the result of which was likely to
injure the sacred cause. So long as I retain the assurance, that 1 am
acting with a single eye to that, you may be sure I shall not be
dejected."
" You ask, what will the world say ? " he writes to another
friend. " Let the world say what it pleases :
' 'Tis not the babbling of a busy world,
Where praise and censure are at random hurl'd,
Which can the meanest of my thoughts control,
Or shake one settled purpose of my soul : —
Free and at large, may their wild censures roam,
While all, — while all, I know, is right at home.' "
On the 30th of March Sir George Strickland brought forward
a motion for the abolition of the apprenticeship, but it was lost
by a majority of 64. Mr. Buxton thus describes the evening,
having been present under the gallery : —
"London, March 31, 1838.
" I am alive, after having been in the detestable position of having to
sit for ten hours, last night, in the House of Commons, to be shot at by
everybody, without the possibility of firing one round in return. I
would have given something to be allowed to speak, and I literally was
two or three times upon the point of springing up. Gladstone, Lord
John Russell, Grey, &c., would have it that I was a friend to the
apprenticeship, because I sold an unavailing division on it, in Com-
mittee, for the solid profit of getting thorn to insert a clause for unquali-
fied freedom, when the apprenticeship should cease."
In consequence of what, had been stated in this debate, Mr.
Buxtori addressed a letter to Lord John Russell, in which he
3C2 APPRENTICESHIP ABOLISHED. [CHAP. xxv.
proved that he had been throughout a steady opponent of the
Apprenticeship system.
He went, about the same time, to see Mr. Macaulay, whom he
found very ill. " God bless you and yours," said his aged
friend. " I sympathise in all your trials, I concur in all your
opinions, and your visits to me are as water to the thirsty soul."
It was his impression that he should not see Mr. Buxton again ;
nor did he. He died in May, just before the complete consum-
mation of all his labours, for in the same month, Sir Eardley
Wilmot gained, by a majority of three, a motion against the
Apprenticeship ; and the planters afterwards agreed to surrender
it on the 1st of August, 1838. " The Apprenticeship is
abolished," writes Mr. Buxton ; " thank God for that."
" I bless God for the event," he says in a letter to Mr, Sturge : "I
bless God, that He, who has always raised up agents such as the crisis
required, sent you to the West Indies. I bless God, that during the
Apprenticeship, not one act of violence against the person of a white
man has, as I believe, been perpetrated by a negro, and I cannot
express my grateful exultation that those whom the colonial law so
recently reckoned as brute beasts, ' the fee simple absolute whereof
resided in their owners,' will so soon be invested with the full rights of
man. * * * Let none of us forget that those who are emancipated
will be assailed with many an attempt to curb and crush their liberty ;
nor that two millions of human chattels in the East Indies require our
protection ; nor that the slave trade, of all evils, the monster evil, still
defiles and darkens ,one quarter of the globe. May that same public
voice, which has now been so happily exerted, and under the influence
of that same gracious Lord, who has wrought its present victory, never
be hushed while a taint of slavery remains !"
TO THE HON. MRS. UPCHEK.
" AtheiiR'um, May 23, 1838.
" I must write a Hue to tell you that Sturge and that party, whom
we thought all in the wrong, are proved to be all in the right. A reso-
lution for the immediate abolition of the Apprenticeship was carried by
a majority of three last night. The intelligence was received with such
a shout by the Quakers, (myself among the number,) that we strangers
were all turned out for rioting ! I am right pleased."
1838.] NEW PLAN FOR SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE. 3C3
CHAPTER XXVI.
1838.
New Plan for the Suppression of the Slave Trade — Laborious Investi-
gations— Collection of Evidence — Letter to Lord Melbourne — Com-
munications with the Government — Abstract of his Views — Horrors of
the Trade — Capabilities of Africa.
Ox quitting Parliament, Mr. Buxton had looked forward to a
period of repose ; but this expectation was not realized. Even
before that time, an idea had suggested itself to his mind, the
development of which proved more than sufficient occupation for
all his remaining years.
" I well remember," writes one of his sons, " the commencement of
that long train of toils, anxieties, and sorrows. While my father and I
were staying at Earlham, in the beginning of the summer of 1837, he
walked into my room one morning, at an early hour, and sitting down
on my bedside, told me that he had been lying awake the whole night,
reflecting on the subject of the slave trade, and that he believed he had
hit upon the true remedy for that portentous evil."
Two years before this time, he had moved an address for
making our treaties on this subject with foreign powers more
stringent, and the penalties of the crime more severe. The idea
that now struck him so forcibly, was this — that " though strong
external measures ought still to be resorted to, the deliverance
of Africa was to be effected, by calling out her own resources"
For some months he was compelled to defer the following up
of this new train of thought; but on reaching home at the fall of
the year, he addressed himself to the pursuit with all his heart
and mind, and never was his character shown more clearly than
in his conduct of this great affair. The exquisite sympathy with
suffering, the long investigations and deep thought before action,
the intense and untiring energy when the work had once begun,
the largeness of his plan, the care bestowed upon its smallest de-
364 PLAN FOR SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE. [CHAP. xxvi.
tails, the hearty trust in Providence, joined with the solicitous
choice of means, the patient faith with which disappointment and
calamity were borne; — all these qualities had been apparent in
his previous undertakings, — all now stood forth in still bolder
relief. Nor was there less of the same ardent and exclusive
devotion to the one work before him, which had characterised his
earlier years. The idea did not flash upon him, and then slowly
fade away again, like the visions of less effective men. Nor was
he content merely to lay his views before the public, satisfying
himself with an undefined hope that some one else would carry
them into practice. Pie at once applied himself to the subject,
and throughout the winter he was incessantly revolving it in his
mind, reading every book that could assist him, and inquiring
wherever information could be gained, until at length the whole
idea was fully developed in his mind.
His task was twofold : — on the one hand he had to prove the
magnitude of the evils now existing, in the human traffic, and
consequent condition of Africa : — on the other, he had to point
out the capabilities of Africa, and thence to deduce the possibility
of her becoming peaceful, flourishing, and productive, by the
force of legitimate commerce.
While he himself was occupied in elaborate calculations drawn
from official documents, respecting the extent and desolating
effect of the trade, he set others to work in collecting proofs of
the productiveness and commercial resources of Africa.
TO EDWARD N. BUXTON, ESQ.
" Northrepps Hall, 1838.
" Andrew Johnston and I are working like dragons at the slave trade
— a tiisk as interesting in its prosecution, and promising to be as impor-
tant in its results, as any that I ever had the honour to be engaged in.
I only wish that the number of the hours in each day were douhled, and
the number of minutes in every hour quadrupled."
TO JOHN JEREMIE, ESQ., IN CEYLON.
" Northrepps Hall, February i'7.
" My dear Jeremie, — I wonder that I have not written to you long ore
this, and especially that I have not answered your very welcome letter of
1838.] LETTER TO MR. JEREMIE. 365
the 14th of August last. But procrastination, always an insidious enemy,
makes foreign letters its especial prey. They may perhaps sail as soon, if
written next week, as if sent off to-day, and therefore are postponed;
and I have no lack of good excuses. Though perhaps I ought to be at
leisure, now that I am released from the harness of Parliament, I still
find every day more than supplied with its work. Your long letter I
have not now before me, as I left it with Dr. Lushington. He has
promised to read it attentively, although as usual overwhelmed with
business.
"My principal occupation is the consideration of the slave trade. I
am quite convinced we are all on a wrong tack about it, and that we
never shall do good, or at least effectual good, by pursuing only our pre-
sent plan. The scheme therefore that I am now meditating is, to
represent to all powers the immense field for commerce, which is closed
by the slave trade. When I am thoroughly master of the subject I shall
lay it before the Government.
" You will not doubt, my dear friend, that all you tell me about
yourself and your own state of mind is very interesting to me. I do in-
deed trust that you may more and more taste of the knowledge of that
which can, above all else, satisfy the mind and heart, and lead into the
way of peace. What I have learnt of this, has been at the price of
heavy sorrow ; but I can say it is worth its price, and it is my chief and
settled desire for myself, and all who arc most dear to me, that above all
prosperity, all knowledge, all success or honour, we may know and par-
take of the riches of Christianity. By this I do not merely mean
morality, even of the highest tone ; I mean the knowledge of Christ as a
Saviour, which knowledge brings the heart to humility, love, gratitude,
and all that is good, as well as all that is happy. I can desire nothing
better for you, my dear friend, than that you and yours may be led on
and taught the fulness of these things, of which we may all know more
and more ! "
TO A FRIEND, A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT.
" Northrepps Hall, February, 1838.
" I was much 'pleased with your warm invitation to St. Stephen's,
but you must, if you please, excuse me. In the first place, I have no
wish to come in till 1840, when I should like to see what you are after ;
and in the second, there is no constituency in the world that I should
dislike so much as that o*' Marylebone, as I have not even a morsel of Ra-
dicalism about me. I should, I confess, like to be in Parliament on the
6th of March, in order to state my opinion about Lord Glenelg.
Could I say that he wanted energy ? The delivery of the Caffres and
their territory from the hands of their enemies, was a measure which re-
366 SUBMITS HIS PLANS TO THE CABINET. [CHAP. xxvi.
quired as much good principle, as much steady determination, and as
much wise foresight, as any other in my memory. I ought to know
something of colonial secretaries, for I have worried each of them in
succession, for twenty years. I have a very high opinion of Sir George
Murray, Lord Goderich, Spring Rice, and Lord Aberdeen, and for
some of them I feel the most grateful affection ; but there is not one of
them who, in my estimation, has acted more conscientiously, or of whose
anxiety to do justice to negroes, Caffres, Hottentots, and Indians, I feel
more assurance than Lord Glenelg. Of course you will not consider me
as approving of the whole of his policy ; nevertheless, for the sake of
the weak and the oppressed, I earnestly hope that he may long con-
tinue colonial minister."
TO MISS GURNET, NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
" Hampstead, April 28.
" I can't say how mean I appear to myself for not having acknow-
ledged the paper on African commerce. Acknowledged it I have a
hundred times, but never in a letter to you. You do not know, nor did
I till two days ago, how important it is. I now find that either the ob-
servations, which I made in a conversation with Lord Palmerston some
time ago, or, which is much more likely to be the case, his own wit, has
led him to the same conclusion as my own, viz., that the slave-trade is
to be abolished by legitimate trade. If this be so, our commercial
speculations come just at the right time. They will exactly hit the
mark, and they will operate upon the Government at large; and I do
believe that your labours could not have been better employed. I am
more hard run than I used to be, even in Parliament."
Having come to London prepared with all his statistical de-
tails, he spent the spring, assisted by Mr. Johnston, in verifying
them by evidence of first-rate authority, both naval and mercan-
tile. When he had done this, he laid an epitome of his plans
before different members of the cabinet ; by several of whom a
disposition was evinced to investigate the subject further, and
he was requested to prepare his views in a more developed form
by the beginning of the recess. Accordingly, at the end of
May, he went to Leamington, where he was joined by Mr.
Scoble, an able and hearty fellow-labourer ; and by Mr. Mac
Queen, who was intimately acquainted with the geography and
productions of Africa, and who had some years before declared
his conviction, that the true way (o abolish the slave-trade would
1838.] INTERVIEW WITH MINISTERS. 3f-7
be to supplant it by lawful commerce. Aided by these gentle-
men, he devoted himself sedulously to the task, frequently work-
ing at it about twelve hours a day.
This ' Letter to Lord Melbourne' was intended exclusively
for the members of the Government, and, accordingly, but
twenty copies were printed.
" The book is fairly launched," he tells Mr. Johnston (who, when
the work was finished, had left him for Scotland), "and I am for the
present a gentleman of leisure, and begin to think vehemently about
Northrepps, Felthorpe, shooting, and such things ; and in a fortnight's
time I expect to be as much occupied in labours by day, and in dreams
by night, about rabbits and partridges, as I have been about negroes and
Fernando Po. Our plans are fixed, and I go to Poles on Thursday ; to
Earlham, Friday ; to Northrepps, by Felthorpe, Saturday ; and all sorts
of people are summoned to meet us at Northrepps on Monday.
" And now how does my little Andrew do? He's just the lad I
should like to see at this moment. My little Tommy chatters away
most fluently, and is exceedingly improved."
TO HIS SISTER, MISS S. M. BUXTOX, NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
" August 14.
" Now I must tell you a little about my adventures. Yesterday I saw
almost all the ministers, and almost all their secretaries ; and held the
same language with them all. " I have put my views in print, in order
to tempt you to read them. While Parliament is sitting I expert no-
thing of you, but, promise me this, that as soon as the recess begins, you
will read my book before you take up any other subject. Give me an
unequivocal yes or no ; and, if you say ' Yes,' act with vigour." I have
got a specific promise from each, that, without delay, they will read,
consider, and decide. I saw yesterday Lords Melbourne, Glenelg,
Palmerston, and Howick ; Hobhouse, Spring Rice, Grey, Stanley,
Wood, Porter, Ansori, Stephen. The last sent me word that he was
very busy, so our interview must be very short. I walked into his room,
put the book into his hand, and, without saying a word, walked out again.
He called out, ' What does this mean ? ' ' The shortest interview you
ever had with any body,' said I. ' Ah,' said he, ' the head is short
enough, but there's a terrible long tail to it.' * * * In short, I
was remarkably well pleased with my day's work. Got home near
twelve o'clock. The waves of the day too agitated for easy getting
to sleep."
368 OUTLINE OF HIS PLANS. [CHAP. xxvi.
TO J. J. GURNEY, ESQ.
"August 18.
" To begin with that which has chiefly occupied my attention for
many months past ; last November I started on a pilgrimage through all
the books and parliamentary documents connected with the slave trade.
I began from the very beginning, and, partly in person, still more by
deputy, I traversed the whole subject ; and such a scene of diabolism,
and such an excess of misery, as I had to survey, never, I am persuaded,
before fell to the lot of an unhappy investigator. Will you believe it,
the slave trade, though England has relinquished it, is now double what
it was when Wilberforce first began ; and its horrors not only aggravated
by the increase of the total, but in each particular case more intense than
they were in 1788 ? Will you believe it, again, that it requires at the
rate of a thousand human beings per diem, in order to satisfy its enor-
mous maw ? * * * How glad have I been to have escaped from the
turmoils of Parliament, and to have my mind and my time my own, that
I might bestow them without interruption on this vast mass of misery
and crime ! "
A sentence in this letter may give the false impression that
Mr. Wilberforce's exertions in putting down the slave trade had
proved a failure ; whereas his main attack was directed against
the British slave trade, and this had been effectually stopped.
That which Mr. Buxton attacked, and which, unhappily, still
exists, is the trade carried on by the Spanish, Portuguese, and
Brazilians.
The following is an outline of Mr. Buxton's plans, as sug-
gested in the first instance in the letter to Lord Melbourne, and
afterwards more fully detailed in the work called ' The Slave
Trade and its Remedy.'
The first part of these works was devoted to the examination of
the actual state of the slave trade ; and startling indeed were the
facts unfolded. Mr. Buxton demonstrated from official evidence,
that, at the very least, 150,000 negroes are annually imported
into Brazil and Cuba alone! He drew also from a vast number
of sources, a description of the horrors attendant on the trade,
which, lie says, " has made Africa one universal den of desolation,
misery, and crime." He showed what a waste of human life is
incurred in the seizure of the slaves for the merchant ; in the
hurried march through the desert to the coast, with scarce a
1838.] HORRORS OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 369
pittance of water, under the broiling sun; in the detention at the
ports, where hunger and misery carry off numberless wretches,
whose fate might yet be envied by the miserable beings that
survive. These, pressed down for weeks together between the
decks of tlie slave ship, have to endure torments which cannot be
described. Scarcely can the mind realise the horrors of that
dreadful charnel-house; the sea-sickness — the suffocation — the
terrible thirst — the living chained to the putrid dead — the filth
— the stench — the fury- of despair. Even after lauding, multi-
tudes more perish in what is called " the seasoning on the coast;"
and the remnant who have lived through all this misery, are then
sold to endure as slaves the abominable cruelties of Spanish and
Portuguese masters. He showed that, at the very least, two ne-
groes perish for every one who is sold into slavery. " In no
species of merchandise," he exclaims, " is there such waste of the
raw material, as in the merchandise of man. In what other trade
do two-thirds of the goods perish, in order that one-third may
reach the market?"
He recommended the adoption of two preliminary measures ;
— one, the concentration upon the coast of Africa of a more effi-
cient naval force ; the other, the formation of a chain of treaties
with the native chiefs of the interior. These two measures were
not brought forward as the remedy itself, but merely as clearing
the way for its operation.
" The real remedy, the true ransom for Africa, will be found,"
says Mr. Buxton, " in her fertile soil ; " and he drew up, from a
vast variety of authorities, an account of the boundless resources
which West Africa contains. He established the fact, first, that
gold, iron, and copper abound in many districts of the country ;
secondly, that vast regions are of the most fertile description, and
are capable of producing rice, wheat, hemp, indigo, coffee, &c.,
and, above all, the sugar-cane and cotton, in any quantities ;
while the forests contain every kind of timber — mahogany, ebony,
dye-woods, the oil-palm, &c. ; besides caoutchouc and other
gums. He also proved that the natives, so far from shunning
intercourse with us, have been in every case eager and impor-
tunate that we should settle among them.*
* As an indication of the care and labour bestowed in consulting autho-
rities, those may be enumerated, to whom reference is made, upon the single
2 B
870 FACILITIES FOR COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. [CHAP.XXVI.
While the capabilities of Africa are thus extensive, the
facilities for commercial intercourse are on the same scale. He
mentioned those afforded by the great rivers on the west coast of
Africa, especially the Niger, which had been explored by Lander
to the distance of 500 miles from the sea, and the Tchadda,
which runs into it; and he dwelt much on the singular fitness of
the situation of Fernando Po, as an emporium of commerce. He
emphatically declared his conviction, that Central Africa pos-
sesses within itself everything necessary for the growth of com-
merce ; and he proceeded to point out in confirmation of this
statement, that in certain spots on the west coast of Africa, where
some degree of security had been afforded, agriculture and com-
merce had as a consequence immediately sprung up and the
slave trade had withered away. He derived his facts from
authorities of the most varied and impartial description, in-
cluding extracts from the authors most conversant with Africa ;
from the writings of the governors of Sierra Leone, Fernando
Po, and the Gambia; from those of all the travellers who
had explored "Western Africa ; and from those of African
merchants, scientific men, and others, who had studied the sub-
ject at home.
" It was not," he says, " till after I had come to the conclusion that
all that was wanting for the deliverance of Africa was that agriculture,
commerce, and instruction should have a fair trial, that I discerned that
others had arrived by practical experience at the same result which
I had learnt from the facts, and from reasoning upon them ; and
I was very well pleased to renounce any little credit which might
attach to the discovery, in exchange for the solid encouragement and
satisfaction of finding that what with me was but theory, was with them
the fruit of experience."
"While he laid such stress upon the importance of protecting
and encouraging legitimate commerce in Africa, he enforced,
with equal earnestness, the necessity of raising the native cha-
item of cotton. They consist of Sir Fulk Grevell, Beaver, Dalrymple,
Col. Denham, Clapperton, Mungo Park, Ashnum, Lander, Laird, the
Rev. J. Pinney, the Rev. J. Seys, Mac Queen, De Caille', Dupuis, and
Robertson.
1838.] SPECIFIC SUGGESTIONS. 371
racter by imparting Christian instruction. " Let missionaries
and schoolmasters, the plough and the spade, go together." "It
is the Bible and the plough that must regenerate Africa ;" and
he gives details proving the powerful influence, moral and phy-
sical, which missions have exerted over the aborigines in differ-
ent parts of the world.
The following were some of the specific steps suggested by
him for turning the attention of the Africans from their trade
in men to the trade in merchandise — That the British Govern-
ment should increase the efficiency of the preventive squadron
on the coast — should purchase Fernando Po, as a kind of head-
quarters and mart of commerce — should give protection to pri-
vate enterprises — and should enter into treaty with the native
chiefs for the relinquishment of the slave-trade, for grants of
lands to be brought into cultivation, and for arrangements to
facilitate a legitimate trade.
He proposed that an expedition should be sent up the
Niger for the purpose of setting on foot the preliminary ar-
rangements in Africa for the agricultural, commercial, and
missionary settlements ; of entering into treaties with the na-
tive chiefs ; of convincing the negroes of the uprightness of
our intentions ; and of ascertaining the state of the country
along that vast tract of land, which is traversed by the river
Niger.
A company was also to be formed, by private individuals, for
the introduction of agriculture and commerce into Africa. This
was to be effected by sending out qualified agents to form settle-
ments in favourable situations ; to establish model farms ; to set
up factories, well stored with British goods, and thus to sow the
first seeds of commerce ; and, in short, to adopt those means
which have been elsewhere effectual in promoting trade and the
cultivation of the soil. He admitted entirely that this company
must not expect speedy returns, although he strongly maintained
the reasonable prospect of eventual profit.
Upon private individuals, also, would devolve the responsi-
bility of co-operating with the religious societies in sending
out a strong force of those upon whom he especially de-
pended for the deliverance of Africa, missionaries and native
teachers.
2 B2
.•372 IMPORTANCE OF NATIVE AGENCY. [CHAP. xxvi.
He dwelt much upon the importance of making use of native
agency for this purpose.
" The climate of Africa," he writes to the Rev. Hugh S towel 1,
" presents an obstacle to European agents being employed in the work
to any extent, and we must look to the natives themselves to be the
agents in this great enterprise. This is no new scheme, for you will
observe that it has been tried in various quarters of the globe with
considerable success, and various denominations of Christians are follow-
ing out the plan, with zeal and perseverance, in India and Africa."
1838.] COMMUNICATIONS WITH GOVERNMENT. :j73
CHAPTER XXVII.
1838, 1839.
Communications with Government, and with Private Individuals — African
Civilization Society — Preparation of ' The Slave Trade and its Remedy '
for Publication — Departure for Italy.
MR. BUXTON watched with great anxiety the effect that might
be produced on the ministers by the statements thus laboriously
prepared. In the beginning of September he was summoned to
town by Lord Glenelg; he writes thence —
TO ANDREW JOHNSTON, ESQ.
" Colonial Office, Sept. 5, 1838.
" Lord Glenelg sent me word on Monday that he wanted an hour's
conversation with me. With the ardour natural to authors, I con-
strued this into a slave-trade conference, the acquiescence of the Govern-
ment in my plan, and Africa almost delivered. I have now been
•waiting till half of my hour has elapsed, so I am getting fidgetty and
fearful that my dreams will not be realised. However, I believe that a
good Providence has undertaken the management of this business, and
therefore I will not be troubled.
" Near five o'clock. Thank God ! I say it with all my heart, thank
God ! the Government, says Lord Glenelg, are deeply interested by
my book. Melbourne writes to him strongly about it. The cabinet
meet on Friday on the subject. Glenelg says they accede to all I have
said as to previous failures. They think I have greatly underrated the
extent, and still more the mortality. In short, he was convinced, to
my heart's content. I have since seen Lushington ; he is delighted
with the book ; accedes to it with all his heart. In short, a happy
day."
" I am highly pleased," he writes home, " and very, very
thankful, and feel very keenly — what am I that this mercy should
be heaped upon me ?"
374 COMMUNICATIONS WITH GOVERNMENT. [CHAP. xxvn.
TO JOSEPH J. GURNEY, ESQ.
" Northrepps, Dec. 7.
" Within the last month, I have been to town, and have had many
interviews with members of the cabinet, and I find that my book has
made a deeper impression upon them than I had ventured to hope
for. They all admit that the facts are placed beyond all dispute.
They tell me that they want no further evidence whatsoever of the ex-
tent and horrors of the trade ; and they admit, in very strong terms,
that they are converts to the views which I have developed. In short,
the subject now under consideration is, how they shall act ? I have
been embodying my views in nine propositions, and have stated seri-
atim the steps they ought to take, and the order in which they should
be taken. I expect that this slave-trade question will find me in em-
ployment for the rest of my days, and my hope is that you and I may
work together in it for many years to come. I am not so sanguine as
to expect that so vast a work will be rapidly executed. Our favourite
text is, ' not by might nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord.'
" Now for a little domestic news. Everything is going on smoothly
with us. * * * I am in fair health, in excellent spirits, and with
causes for thankfulness, turn which way I will. * * * The Cottage
ladies are much as usual in health. It is a vast pleasure to have their
cordial co-operation and assistance in all my objects. The Book goes
by my name, but in truth it is the production of us all.
" You will be interested to hear that we have at length got a Bible
Society at Holt. Finding it in vain to wait for the co-operation of the
clergy, we determined to act without them. I took the chair, and I
hardly was ever present at so satisfactory a meeting. The ladies are
active, they have already got ten districts, though the society is only in
its infancy."
The Government had acceded to his theory, it now remained
to be seen whether they would adopt his practical suggestions.
He writes from London —
" I was ushered into the presence of Lord Glenelg, muttering to my-
self, ' O Cod, give me good speed this day !'***! soon found
that my nine propositions had worked admirably. They were formally
discussed in the Cabinet. Glenelg intimated that the Ministers were
unanimous, and that they had resolved, with some modifications, to act
upon them. I was told that Lord — — said it was the boldest con-
ception that had been struck out in our days. * * * I am now
going to Upton to dinner. God grant I may hear good accounts from
1839.] LINES BY MRS. OPIE. 375
Northrcpps, and then I shall be lull of gladness of heart. Is not my
news delightful ?
" I did not sleep well," he tells Mr. Johnston ; " who could expect
it, after such a day ; after finding that it was intended to realise my
most intense desire ? I was also delighted at learning at the Colonial
Office, that the Kat River Hottentots, Caffres, West Indian negroes,
are all doing beautifully."
The result of these interviews was a request on the part of
Government that he should enlarge and publish his work to
arouse the public mind, but it was desired that the practical sug-
gestions should be kept back till they had more fully determined
on their course. The resignation, shortly afterwards, of Lord
Glenelg, was deeply regretted by Mr. Buxton. Lord Normanby,
however, adopted the views of his predecessor, and the whole
Cabinet appears to have considered the advantage which would
accrue to England, as well as to Africa, from the opening of so
vast a field of commercial speculation, as sufficiently important
to warrant their attempting to carry them into effect.
TO JOSEPH J. GURXEY, ESQ.
" March 5, 1839.
" Lord Glenelg's retirement from office is a very heavy blow, and if
it were not that I have all-sufficient proof that the great questions of
slavery and the slave trade are under the management of better than
human hands, I should be very uncomfortable indeed. Our friend Joseph
Sturge is somewhat restive about my slave trade views ; won't go along
with me. No matter ; he'll take his own line, and nevertheless the
truth is preached, and therein I will rejoice."
On the 1st of April he was much pleased by receiving the fol-
lowing lines from his valued friend, Mrs. Opie.
TO THOMAS FOWELL BUXTOX, ESQ., ON HIS BIRTHDAY.
1st of 4th mo., 1839.
I saw the dawn iu brightness break,
That ushered in thy natal day,
And bade my humble lyre awake,
To breathe to thee our votive lay.
Too soon such hopes away were driven,
But, while I sat in mute despair,
I felt a dearer power was given,
And breathed a holier tribute — PRAYER.
376 LETTER TO THE REV. J. M. TREW. [CHAP. xxvn.
And lo ! from forth my inmost heart,
For thee did solemn prayers ascend,
Prayers, such as voice could ne'er impart,
Arose for Mercy's child, and Afric's frieud !
I wish'd thee years of vigorous health,
Thy Christian labours to pursue :
I wish'd thee still increasing wealth,
To do the good thou fain would'st do.
I wish'd, alas ! what ne'er may be,
That ere thou reach thy well-earn'd rest,
Thou inay'st behold thy Afric free,
And know her myriads call thee blest.
And, Oh ! I wish thy toils this nobler meed,
To thee more dear than aught of earthly fame,
May Afric's sons from heathen darkness freed,
Be taught to know and bless the SAVIOUR'S name I
TO EDWARD N. BUXTOtf, ESQ.
" Northrepps Hall, April 12.
" I am hard at work upon my second volume, but the present subject,
namely, the mode of delivering Africa, requires a vast deal deeper
thought than the mere detail of enormities. I earnestly hope that I
shall be kept by a good Providence from falling into any gross errors.
I am sure I have very little reliance on my own knowledge or wisdom
in such abstruse. considerations. But we must hope to be guided by a
better than human wisdom, and defended by something stronger than
the human arm."
TO THE REV. J. M. TREW.
" Northrepps Hall, April.
" I am amused by the generous indignation expressed by yourself and
Stokes, as to the attack made upon me in the ' Emancipator.' I cannot,
however, say that it provoked me in the slightest degree. I know that
a little unfair censure is part of the bargain in any great work, and, for
my part, abused as I have been, I must confess that in summing up the
two accounts, of unmerited blame and unmerited commendation, I find
that the balance is on the side of the latter.
" It would have been utterly at variance with all my notions to have
given it an answer. Silent disregard is the severest and most justifiable
species of revenge.
"But now for business: I am strongly of opinion with yon, that the
time is come for doing something more with respect to the agents, with
1839.] NATIVE SCHOOLMASTERS. 377
whom the West Indies will supply us. I am entirely engaged with my
second volume, and with digesting the details of the general plan ; so I
must beg you to turn your attention to a new address to the missionaries
and schoolmasters in the West. Will you do this ? In any other case
I should apologise for throwing a burden off my own shoulders on to
yours ; but I have come to a very convenient compromise with my con-
science, viz., that in the great cause of African deliverance I have a
right to the energetic services of every one who feels as I do ; and
hence no scruple is admissible as to giving trouble. Upon this principle
I slave all my family, and not a few of my neighbours.
" I send you Miller's letter from Antigua, telling me that he has
already ten good Christian Blacks ready to be located on the Niger."
TO THE SAME.
" I am more and more impressed with the importance of normal
schools. It is not only that there will be a great demand for school-
masters in the WTest Indies, but I have a strong confidence that Africa
will, ere long, be opened to commerce, civilization, and Christianity;
4nd then there will be need, indeed, of educated and religious black
^/schoolmasters. The idea of compensation to Africa, through the means
of the West Indies, is a great favourite with me ; and I think we shall
see the day when we shall be called to pour a flood of light and truth
upon miserable Africa. Pray, therefore, bear in mind, that we ought
to do a great deal as to normal schools."
TO MRS. JOHNSTON.
"April 26.
" Somehow or other I am in rather a low key about Africa. It does
not seem much regarded. The world is busy about something else.
But this is all nonsense, I have nothing to do with that part of the
story ; my business is to get my second volume out, and my plan
arranged, and then it will be lodged in better hands than ours, so I do
not mean to mope about the matter."
TO MISS GURNEY AND MISS BUXTON, AT NORTHREPPS COTTAGE.
" Spitalfields, June 10.
" My dear Ladies, — I have received your magnificent packet to-day,
and mean to read it with the party to-night. When shall I have
Mr. Richards' commencement ? I spent yesterday at Poles, and very
much enjoyed myself, spending hours in the wood. 'Then are they
because they be quiet.' If we do meet at Rome this winter, we
378 PRELIMINARY MEETING. [CHAP, xxvii.
will enjoy ourselves. ' We'll never do nothing whatever on earth,' and
if that is not pleasure, what is ? I am sick of turmoiling."
TO MR. AND MRS. JOHNSTON, ON TAKING UP THEIR RESIDENCE AT
HALESWORTH.
" Upton, June 28.
" In the first place, let me utter that which has settled down upon
my mind for some days, namely, a hearty desire that blessings of all
sorts, and the best of their kind, may be poured down upon your Hales-
worth habitation, and that you may all of you flourish in health and
wealth, cheerfulness and popularity, in neighbours, friends, and dearest
relatives, and in a wide and deep stream of that water, ' which springeth
up unto eternal life !'
" Yesterday I was whipt off to a meeting in the City, on the subject
of Bethnal Green, and had to tell the Bishop of London that I was
ready to join Methodists, or Baptists, or Quakers, or any honest body,
in spreading Christianity in Bethnal Green ; but he took it very
kindly."
Mr. Buxton spent some months in the neighbourhood of Lon-
don ; incessantly engaged both in communications with the
Government, and in endeavouring, with great success, to excite
the interest and obtain the co-operation of many of his friends.
In this as in previous undertakings he acted in complete concert
with Dr. Lushington, with whom every plan was carefully dis-
cussed, and who bore his full share of the burden. At Dr.
Lushington's house was held a preliminary meeting of a few
select friends, before whom Mr. Buxton wished in the first
instance to lay his views.*
* The following was the memorandum prepared by him for this meeting:
"April, 1839.
" The principle has been sufficiently explained : — It is the deliverance of
Africa, by calling forth her own resources.
" In order to do this we must : — 1. Impede the traffic ; 2. Establish com-
merce ; 3. Teach cultivation ; 4. Impart education.
" To accomplish the first object we must increase and concentrate our
squadron, and make treaties with coast and inland chiefs.
" To accomplish the second, we must settle factories and send out trading
ships.
"To accomplish the third, we must obtain by treaty lands for cultivation,
and set on foot a company.
" To accomplish the fourth, we must revive African institutions : look
out for Black agents, &c.
" What then is actually to be done now by Government? Increase the
1839.] CLIMATE OF AFRICA. 379
He writes —
•• We have had a highly satisfactory meeting. I felt that I had my
case well up, and was troubled by no worrying doubts. Every one
expressed that they were perfectly satisfied upon every point. Lord
Ashley was very hearty indeed.
" The line I took about the climate of Africa was this : I stated that
my plan was, to employ only a few Europeans, and to depend chiefly
on the people of colour. I said at once, that I gave up all the mouths
of the rivers, and all the swampy ground, and looked only to the high
ground at the foot of the Kong Mountains ; that I would not pledge
myself to the healthiness even of that part, but that I expected that
it would prove very different from the general notions of African
climate."
This occasion is thus referred to by the Rev. J. M. Trew : —
"The first 'meeting (preparatory to the formation of the African
Civilization Society), which was strictly private, and at which Mr.
Buxton made known his plans for prosecuting that great work, was
attended by about twenty noblemen and gentlemen. I never shall for-
get his calm and dignified composure upon that occasion. Before he
enunciated a syllable, he seemed to feel as if the destinies of Africa
were suspended upon the events of that memorable day. I could not
but lift up my heart in silent prayer, that the blessing of the most High
God might rest upon his undertaking. And sure I am, that such was
the frame of mind in which he ventured upon his work ; so humble was
he in his address, showing such ready deference to his friends, such
touching sympathy for the objects of his solicitude, so alive to the im-
portance of wisdom in his deliberation, and "prudence in his plans.
Meeting after meeting, private conferences with his more immediate
advisers, and public committees of men of all parties in politics, and
opposite opinions in religion, only tended to show how eminently
calculated he was for uniting men together on the great platform ot
benevolence.
" Nor was it only towards his superiors and equals in rank and station
that this truly Christian spirit was evinced. All who laboured with
him, from the highest to the lowest, could not fail to love him. How
often, when worn with toil, and pressed, beyond the powers of his natu-
squadron ; obtain Fernando Po ; prepare and instruct embassies (or autho-
rize governors) to form treaties ; including prevention of slave traffic ;
arrangements for trade ; grants of land. By us ; form a trading company ;
revive the African Institution."
380 FIRST MEETING OF THE SOCIETY. [CHAP. xxvn.
rally vigorous frame, with the weight of his labours, he has come to
town, and visited, as was his custom, almost immediately afterwards the
African Office ; notwithstanding that such visits were usually the pre-
cursors of enlarged activity, yet there was not a servant in that employ-
ment who, during the period of their most arduous toils, did not feel his
kindness, and gather from his beautiful example fresh motives to patient
and enduring activity. Hence, a commission to execute, a paper to
copy, or a mission to engage in. for Sir Fowell, was undertaken with an
alacrity which could not fail to manifest their respect and affection for
his character. All loved him, honoured him, and hence strove to please
him, with an earnestness which is too seldom to be found in the business
of life. And when he came amongst them with a brow clouded with
care, or internally perhaps labouring under some recent discovery
whereby his great scheme of benevolence was retarded, there was not
one amongst the paid servants of the office over which he presided who
did not sympathise with him. There was indeed a calmness and a
composure in his spirit in his great trials which rendered him an object
of peculiar interest in public life. The mind, whilst it seemed as it
were so wrapped up in its own contemplations, had not one complaining
reflection, as if this or the other course would have been a more suc-
cessful one. The bitter and cruel reproaches of some portion of the
public press in no way affected him. It was evident that he held a
principle within himself upon which to fall back ; and, thus staying
himself upon the Lord his God, he was enabled to possess his soul in
patience, and to rest assured that, in every event, God's Providence
would finally work for good to the cause of suffering humanity."
The first meeting of the Society for the Extinction of the
Slave Trade and the Civilization of Africa was held at the end
of July : it proved highly satisfactory. The Bishop of London,
Lord Ashley, Sir Robert Inglis, Sir Thomas Acland, and other
influential individuals, took an active part. Considerable funds
were raised, and, " in short," Mr. Buxton writes to Mr. Trew,
" It was a glorious meeting, quite an epitome of the state. Whig,
Tory, and Radical ; Dissenter, Low Church, High Church, tip-top
High Church, or Oxfordism, all united. I was unwell, and made a
wretched hand of my exposition, but good men and true came to my
assistance, and supplied my deficiencies, and no one better than the
Bishop of London.
" We determined to form two associations, perfectly distinct from
each other, but having one common object in view, the putting an end
to the slave-trade. One of these associations to be of an exclusively
1839.] DEATH OF HIS YOUNGER SISTER. 381
philanthropic character, and designed mainly to diffuse among the
African tribes the light of Christianity, and the blessings of civiliza-
tion and free labour ; the other to have a commercial character, and
to unite with the above objects the pursuit of private enterprise and
profit."
A few days afterwards Lord Normanby announced to a de-
putation, consisting, amongst others, of the Bishop of London,
Lords Euston, Worsley, and Teignmouth, Sir T. D. Acland,
Sir R. H. Inglis, and Dr. Lushington, that the Government had
come to the conclusion to send a frigate and two steamers to
explore the Niger, and if possible to set on foot commercial
relations with the tribes on its banks. Sir Edward Parry, the
Comptroller of Steam Machinery, was appointed to prepare these
vessels, and thus began the Niger Expedition.
The gratification which this success gave Mr. Buxton was
soon clouded by private sorrows. His much-loved sister, Sarah
Maria Buxton, of Northrepps Cottage, died very suddenly at
Clifton, on the 18th of August, 1839. This sister, whose
brightness and activity of mind triumphed over the infirmity of
very feeble health, was ardently devoted to her brother, and took
the liveliest interest in his undertakings. He deeply lamented
her loss, which he said was the loss of a friend, no less than of
a sister. He thus mentions the event, in a letter to Mr. Joseph
J. Gurney : —
" It is a vast void to us ; she was part of our daily existence ; her
affection towards me was surpassing the love of women. However, there
is exceeding comfort in the reflection that her battle is fought, her pains
endured, her labours completed, and that henceforth a crown of glory is
provided for her from her bounteous Lord."
TO THE REV. JOSIAH PRATT.
" Northrepps Hall, Aug. 26.
" I was absent from home when your letter arrived. A very severe
family loss, the death of my sister, rendered it impossible to write on the
day of my return. * * * I was very glad to receive your letter agreeing
to join the African Society, for my impressions and anxieties with regard
to Africa, and my desire for the spread of the Gospel, was planted in my
mind in Wheeler Street Chapel, and this has led me particularly to desire
to have you as a coadjutor in our present enterprise. I feel deep gratitude
382 CIVILIZATION SOCIETY. [CHAP. xxvn.
to you, little as I show it, for the stream of strong Christian truth which
you poured upon my mind and my wife's, when we were first entering
upon life.
" In looking at a great subject, every one has his favourite point of
view. None takes such hold of me, as the conception of the possibility,
with God's help, of pouring a stream of true light into Africa."
"tO JOSEPH J. GURNEY, ESQ.
" Northrepps, Sept.
" While I was in London, we had heavy work to perform. The expe-
dition which we have been urging upon Government, for the purpose of
making amicable treaties with the natives up the Niger for the suppres-
sion of the vile traffic, and for trying the effect of agricultural cultivation,
is to sail in November. We had also to select five commissioners, whom
we propose to send out ; and it is not very easy to find persons, possess-
ing at once nautical skill, and missionary spirit, habits of command,
agricultural knowledge, and a deep interest in the negro race. WTe have,
however, found them.
" Again, we want black persons from all conceivable situations, from
the highest to the lowest, in our African colony, — and every one ought
to be a real Christian ; but a good Providence has prepared these in the
West Indies and at Sierra Leone.
" Again, we want a combination of all sects and all parties in England,
without going to the public ; this has been managed. The Bishop of
London and S. Gurney, Wesleyans, Baptists, &c., sail along very quietly
together. The persons present at our first private meeting, will show
that politics do not obtrude themselves. It consisted of Whigs: Lush-
ington, W. Evans, Buxton; — Tories: Lord Ashley, Sir R. Inglis,
Gladstone. Since that time we have vastly increased. We have
obtained plenty of high names, a great deal of money, and a working
committee of the right sort. In short, our prospects are encouraging :
but I should not say so if I did not perceive, even more manifestly than
in the slavery question, that we have ONE, INVISIBLE but IRRESISTIBLE,
who takes care of us.
" Ever yours, my dear Joseph, in the threefold cord of taste, affection.
and religion, if I may presume to include the last,
" T. FOWELL BUXTON."
To an offer from his nephew, Mr. "W. E. Forster, to assist in
the undertaking in any way his uncle might please, whether in
England or Africa, he replies —
1839.] DEPARTURE FOR ROME. 383
"Oct. 18.
" I have shamefully delayed answering your letter, but I have been
incessantly engaged between a little shooting, which is a kind of duty,
and writing with my new secretary Wiseman.
" In the first place, is it with your parent's knowledge you ask these
questions9 I am resolved that I will not even benefit Africa at their
expense. Supposing them to approve, I answer your questions : — 1st.
I do think you qualified for serving the cause, in all essentials, remark-
ably well indeed. In fact, I think you, upon the whole, better qualified
than any one for the task. 2ndly. If there should be an agricultural
society, your paper on Eastern slave trade would obtain you the appoint-
ment without influence from me. Srdly. Judge for yourself whether
you can stand the charge of pocket philanthropy. I care not a straw for
the suspicion of nepotism. I have been too much abused in my day to
turn aside a step for vulgar censure. I will give you some strong verses
on that subject when I have time ; they may be useful to you. I am
sure that I shall be serving Africa in getting you into its service : that
is quite enough for my satisfaction."
It was at first hoped that the Niger expedition might have
been fitted out very speedily, but Sir Edward Parry found that
it was necessary for the Government to have ships built expressly
for the purpose. In the interval, therefore, Mr. Buxton had the
opportunity of following Mrs, Buxton to Rome, whither she had
gone, accompanied by her youngest son and daughter, for the
benefit of her health. But it was necessary for him before he
left England to prepare a complete edition of his work on l The
Slave Trade and its Remedy ;' the publication of which had
been delayed in order to afford the Government time to deliberate
on the plan.
TO MRS. BUXTOX, AT FLORENCE.
" Northrepps, Xov. 3.
" I have been working hard during the week, but yesterday we had
our hardest day. With the exception of a few minutes in the garden,
and a run to the Cottage, and dinner, I did not stop from breakfast till
past one o'clock at night ; and, what is more extraordinary, I had seven
capital secretaries at work, and many of them during the whole day.
We got on famously ; till then I had been very doubtful whether I
should not be obliged to stay a week longer."
384 DEPARTURE FOR ROME. [CHAP. xxvn.
TO MRS. JOHNSTON.
" London, Nov. 18.
" My book is finished ; there it lies in a bag ; a precious tug it has
been to get it done. I do not think I have worked so hard since I left
college ; day after day, from breakfast till two or three o'clock the next
morning, with the interval of only a short walk and meals. I quite
wonder at my capacity of exertion.
" The effect of this is, that I believe I shall not, when I start to-day,
have a single memorandum unattended to, and hardly a letter un-
written."
This exertion was of too severe a character. He writes from
Montreuil —
"Nov. 19.
" Since I left London I have spent four hours in sailing, some time
in meals, a few minutes in chat and reading, but my great business has
been sleeping, which I have effected with laudable energy."
1839.] JOURNEY THROUGH FRANCE AND ITALY. 385
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1839, 1840.
Journey through France and Italy — Mont Cenis in a Snow-storm — Rome
— Italian Field-sports — Boar-hunting — Shooting on the Numician
Lake — Adventure with Robbers — The Jesuits — St. Peter's and the
Vatican — Prisons and Hospitals of Rome.
DURING the winter which Mr. Buxton spent abroad, he became,
what he had never been before, a good correspondent on miscel-
laneous subjects. We shall give some copious extracts from his
letters, which are written in a style of playfulness very natural to
him when relieved from the pressure of business. Accompanied
by Miss Gurney of Northrepps Cottage, and his second son, he
travelled quickly through France, and crossed over to Italy by
Mont Cenis : —
" Poste Royale, Mont Cenis, Nine o'clock, Nov. 30, 1839.
" For our journey from Lyons to Chambery, and from Chambery to
Lanslebourg, I refer you to Fo well's journal, only stating that we were
in the carriage, and moving, at a quarter before four in the morning, and
out of the carriage at twelve o'clock at night. The last two stages were
rather awkward ones to pass in the dark, as we had a continued succes-
sion of precipices on one side of the road : on one occasion, on seeing a
light straight down, an immense way below us, A said, ' There is
a star, only in the wrong direction.'
" At Lanslebourg we heard accounts of the roads being very difficult,
but still passable and safe ; so we gave them their own time and started
this morning at half-past nine, with eight horses to our carriage, two to
our cart carrying our luggage, and thirteen attendants to bear up the
carriage, in case of difficulty from the snow. Things w ent smooth enough
till about one o'clock in the day, when we encountered a ' tourmente,'
as they call it, and, at the same moment, several carts coming from Italy
loaded with casks of wine. It was difficult enough to keep the carriage
up when we had all the road to ourselves (for it was snowing so fast that
we could scarcely see), but when, in addition to all this, we had to break
out of the way to make room for these caravans, it was by no means
2 c
386 MOUNT CENIS IN A SNOW-STORM. [CHAP, xxvin.
agreeable. Our soundings of the snow, I should tell you, had not been
very flattering ; we had, first, a foot deep ; after some time, two feet and
a half, four feet, five feet; and between five and six feet of snow on the
level was the encouraging report just before we met the wine-carts.
Well, at this pass, just upon the verge of the top of the mountain, the
snow falling, the wind howling, we had this encounter with the cara-
vans; and, first, there was a war of words between the leader of their
train and the Mattre de Poste of Lanslebourg, who had volunteered to
conduct our expedition. Words ran to the highest pitch and the shrillest
tones, and the most vehement and menacing action seemed to threaten a
charge, in which the enemy had the safe 'side, and we the precipice ; but, at
length, an amicable compact was made between the belligerents, by which
the whole force of both parties was employed in hoisting their carts fur-
ther into the snow on their side. All this, however, had consumed some
time, the tornado had then passed, but the accumulation of snow which
it had occasioned remained, and here we had our greatest chance of an
overturn, but not over the precipice, which was a great way off (full
seven feet). Over we must have gone, again and again, if it had not
been for our little army, half of whom were on one side pulling the car-
riage towards them ; the rest on the other side holding it up. Spink *
tells me, that at times the hind-wheel was nearly a foot from the top of
the snow.
" We had just got through this difficulty, when the men cried out,
'There's a wolf;' and sure enough there sat the beast ! This was an
almost irresistible bait for us ; my gun was loaded after a time (for we
had some difficulty in finding the things), but then I recollected that a
pretty thing it would be to leave A under such circumstances,
and go a wolf hunting ; so, with a sigh, I was obliged to commit the
task to one of our guides, who is a chasseur by profession. He, from
ignorance of our guns, got the locks wet and missed fire, and away went
the wolf.
" In comes the Maitre de Poste, and tells us that it is in vain to at-
tempt to descend this night. So here we are perched in a little bit of
an inn at the top of Mont Cenis ; the night very quiet but hazy, which
is a bad business, for last night they killed three foxes, and we might
have had famous sport at them to-night ; three chasseurs are employed
to watch them and give me notice; but, with submission to them, I now
conclude my letter and go to bed, only just saying, that though we are
on the top of the Alps, we are very comfortable and warm, thanks to
roaring fires, admirable trout from a tarn which is close below us, and
* Miss Guruey's coachman.
1839.] ARRIVAL AT ROME. 387
double windows. * * * I have just put my nose out, and it is snowing
furiously ; we have no great taste for a month here with nothing to eat
but foxes, but, nevertheless, we are very cheery."
" Turin, Dec. 2, Five o'clock.
" Well, I must just finish my letter. We passed a quiet night, and
found in the morning that a good deal of snow had fallen, but that the
weather was bright, frosty, and calm ; the last being the question of im-
portance. We did not start early, as our guides begged permission to
go to mass first, from which they did not return till nine o'clock. Then
we started in a sledge. We called at the monastery, and left some-
thing for the poor, and saw the only remnant, as it is supposed, of the
ibex, a race of goats. The appearance of the tops of the mountains,
gloriously gilded by the sun, was as beautiful as it was strange : we en-
joyed it much. We saw on the road several carriages which had
been left, and one which had been overturned. It took us between six
and seven hours to sledge down to Susa ; it was a pleasant mode of con-
veyance. The little waterfalls, — the water, as it seemed, turned into
dust, and glittering in the sun ; a little rainbow about six feet span,
between us and the rock, only a yard distant ; the view of the valley,
reckoned, and no doubt justly, one of the finest in the Alps ; all these
united made our journ«y a delightful contrast to that of the preceding
day."
The party reached Rome about the 12th December. Mr.
Buxton thus writes on the 17th : —
" The weather here is delightful ; I am now sitting opposite a large
window on the shady side of the street, wide open, and it is warmer
than any day in England last summer. We hear grand accounts of wild
boars and woodcocks. I went to the Capitol yesterday morning, I am
old, have never cultivated the fine arts, and all romance has been thumped
out of me. One might as well expect to see a hackney coach-horse
frisking about like a colt as to see me in ecstacies and raptures with
antiquities and classical recollections. However, I was greatly taken
with the view of the whole of Rome. There we saw before us, gathered
in a very small space, the city so famous for everything : — at one time,
the mistress of the world in arms ; at another period, the ruler of na-
tions by the fiat of the Vatican ; and, again, the great nursery and school
of the arts. You cannot conceive how all the objects of interest are
clustered together close around you. Right beneath you, the yellow
Tiber ; within gun-shot, as it appears, the palace of the Caesars : but I
will not go on describing, or, in spite of myself, I shall grow quite ro-
mantic. But one thing did strike me more than all. In a little narrow
2 c 2
388 BULL AGAINST THE SLAVE-TRADE. [CHAP, xxvnr.
dark cell, undoubtedly a Roman dungeon, there is a well-grounded
tradition that St. Paul was confined immediately prior to his martyrdom.
What a leaf is this in the history of man ! In that palace lived the
proud and cruel Caesar, dreaming of immortal reputation. He is almost
forgotten ; while,' the prisoner, who lay in the dungeon loaded with
chains, despised and detested, is still remembered. We daily read his
works, and ten thousand copies of the history of his life are published
every day !
" To-day I visited the Coliseum, the Flavian Amphitheatre. It won-
derfully revives and brings to life their ancient spectacles, — it is im-
mense ; one can quite understand that a hundred thousand people could
have a perfect view of the whole spectacle. The building in its sub-
stantial parts is perfect. What an enlightened people to be capable of
erecting such an edifice ; and what a set of ruthless savages to take de-
light in seeing poor captives there slaughtering each other, or torn to
pieces by wild beasts ! I have been interested beyond what I could
have conceived possible by these two spectacles, and quite vexed that I
bring with me so slender a stock of classical lore.
" But now for business. I was more gratified than you could guess
at hearing of your Spitalfields' school ; that is better than Laocoons and
Ampitheatres. I will subscribe what you ask with pleasure, and ten
times more when you tell me it is wanted. »
"An officer of justice called here this morning with a huge paper in
columns, in which 1 was to describe myself in all possible ways, and
concluding with the question, Why did I come to Rome? I desired
Richards to insert, under this head, this —
' If the truth I must tell, I came here in the hope
Of .curing my wife and converting the Pope.'
Rut I find that the Pope wants no conversion : he has issued a few
days ago a capital bull, hurling the Vatican thunders in excellent
style on the heads of all dealers in human flesh. The Portuguese
minister here is in a fine fury, but the Pope, having got into the scrape,
excuses himself from the charge of being actuated by the English,
by employing the Propaganda Society to send his bull to all the
bishops and ecclesiastical authorities in Cuba, Brazil, &c. I am
mightily pleased with this affair. Pray tell it to the Committee when
they meet.
" Pleased as I am with the conduct of his Holiness, I am still more
pleased that the steamers are ordered, and to be built, too, under the di-
rection of Sir Edward Parry ; this is working to some purpose. Dearest
. 's letter describing the Sunday at their new home was cheering
and charming ; my love to her arid to all who formed that sunshiny pic-
18.39.] WILD-BOAR HUNTING. 389
ture. I have thought more than once, more than twenty times, that
' Godliness with contentment is great gain.' "
" Rome, 44, Via dei Condotti, Dec. 24.
" The time for wild boars is not fully arrived, thougli there were five
in the market this morning. You must know that my chief duty here
is to escort young ladies to parties, as my wife cannot go ; so I have
become more fashionable and dandy-like than I have been for the last
forty years. On Thursday last, in the performance of this duty, I met
Mr. Wyvill, an old M.P. friend, who told me he was going to hunt the
boar, and invited me to join them, which of course I did. Conceive us,
then, starting before daylight, Fowell and I inside, and Spink on the
box, with three other carriages full, distance about thirty miles, a road
good for the first ten, for the next twenty super-execrable ; with blocks
of granite placed on it by the Romans, and never mended since the days
of Julius Caesar. The journey would have shattered our own carriage
to pieces, killed our horses, and broken the heart of the coachman.
However, we all arrived about sunset ; we brought a sumptuous entertain-
ment with us, and were lodged in the house of a priest, which was clean
and comfortable. On our road we passed the beautiful lake and castle
of Bracciano, which now belongs to Torlonia, the great Jewish banker
at Rome. At five next morning we breakfasted, and immediately
mounted a herd of various quadrupeds. Mine was a most raw-boned,
lazy, stumbling horse, and my right hand suffered much by the effort to
get him along ; but after a while, seeing that Spink had a sprightly jackass,
I changed with him and got on gloriously. Seven miles of rock and
quagmire, and stumps of trees, brought us to our hunting-ground, where
we saw congregated our native ' Compagnons de chasse.' The leader
was Velati, the Roman painter, and a fine fellow. He put us in our
places, after first marching us over a fine wooded mountain. This made
me reeking hot : but I was soon well cooled, for I was located in a dank
sunless valley, the steam from which soon rusted my barrels, and made
Spink's hands die away. There I stood for an hour and a half with
my rifle in my hand. Spink said to me, ' They tell me these beasts
fly out upon you,' and forthwith he produced a case of pistols, but he
had no opportunity this time of using them. By sound of bugle we
were ordered over the next hill, and such a scene opened upon us ! I never
saw such a combination of the sublime and the lovely. Our next
station was on a jutting rock high up the mountain, the sun in full
power, and as hot as with us in July ; a valley below us, a high hill
(the Monte Sacro) opposite; we ourselves surrounded with myrtle,
wild lavender, and arbutus loaded with fruit ; and all below and op-
posite, the same splendid foliage. In the distance, Soracte, as Horace
says —
390 SHOOTING IN THE NUMICIAN LAKE. [CHAP. XXTITI.
' Vides ut alt! stet nive candidum,
Soracte,'
and to the right the blue Mediterranean.
" The assemblage of the boar-hunt at luncheon was most curious ;
forty dogs of every degree, from the turnspit to the wolf-hound, upwards
of seventy native chasseurs with guns in their hands, clad in skins, —
and fame is a lying vixen if they do not at odd times do a little in the
bandit line ; but here we were upon honour. Two foxes, two deer,
and six boars were the product of the excursion. I have wild boar
enough to stock a butcher's shop ; one of the boars was the biggest that
has been killed for eight years, weighing 400lbs. I have the tusks
of the second, which are awkward weapons. You will want to know
what F. and I did ; but I am as modest in relation as valiant in deeds
of arms, and so I only say that each of us did as much as any gen-
tleman of the party. We started for home by moonlight, my donkey
had been usurped, and I bestrode another of no generous breed ;
go he would not, and we were left hehind. Again I changed with
Spink, to whom Fortune had given a capital horse, and I soon joined
and headed our party. Well was it we regained the party, or we should
assuredly have slept in the open field or in the cave of a bandit ; for after
a time I was seized with a furious cramp, and had to be hauled oft' my
horse, and this delayed us half an hour."
" Dec. 25.
" Last night I finished the history of our excursion against the boars
on Monte Sacro. I am now going to tell you of another district famous
in classic lore. On Monday, Prince Borghese Aldobrandini, the Duke
Roviero, Aubin, Richards, Charles and I, two dogs and a chasseur,
started precisely at 4 A.M. for Ostia, the very spot where ^Eneas pitched
his camp, so if you wish to have a description of it you may turn to
Virgil. We travelled about fifteen miles along a very decent road, the
Tiber almost always close beside us. At length we came to a lake,
' fontis vada sacra Numici,' on which, excepting Richards, we all em-
barked, each having a boat, and started in exact line up the lake, which
was covered with wild fowl. I think we must have seen at one time at
least a thousand upon the wing together. We had to sit in the boats
and fire as they came by. The two boats that went near the reeds had
plenty of sport, but as I was in the middle, and had but one gun, I did
not get many shots, and the position being awkward, and the distances
very long, I was not exceedingly destructive. We got, however,
upwards of seventy head, and it was something to be shooting wild fowl
within sight of the grove of pines recorded by Virgil, and on the very
spot where Nisus and Euryalus perished. 1'ray rrad the story in
Virgil, Book IX., and in Dry den, for the benefit of the ladies. The
1839.] ST. PETER'S. 391
most curious part of the affair was the test it afforded of the climate.
On the 23rd of December I started on the lake in a wet boat, before
sunrise, without anything on but my September shooting clothes, and
there I sat till 3 o'clock in the afternoon without moving, no glove on
my right hand, and my feet in damp hay ; a heavy fog prevailed during
part of the morning, and we were often enveloped in thick reeds ; but
during the whole time I had not a sensation of cold, and only suffered
from the bite of musquitoes.
" But now I must turn to Richards, who went to explore the ruins of
Ostia. A discovery had lately been made there of a burial-place on the
Insula Sacra on the Tiber. As yet little has been done towards
robbing the tombs, so that he found a variety of interesting antiques,
sarcophagi, urns, inscriptions, &c. He brought us a perfect specimen
of a lamp, and we are resolved to go, en masse, and lay our sacrilegious
hands upon some of these treasures, and astonish the Antiquarian
Society by the extent and novelty of our discoveries. To-day I have
been, for the first time, at St. Peter's, and seen high mass performed by
the Pope himself. But, to tell you the truth, I and my scribe are very
sleepy ; therefore, instead of attempting to give you a notion of the
wonderful grandeur of the building, or the splendour of the ceremonies,
I shall confine myself to saying that, as a show, it was pre-eminently
grand ; as a service, there was
' Devotion's every grace, except the heart.'
For ornament, for the display of wealth, for music, for, in short, a scene,
fifty to one on St. Peter's Cathedral against the Friends' Meeting at
Plaistow ; for religion, for worship in spirit and in truth, fifty to one on
Plaistow Meeting against St. Peter's and all its glories ! "
It has been mentioned that on quitting England Mr. Buxton
had completed his work on the Slave Trade, and had left it to
be printed. When, however, proof copy was prepared, it was
found by those who were superintending the publication that
very considerable alterations in the arrangement were expedient.
On this being communicated to him he replies : —
" Dec. 26, 1839.
" I wrote last night a ranting letter about wild boars and Nisus and
Euryalus, as if these were the only things deserving attention ; but your
letter of Dec.. 11, received to-day, has brought me to my senses, and I
am as much in the book as the day I left Northrepps. * * *
*' In truth I give you at once the warmest thanks, and the most
hearty approval of these very untoward suggestions. In fact, the more
I have thought of it the more I have assented, nay, have thought it in-
THE VATICAN. [CHAP. xxvm.
dispensable, and loath the higgledy-piggledy fashion in which I had
tossed my points together. * * * Idleness would have said, sit still ;
nervousness the same ; you might naturally have felt, ' I know you to
be a hard man, apt to be indignant at those who offer advice, take that
is thine own, and a pretty hash it will be ! ' '
TO E. N. BUXTON, ESQ.
" Rome, Jan. 1, 1840.
" * * * The tramontane, or northern wind, has come down upon
us and has cooled us; nevertheless, we spent three hours yesterday
most pleasantly in walking together about the grounds of the Villa
Albani ; as many the day before on the Palatine Hill. It is wonderful
what a deal there is to see in this city. * * * But in all their finery
there is dirt, and, on the other hand, in the midst of their dirt there is
some remnant of magnificence. You will see a palace and a pigstye
close together ; and, moreover, the pigstye will have a small touch of
the palace, and the palace a large touch of the pigstye. Nothing, how-
ever, can exceed the beauty and luxuriance of the villas round about
Rome. I only wish you had seen the deep blue sky over the Albani
villa ; the residences of Cicero and Horace before us ; the hil's, some
of them covered with snow; and a profusion of roses and oranges
growing in the gardens around.
" I yesterday went with a large party, for the first time, to the
Vatican. I have, as you are aware, no knowledge of paintings or
statues, no cultivated taste, no classical recollections ; and it is well for
me I have not. That place would have set me raving ; it almost did as
it was. You may walk there all day long, and at a good pace too ; and
at either side of you there is something which strikes the meanest capa-
city with admiration and reverence. There were two or three rooms
full of birds and beasts in marble, to the very life : and then there was
the Apoilo ; why, man, it is beautiful past description. It rivets your
eyes. What a most wonderful people those Romans were, to have
congregated together such a profusion of excellence! Well, if these
sights produce such an effect upon me, old, obtuse, and unromantic as I
am, woe betide those who come in their youth, and are lovers of the
arts. It is enough to make them all daft. I am going to-morrow to
wash off the effects of the Vatican by some snipe-shooting in the Pontine
Marshes."
TO JOSEPH J. GURXEY, ESQ.
" Jan. 6.
" How passing strange it is, that I should write from Romo. ad-
dressing you in Barbadoes. I wish we could change places for a few
1840.] SHOOTING ON THE PONTINE MARSHES. 393
days. Neither St. Peter's, nor the Capitol, nor the dying gladiator, nor
Apollo himself, all beautiful as he is, are so interesting to me as would
be the sight of the negroes working for their own benefit, and shel-
tered by law from the lash of the cart-whip. It is a sight I pant to
behold.
"And now as to my worthy self. I have enjoyed both the country
and the wonderful works of art in Rome more than I had any notion
that I could. 1 sometimes laugh at my own romancings, and wonder
that such an old, untaught man should give way to such true pleasure in
matters which he does not understand. Rome is, in truth, a wonderful
place. There is hardly any thing more remarkable than the profusion
of its treasures. What Rome must have been in its glory, when the
relics are so surprising ! * *
" Everything bespeaks wonderful intellect on the part of the
Romans ; but then the base, cruel, cowardly ruffians ! Fancy the whole
population pouring into the Coliseum, to see the poor captives hew one
another to pieces, and finding infinite delight and merriment in such a
holiday ! "
TO EDWARD N. BUXTON, ESQ.
"Jan. 21.
" I picture to myself your arriving at Northrepps on Monday, January
13th, and you and your party hugely enjoying yourselves during the
week ; and I fancy I know precisely where you shot each day, if not
the exact number of the slain. I thought you had an especial nice
party; but why did Gurney Hoare absent himself? I suppose that
Edmund was at the top of the tree. I hope you took decent care of
yourselves, age and wisdom being absent, I at Rome, and Sam Hoare at
Lombard Street. You may well suppose that I was un peufdche to be
absent, the first time for more than twenty years, from my humble task
of attending to the wants and promoting the sport of a rabble of boys.
I was resolved, however, to console myself as best I might, and I accom-
plished this so effectually that I am ready to back the Pontine Marshes
against all Norfolk. On Monday most of our party embarked, with
three dogs, on board a huge monster of a vehicle, and rumbled along to
Albano. The next morning our friend Cresswell, myself, the cacciatore,
and our Italian servant Pittini, with three Italian pointers and little
Juno, pursued our voyage, leaving the boys and girls behind, and reached
Cisterna at* ten, where we had fair accommodation, and made friends
with another shooting-party, who breakfasted and dined with us. We
shot in the woods, an immense tract of which extends on each side of
the road.
" The next day we did very little, our bag being only eighteen
394 SHOOTING ON THE PONTINE MARSHES. [CHAP. XXYIII.
woodcocks ; but oh ! such a mishap. While Cresswell and the cac-
ciatore were diving through a thick fen in the wood, up sprung three wild
boars within ten yards of them, two young ones and one bigger than a
donkey ! Cresswell thought them tame ones, and did not fire, though
he had a clear and beautiful shot. The cacciatore gave them his two
barrels in vain, and roared out to me ; but before I could get a ball into
my gun, one of the younger ones passed before me at about fifty yards.
But what was the use of a charge of No. 6 at that distance ? however, I
had a perfect view of the fellow, as pure a wild boar as ever was littered,
about the size 'of one of the pigs at Cross's.
" On Thursday morning we passed early through Tre Ponti, the
' Three Taverns ' of Scripture, and thence went on, five miles further,
to Appii Forum, so called now, and so called in the days of St. Paul.
I read St. Paul's account of his journey : and on the road he traversed,
and in view of the very same hills which he saw (and most remarkable
hills they are), I pictured to myself his friends approaching, ' whom
when Paul saw, he thanked God and took courage.'
" We had a letter from the Duke of Braschi, the owner of twenty
miles square hereabouts, to his steward, who resides in an immense old
building, once the palace of the Braschi, and at an earlier period a great
monastery. The steward was absent, and, alas ! the key of the cellar
was in his pocket; the servants, however, received us with all civility.
Our first inquiry was about beds. To look at, they were very
well. ' Have they been slept in?' I inquired. ' Oh! yes.' ' Who
slept last in my bed ? ' ' The Duke of Braschi himself.' At night,
when I was going to bed, I asked another little question, which wholly
altered the view of things, and would have sent us back to Cisterna that
night if we had possessed any mode of conveyance ; but, as it was, we
were in for it. The unlucky question was, ' When was the Duke last
here ? ' ' Ten years ago was his last visit.' So my bed, it was quite
clear, had not been slept in for ten years ! The house was haunted to
the last degree : it was quite a preserve of ghosts. But there were more
rats than ghosts, more fleas than rats, more musquitoes than fleas, and
more musical frogs than any of them. Oh ! such a concert, such an
orchestra of bull-frogs, such a band of musquitoes, and such a rattling of
ghosts (for assuredly they were ghosts if they were not rats), all com-
bined together, formed, if not as harmonious, at least as remarkable a
chorus 'as ever delighted mortal ears. In the morning I saw poor
Cresswell ; in addition to my musicians he had had four indefatigable
cats, who during the live-long night had serenaded him for admission
into his room, where our game was lodged, and over his window \vas a
dovecote, into which the rats were continually making commandos ; in
short, he had enjoyed such a concord of ' sweet sounds ' as confi-rrod
1840.] SHOOTING ON THE PONTINE MARSHES. 395
upon him what Milton calls ' a sober certainty of waking bliss.' ' I
have not,' he exclaimed, ' slept a single wink all night.' ' How clas-
sical ! ' said I : ' you and Horace attempt to sleep on precisely the same
spot, and, for aught I know, in the same bed, and he tells us, —
' Mali culices ranaeque palustres
Avertunt somnos.'
" We rode three miles along the canal which carried Horace, then
entered a deep marsh with gigantic reeds. There were more snipes
there than you ever saw, or ever will see, unless you come to Rome,
and yet the people complained that they were very scarce. I believe
it, for our sporting friends at Cisterna declared that the day before
they had put up ten thousand; but they had only bagged ten. The
snipes were terribly wild ; and no wonder ; for what between the
peasants who are always at them, and the Romans who dedicate their
Sabbaths to them, they are shot at every clay in the week, and twice on
a Sunday. We managed, however, to bring home twenty couple, a
rail, a quail, a hare, and three ducks. But the next day was the grand
one. We went two miles further, arid then entered a noble wood. It
was almost impenetrably thick. We had a good stout fellow of a
cacciatore, whom we brought from Rome. He wore a breeches-plate
made of the skin of a wolf, which even the Roman thorns could not
penetrate ; he is a hunter of renown here, and his name is ' Gabbiate,'
which, literally translated, means ' the uncombed.' I fought? I confess,
rather shy of the bushes, and so did Juno, and so did two of our
pointers, so also one of our two remaining beaters. In about a quarter
of an hour this fellow emerged from the wood, and planted himself by
my side ; but, as I was sneaking myself, I was up to his (ricks, and by
signs, sufficiently significant, sent him back into the brambles. Of him
we saw and heard no more till luncheon-time,' when he re-appeared
with a pipe in his mouth ; and for the remainder of the day, while we
shot, he smoked. The woodcocks flew about in every direction. If
we had had Larry, and our crew of men, and every dog in North
Erpingham, we might have done some work. But this was not the
worst; we could not speak Italian, and our attendants could not under-
stand a word of English ; and so, after a very superficial beating of
this superb part of the wood, they marched us off, in spite of our un-
intelligible remonstrances, to another part, where we got but one wood-
cock and a few snipes, and our day was spoiled for want of being able
to utter a sentence : — another illustration, added to a thousand before,
of the evil of not speaking modern languages. However, this day
yielded twenty-one woodcocks and nine snipes. Upon the whole you
may well suppose that I enjoyed myself greatly ; but you will hardly
396 ADVENTURE WITH ROBBERS. [CHAP. xxvm.
guess what it was that pleased me most, — it was the splendid day, and
noble mountains, and dark forests, and glittering villages, and various
lights, that were, beyond snipes and woodcocks, the great attractions
to me."
" Feb. 3.
" Now prepare your mind for an adventure which occurred to us in
our shooting excursion on Saturday, into which good live banditti are
introduced, and blows struck, and all the charming accompaniments of
daggers and pistols. You will be dying, I am sure, to hear the story,
and to learn the return of killed, wounded, and prisoners. But suspend
your curiosity, be content with knowing, for the present, that our
adventure is to-day the talk of all Rome, and that troops are sent off to
the marshes to shoot, not snipes, but robbers ; at least I suppose so.
But to business first, if you please.
* * * *
"Well, now, sleepy as I am, I will tell you our story: — On
Saturday morning, Aubin, I, and Spink, in the inside, our cacciatore
and the coachman on the box, with our three dogs, started to Macarese
after the snipes. You may remember that I told you in a former letter
the distance of this marsh, also that we saw in the road the blood of a
man who had been murdered the preceding night, and a little cross
stuck into the hedge to commemorate the event. About half a mile
further on, turning into a gate, we observed another cross, intimating
that another murder had been committed since our last visit ; and I
hear there is no part of the country where you will find a more choice
collection of robbers and assassins than this same Macarese. I took
Spink merely to attend me ; but he had the wit to borrow a little
single-barrelled gun, and, as I saw he was bent upon signalising himself,
I had not the heart to baulk him. Alas ! the waters were down and
the snipes were up, and, though we shot capitally, we only managed to
get eleven couple. We might have brought home a rare stock of
vipers if we had wished it, for we saw about a dozen in a quarter of an
hour. When we were going to have luncheon I selected my spot, but
little Juno made such a fuss that we looked into it, and saw a viper
nearly two feet long. We removed, and out of the bush at our i'eet
went another great banging fellow.
" We lunched, however, and went again at the snipes. At length
we started towards home; but an unlucky jack snipe seduced Spink
some way back again. He went after it anil killed it. No sooner was
his gun off, than from a broad, almost impenetrable hedge, which
crosses the swamp, out rushed two fellows ; the first who arrived
snatched his gun, the other seized his collar, gave him a hard kick on
his leg, and drew a long knife out of his side-pocket. Could any
1840.] ADVENTURE WITH ROBBERS. 397
situation be more forlorn ? we out of hearing, his gun discharged, his
knees knocking together through terror, his head turning round and
round, his lu-art in his mouth. I use his own expressions, and never
did I hear so vivid a description as he gave of the scene, — for he lives
to tell it. What did he do in such adversity? Why, exactly the
right thing : he let go his gun, put his two hands into his waistcoat
pockets, and produced a pair of pocket pistols, loaded, capped, and
cocked, and presented one at the breast of each robber! The state of
affairs was suddenly changed. The heroes, who a moment before
jabbered so loud and kicked so hard, turned tail, dropped the gun, and
dashed into the hedge, and Spink remained master ot the field of battle.
But he did not keep it long. ' I seized the gun,' said he ; 'I did not
know where I was, nor anything about it ; I ran through a pool up to
my waist, and never stopped till I fell from fright and want of breath ;
then I loaded and fired my gun as a signal of distress.' Now I must
tell you that we had waited nearly half an hour for him, somewhat dis-
concerted at being detained ; and thought it very cool of him to be
following his sport while we were kicking our heels. This gave
occasion to the cacciatore to exercise the wit for which he is famed.
4 Why the man must have got a charm, he has had more shots than all
of us put together ; he must hereafter be called The Fortunate Youth.'
Little did we dream that the poor fellow was then in the extremity of
distress, hardly able to move, and not knowing whether his road lay to
the right or to the left. But upon hearing another gun fired by him, it
occurred to me that he might be making signals, so, having fired our
guns, which singularly enough he never heard (probably he was lying
down in a kind of swoon from over exertion), I began to halloo as loud
as ever I could, and at length he heard me, and was cheered by the
sound of my voice, and came running after us.
" When he arrived near me I was beginning an oration to apprise
him how we had been all kept waiting ; when, on looking into his face,
I saw him pale as ashes, and looking most strange and bewildered. I
immediately gave him some brandy, told him to compose himself, and
at length we heard the history of his adventures.
" His extreme satisfaction that he had not shot the two men, which
if they had persisted a moment longer he certainly would have done ;
his most natural and graphic description of his exquisite terror ; his
conviction that neither he nor his mistress would ever have been happy
again if the blood of these men had been upon his hands ; his deep
detestation of snipe-shooting, marshes, Rome, and Romans ; his solemn
resolution never to quit my side if he had the misfortune again to go a
shooting ; his vivid apprehensions, and most anxious inquiries whether
we thought there was a chance of our getting back again to Rome with-
398 PROPAGANDA MISSIONS. [CHAP. xxvu.
out encountering a fresh gang of banditti — these beguiled our way
home.
" Everybody approves the course he took ; and it seems likely to be
the fashion for every one, in imitation of hhn, to carry pistols in their
waistcoat pockets when they go out shooting. I ought to have told
you that, probably, these fellows had been watching us all day. I saw
one creeping along on the other side of the hedge some time before,
and, if I could have spoken Italian, should have tempted him to assume
the place of my attendant which Spink had relinquished. Well, there
ends my story. I wish you could have heard him tell what he felt
when these hideous fellows rushed out, and when the knife met his
eyes. It was, as he told the story, not only very tragical, but irre-
sistibly comical. To do him justice, however, I am right glad that the
accident befel him and not me. I am afraid, if I had had a pair of
pistols in my hand, under such circumstances, in such a fright, I should
have had to bear upon my nerves a sense of two human beings plunged
into a most awful eternity. But, good night. Rome is affluent in
robbers, we hear of a robbery or murder every day, and a gang has
taken post they say in a wood twelve miles off." *
TO SAMUEL HOAEE, ESQ.
" Jan. 28.
" Of one thing assure yourself, my visit to Rome has not tended to
make me a Roman Catholic. This cily has as many fountains and as
much dirt, as many priests and as much wickedness, as any in the
world. Not, however, but that there is a great deal to admire here.
The spirit and stimulus with which they urge forward their religion is
well worthy the imitation of Protestants. I was yesterday with Father
Glover, one of five who rule the Jesuits, and he told me that their
Propaganda Society for Missions gets 40,000/. a-year.
" Their mode of proceeding is this : one man engages to collect the
subscription, amounting to a halfpenny per week, from ten persons ;
another, of a higher order, collects ten of these first, and so on ; so
that, in substance, the last person is answerable for the subscriptions of
a thousand. Their plan, also, of Missions, is admirable ; their mis-
sionaries in every country are instructed to look out for young men of
talent and zeal, and likely to make good missionaries. These they
import to Rome, and give them, in their Propaganda College, a first-
rate education. They detain them there, if upon their first coming
they understand the rudiments of Latin, &c., seven years, otherwise
* This gang afterwards robbed Don Miguel, the ex-king of Portugal, as
he was returning from a shooting excursion.
1840.] ROMAN PRISONS. 399
twelve, and then send them back as missionaries to the country from
which they were taken. In this way, they have here at present under
education 130 young men from all parts of the world, and recently
discourses were delivered by them in forty-three different languages ;
and they seem a body of very intelligent and well-educated youths.
No wonder, then, that their religion spreads as it seems to be
doing. In 1825 they had but thirteen Roman Catholics in Guiana,
and now there are 5000! When the United States separated from
Great Britain, they had one bishop, twenty priests, and a small Roman
Catholic population. They have now 1,500,000 Roman Catholics!
Surely these facts, which I collected from the head of the Jesuits, are
both stimulating and instructive.
" Excuse me for putting all this down. I keep no journal, and only
contrive to record the facts which I wish to remember, by inflicting
them upon somebody in the shape of an epistle. I will only add, that
I think we must have a grand college at Antigua, or somewhere, for
youths from all the tribes of Africa.
" But now for another matter, on which I am really distressed for
the want of your assistance. You advise me to visit the prisons. The
fact is, I have been doing so. I thought it a shame for an old prison-
fancier to be here with so much to be seen in this way, and not to
devote some portion of his leisure to it. I therefore made a formal
application to the Cardinal Minister, and almost immediately I received,
to the astonishment of both Romans and English, a full permission to
visit all the gaols, with the offer of every species of information ; also
all the hospitals, and all the places for education. To the two last the
Cardinal offered to accompany me ; but, as yet, I have not been to
them, and it is very likely I shall not have time, but a party of us have
gone the round of the prisons within Rome. To-morrow I visit the
prison hospitals ; and on Friday next I go to two large out-lying gaols.
I shall then have completed this part of my work as far as Rome is
concerned. There are some large prisons at a distance within the
Papal dominions, and these I shall endeavour to see.
"The subject has attracted some attention. The Romans are
mightily taken with it, and look upon the permission given to me as
an unheard-of instance of liberality on the part of their Sovereign, and
beg that I will avail myself of the opportunity and speak out. Three
English noblemen have been amongst the number of my companions,
and they are engaged to go with me on Friday, I was yesterday taken
by one of them to Lord Shrewsbury, who tells me that Prince Borghcse
is inclined to establish a Prison Discipline Society. This is what I am
at now.
"The state of the prisons is substantially this: they are very clean
400 ROMAN PRISONS. [CHAP. xxvm.
(to be sure they knew we were coming, and it must be remembered
throughout that we were never able to take them by surprise), the
rooms are very lofty, and the air always fresh and good ; the pro-
visions good in quality, and, I should think, sufficient. But one of the
questions which I especially want you to give me an answer upon is,
•what, in addition to a ladleful of weak meat soup, — being in quantity, I
should imagine, about three-quarters of a pint, ought to be the allow-
ance of bread for a prisoner, not in solitude and not employed ?
" I now come to the defects. There is no such thing as classification,
except, indeed, an attempt upon a small scale with regard to boys.
Male prisoners of all ages, and for all crimes, from common assault to
murder, are congregated together. In one instance there were 200 in
one spacious room. There is no inspection whatsoever. There is no
work for the great majority. The felons convicted and sentenced for
long periods are worked in the public streets ; but the remainder, tried
and untried (and they amount to several hundreds), have nothing what-
ever to do. There is no regular gaol delivery ; so that we met with
several persons who had been detained before trial for upwards of a
year. There is no school ; and, with the exception of mass on the
Sunday, and the repetition of a creed at nightfall, there is little effort
made to convey religious instruction. These, I think, are the leading
particulars. I should have said, however, that there are no chains,
except for persons convicted of infamous crimes (answering to our
felonies), and that there is neither the solitary nor the silent system.
" Now, then, I want you and Crawford to tell me what I should
urge upon the Government. They have plenty of space about their
gaols, so that there is room enough within the walls for any improve-
ment ; but the Government is poor. I find myself considerably at a
loss from my inability to revive my old Prison Discipline lore. I am
doing my best to get a book which I think I once read ; it was written
in the earlier stages of the Prison Discipline question, and is called,
if I recollect right, ' Buxton on Prison Discipline.' If I get this it
will be something ; but I look far more to an immediate communication
from you and Crawford.
" Neri, who I understand bears the title of Chancellor, and is a very
intelligent man, accompanied me through all the gaols, and has ear-
nestly asked me to apply both to our Government and your Society, for
any documents, plans, &c., which might be useful to a Government
desiring to improve its prisons. So, if you please, you must ^ct me
what your Society can furnish, and Crawford moat apply to tho Marquis
of Normanby, who will, I am sure, cheerfully lend his assistance in
such a cause.
" Executions are rare, especially considering that murders are so
1840.] ROMAN INSTITUTIONS. 401
plentiful. They told me that there were only two or three in a year.
I ought to add, that books are not allowed to the prisoners, except by
special permission. We saw, I think, but four or five in all the gaols.
" Not another moment have I, except to say that I heartily hope
the boys enjoyed themselves as much in their Norfolk excursion as you
and I used to do some thirty years ago."
TO EDWARD N. 15UXTON, ESQ.
" Jan. 30.
" I went yesterday with Richards to the Santo Spirito Hospital. It
beats everything of the kind we have in England, and is a most noble
institution. I measured one room, 170 yards long, and broad and lofty
in proportion. There were four rows of beds, all superlatively clean,
the ventilation perfect : another room as large above, and into each of
these other rooms opened, all very spacious. It is capable of con-
taining 1400 patients. There are 260 attendants, including 90 young
physicians and surgeons. Any person, no matter of what country or of
what religion, has a right to admission, and they have never been
reduced to the necessity of sending any one away for want of room.
The museum with preparations of the human body in every form, the
library, the lecture-rooms, &c. &c., are all admirable. They have
thirteen resident chaplains. In short, everything was of huge di-
mensions, and in the highest order. Annexed to it was a criminal
prison. There was also a madhouse, in which there was no solitary
confinement, and only ten out of the whole number had strait waistcoats ;
and these were concealed under their clothes. They told us that one-
fourth were annually dismissed as cured. There were also a Foundling
Hospital, and an institution for the girls who had been brought up in it.
We saw 550 of these damsels all employed ; and they have one curious
plan. Anybody who wants a wife may order one at this shop. He
has but to knock at the door, prove that he is respectable, and then
they are singly paraded before him, and he has to pick out one to his
liking ; and, after a time, he carries her oft', and with her a hundred
crowns. What fine fun the ladies must have when any one comes to
inspect them ! The old abbess who accompanied us seemed highly
amused by our diligent inquiries, especially on this point, and by the
notes we took."
TO MRS. JOHNSTON.
" Jan. 31, 1840.
" I must tell you about the dinner party at Lord Shrewsbury's yester-
day. Except myself, and, I think, one more, there was no one who
had not some mark of nobility in his coat. There were three ambas-
sadors, some English noblemen, and about half-a-dozen princes, —
2 D
402 THE DUC DE BORDEAUX. [CHAP, xxvin.
twenty-four in all. I had scarcely entered the room before a Monsignor
seized my hand and affected to kiss it ; this was the Governor of Rome,
who had given us the order of admission into all the prisons, hospitals,
&c. He and I had a very interesting conversation, and as long a one
as could well be expected, considering that he understood but two
words of English, and I about three of Italian. Oh! this plague of
languages! Next came up Prince Borghese, a very pleasing young
man, who spoke a little English, and before whom I threw the pro-
posal that he should become the chairman of a Prison Discipline Asso-
ciation. I was afterwards introduced to the Due de Bordeaux, with
whom I had some conversation on the slave-trade, and who expressed
a wish to see my book. He also said mighty civil things. Poor
fellow ! he has a sweet expression of countenance ; conceive Mrs. ,
with the same expression, and the same extreme clearness and clean-
liness of skin, but with broader features, and a stouter person, and a
heavier eye, and you have a good picture of the man.
" The Pretender's course is not a smooth one. If he has either
extreme of character he may do well. Let him be excessively quiet,
devoid of ambition and enterprise, that may do. Or let him be clever,
daring, sagacious, ambitious, and commanding, and that, perhaps, will
do. But, if there is any mixture in his composition, — if the least dash
of adventure is coupled with his love of ease, or the least love of peace
is mingled with his ambition, he will assuredly be a martyr. One
cannot see the Duke without liking him, and wishing that he may have
the good sense to steer clear of turbulent politics.
" At dinner I sat next to Lady Shrewsbury's sister, who told me
everything about everybody. Among the rest, that that beautiful
refined creature, the Princess Doria, actually goes every day in the
Holy Week to wash the feet of the patients in the hospital. Well !
well ! good people may abhor the Roman Catholics if they please, and
may feel, as I do, that they are led dangerously astray in their doctrines,
but I never will join in setting them down as creatures devoid of deep
feelings of religion, nor can I deny that there is humility and self-denial
in such an act as I have described.
" I will now tell you a circumstance which, as I think Andrew John-
ston was a party in the matter, will please him, as I confess it did me.
Does he recollect that a clergyman named Nixon wrote to me from
Ireland, complaining of the operation of the law, by which he and
several others severely suffered ; some losing a third, some half, and in
two or three cases all their income ? Does he recollect also that I
took up the case, and got Lord Morpeth to insert a curing clause in
the Irish Church Bill? That Bill, however, was thrown out; so I
presumed that my effort had been fruitless. Not so, however ; Nixon
1840.] THE SAN MICHELE ASYLUM. 403
is here, and tells me that last year, when there was a new Churrh Hill,
they reminded Morpeth of his promise — my clause was again intro-
duced— it became law ; a hundred clergymen in his diocese, and an
equal proportion in all the other dioceses, were greatly benefited by it,
and some very deserving men saved from complete ruin. This has
really pleased me ; I am glad that my slight effort has contributed to
the comfort of these good people."
" Feb. 6.
" I had fixed to start early this morning snipe- shooting, but the rain
has kept me in. I have been in Rome now nearly two months, and
till a week past we had no rain ; but when it does come it is in right
down earnest. To walk along the streets then is as if there were
people at every window throwing buckets full of water at you. It is
calculated that the number of days of rain at Rome is one-third less
than in London, while the quantity of rain which actually falls here is
one-third more.
" On Wednesday next I am engaged to the Prince of Musignano,*
Bonaparte's nephew and heir, who, if we had been beaten at Waterloo,
would probably have been king of the world. Not that I believe a
word of this. I am well persuaded that there is a good Providence over
England, and that, while she is employed in abolishing slavery and the
slave-trade, sending out missions and Bibles, she is safe enough, both
from Chartists and French. We have a great many friends here. In
the mornings I have for some time been visiting the prisons, hospitals,
&c., two or three days a week, and afterwards joining the ladies. On
Tuesday I finished the prisons by seeing the San Michele. This is an
asylum for orphans, old men and old women (several hundreds of each),
and a very good one it is. Annexed to it was a female prison, 280
women in it ; some imprisoned for life, others for periods from twenty
years down to one. It is a wretched place, with next to no instruction.
Of the 280 prisoners, only thirty could read. Why don't they elect
me Pope ? The army of priests should soon have something to do in
the way of Infant Schools, &c. I am going to make a report to the
Governor here, who has been excessively liberal in furnishing me with
information ; but I am sadly distressed for want of my book on Prisons.
" On Tuesday, as I said, after seeing the San Michele, I went with
Lord Meath, Lord de Mauley, and Richards, to the church of San
Augustino. The panels adjacent to the altar were covered with knives
and pistols, which had been presented by robbers and murderers to the
Virgin. I suppose you have heard of Spink's adventure ; it made us
look upon the knives with something more of interest. On Wednesday
Now Prince de Canino.
2 D 2
404 THE JESUITS. [CHAP, XXYIII.
we went to the Corsini Palace : there are two svcli pictures there of
Christ, with a crown of thorns ; the one, the Ecce Homo of Guercino, —
the other, in some respects still more touching, by Carlo Dolce. There
was also the exquisite picture of the Virgin and Child, by Murillo. I
longed to steal it. Yesterday we saw a splendid collection at the Bor-
ghese Palace, and then we had a long conversation with a Jesuit. I
am very anxious to make myself master of their system of missions and
of that of the Lyons Society. They seem to effect so much, with means
so limited ; besides, I am persuaded they are upon the right principle.
Their whole fight is for native missionaries. Their first act is to esta-
blish schools, in which, however, the instruction of the people is a very
secondary object ; the main purpose being to get a number of children,
so far educated that they may pick out a few fitted by talent, disposition,
and ready reception of Christianity, to be sent to Rome to receive a
thorough education. Here they detain them, in some cases for seven,
in others for twelve years, and send them back, well instructed as mis-
sionaries, to their own country.
" Now I must tell you that the Jesuits and I are playing a game of
chess. They hope, I fancy, from my willingness to listen, from my
eagerness to learn, from my ready laudation of all that I find reason to
approve, that they will make me a convert to Popery. I, on the other
hand, wish to make myself master of the secrets of the system which
has rendered the Jesuit missions so eminently successful ; and I tell
them, without reserve, that this is my object. Nevertheless, they are
vastly communicative.
" I was adverse to the Catholic religion when I left England, because
I saw the error of their doctrines ; but now, when I see in their practice
the fruit of their system, and the depravity of the people that are so
taught, I am still more Protestant than ever, if it be possible. To do
them justice, preaching Christ is part of their practice, but the divine
powers of our Saviour are shared with the Virgin Mary, and she takes
not only the mother's, but the lion's portion. Then their system of
religion seems to be destitute of spirituality. Moreover, they seem to
teach scarcely any morality. I found my wife yesterday announcing to
our Italian maid the novel intelligence of the Ten Commandments.
This girl had had an education, but apparently not a very profound one ;
for according, as she said, to the ,'practice of Rome, she had only re-
mained at school one week, in order to learn how to say mass.
" I have just been looking out of the window at the rain, the like of
which I never saw, except at our pic-nic at Beckham, when, as some
one described it, ' the drops were as thick as hail, and every drop a pail-
ful.' Collier (the Jesuit) told us of a speech of a priest in Maranham
against slavery, of so powerful a nature that after it the whole congre-
1840.] LETTER TO THE BISHOP OF CALCUTTA. 405
gation liberated their slaves ; and he said that priests in slave colonies
had been the natural and enthusiastic protectors of the negroes. He
also used or quoted a sentence which just hit the mark in my mind.
Speaking of some one he said, ' He is of the body of the church, but
not of its soul." "
Among all the occupations and amusements of Eome, Mr.
Buxton's mind continually turned to his accustomed objects of
interest. He thus writes to the Bishop of Calcutta on the loth
of February: —
" I need scarcely say that I feel deeply your promptitude in acting
upon my letter relating to the Indian slaves. It was just like yourself,
and reminded me of the Daniel Wilson who used to pour his whole
heart into a good cause, and who, unvexed with the cautions and quali-
fications of ordinary men, threw the whole weight of his influence into
the right scale. I have no doubt that this movement of yours will be
attended with real advantage. I regret that I have little further intelli-
gence to communicate to you. There was, towards the conclusion of
last session, so much party-spirit, and such a nice balance of parties, that
Lushington thought it inexpedient to bring on the question of East
Indian slavery. This discretion is scarcely in consonance with my dis-
position ; I am more inclined for working, in season or out of season,
with the tide, or against it. But, on the other hand, Lushington is
most true and faithful to the cause ; knows far better than I do the
temper of the present House of Commons, and is swayed by no other
motive than a desire to act for the best. I send him a copy of your
remarks, which cannot fail to be an encouragement to him. I expect to
be in England in April, and you shall then know what is intended to be
done ; but assure yourself of this, the question will not be allowed to
go to sleep. I learn that a grand Anti-slavery congress is to meet in
London next June ; and India will form one great branch of discussion.
" Now for another subject, the slave-trade. Again I must express
the pleasure which your cordiality gave me. The Government have, as
I told you before, embraced and adopted my plan, and have acceded to
our request that an expedition shall proceed up the Niger, in order to
make treaties with the native powers, and to explore the country; and,
possibly, to acquire territory, on which we may set the example of
growing cotton. The expedition will sail in October. It will consist
of three steamers of large dimensions, but of little draught of water.
They will be commanded by Christian officers, some of them renouncing
better prospects, and going in a true missionary spirit. I have con-
siderably enlarged my ' Remedy,' and have especially dwelt on Christian
education, and the elevation of the native mind. I do not enter here
406 INDIAN SLAVERY. [CHAP. xxvm.
into particulars, because I have ordered a copy to be forwarded to you
as soon as it is printed, and also a copy of the prospectus of our new
Society, which is something akin to our old African Institution.
" I am vexed to tell you that Fernando Po is not as yet acquired ;
the negotiation is, however, still going on, and till that be settled, one
way or the other, the Government object to my book being published.
It is vexing enough thus to be kept in suspense, or rather it would be
so, if I did not feel a comforting assurance that there is a great and
guiding hand regulating all our movements.
" I am happy to tell you that there is true harmony among the friends
of the cause. Two of its principal supporters are Sir Robert Inglis and
Lushington. We have many others with the same views belonging to
the two great political parties. Our prospectus, too, will be signed by
the Bishop of London, and by the heads of the Methodists, Baptists,
Quakers, &c.
" It grieves me that we cannot agree upon one great and uniform
system of religious instruction. Men will divide their affections be-
tween their religion and the denomination to which they belong. But
•what we cannot do as one great body, must be effected by us as separate
bodies. If you ask me what of all things I should best like, I answer,
to see somewhere on the coast of Africa, in a healthy situation, a great
Black College, for the education of native missionaries and schoolmasters
for Africa, on the purest and most evangelical principles. That is what
we want. Without Christianity all our efforts will be but idle dreams ;
and happy am I to say that this is the unanimous and avowed sentiment
of our Society. If you like our prospectus, I must ask you to permit
me to enrol your name amongst our members."
TO EDWABD N. BUXTOX, ESQ.
"Feb. 15.
" On Thursday, after a busy morning, I went with Richards and
had a thorough study of the Forum, and stood on the very spot where
Cicero pronounced his speeches against Catiline ; and where, in view
of the Capitol, he uttered those noble words, ' Turn tu, Jupiter, quern
Statorem hujusurbis atque imperii vere nominamus, hunc et hujus socios
a tuis aris, ceterisque templis, et tectis urbis ac moenibus, a vita fortu-
nisque civium omnium arcebis, ct seternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque
mactabis.' This was in the senate, then held in the Temple of Con-
cord. I also saw the place where the rostrum stood, from which the
orators used to address the people at large : also the Temple of Anto-
ninus, and the one which Augustus dedicated to Jupiter Tonans, in
commemoration of his servant being killed at his side by a thunderbolt ;
also the well-preserved and beautiful remains of the Temple of Fortune.
1840.] THE FORUM. 407
What scenes have passed within a stone's throw of the spot where I
stood ! There Romulus fled from the Sabines, and there he rallied, and
built a temple to Jupiter Stator ; there the Gracchi had their tumultuous
meetings ; there Anthony made his oration over the dead body of
Caesar ; and there the Roman senate issued their decrees affecting all
the known world, which they say were designed, ' Parcere subjectis et
debellare superbos,' which, properly translated, means ' to slaughter
those who resist and make slaves of the rest.' I put down all this parade
of learning, (with much of which Richards has crammed me,) with no
view to your edification, still less for your amusement ; but when one
has more learning than one knows what to do with, it is very convenient
to deposit it in a letter, where it is safe for future use without the
trouble of carrying it about."
408 MR. RICHARDS' RECOLLECTIONS. [CHAP. xxix.
CHAPTER XXIX.
1840.
Mr. Richards' Recollections — Prisons at Civita Vecchia — Italian Banditti
— Gasparoni — Illness — Naples — Pompeii — Prospect of a War between
Naples and England — Excitement at Naples — Mr. Buxtou returns to
' England.
SOME recollections of Mr. Buxton's stay at Rome are thus
given by Mr. Richards, who was an inmate of his family at the
time : —
" Our sojourn at Rome was a critical period of Mr. Buxton's life —
the period between the full development of his ' Remedy ' and the
anxious moment of putting it to the test of experiment. He came to
Rome fatigued and exhausted, and it was evident that the weight of
care for Africa pressed heavily upon him. Often, amidst the ruins of
Rome, whilst leaning upon my shoulder and surveying the objects around
him with apparently the liveliest interest, he has suddenly become
silent and abstracted, and, from the deep-drawn sighs that escaped him
with painful frequency during these often protracted reveries, I soon
discovered that the ruins on the shores of the Tiber did but transport
his thoughts to the more frightful desolation of the Niger. Even then
I had forebodings, that whatever might be the success of that expedi-
tion, its author at all events was doomed to be one of its martyrs ; and
I for one have a firm conviction that such has been the result. In fact,
the subject needed a composition of ' sterner stuff' than his to bear its
consideration. Nevertheless, the strife in his mind neither impaired its
activity nor paralysed his efforts of usefulness, for almost immediately
on his arrival in Rome he conceived, and proceeded at once to carry
into execution, his plan of visiting the prisons and charitable institutions
of that city. These were not visits of mere curiosity ; they were con-
certed and arranged with a view to the suggestion of practical improve-
ments where necessary, as well as to the acquisition of new ideas upon
matters which had long occupied his thoughts ; and in carrying out this,
which he apprehended to be his present duty, he had often to struggle
painfully against the prostrating effects of bodily languor and mental
oppression. I had the privilege of being his constant companion in his
1840.] MR. RICHARDS' RECOLLECTIONS. 409
visits, and deeply interesting it was to waich the satisfaction and delimit
which he derived from whatever was excellent in these institutions, and
the intense sympathy with which he examined the state of the inmates
of those dungeons. Clear it was that his was no capricious sentiment
in favour of one colour or race, hut a deep feeling for suffering, degraded
humanity, under whatever circumstances. Whilst engaged in this
pursuit, by which he seemed to endeavour to divert his mind for a time
from its engrossing care, he likewise often entered, con amore, into the
field of classical antiquities. He delighted to revive his classical recol-
lections, and often they awoke at his call, most aptly and successfully.
I cannot easily forget our first walk through the Forum, nor the en-
thusiasm with which he surveyed the campagna from the tower on the
Capitol, now and then illustrating with great zest, from the Roman
poets, the objects of interest which were pointed out to him. Juvenal
was his favourite poet, who appeared to hold in your father's estimation
the same place among the ancients as Dryden among the moderns ; the
peculiar raciness of their style being exactly congenial to his taste.
From my first acquaintance with him, I had been struck with his par-
tiality for this poet, an apt quotation from whom, whether cited by him-
self or another, would always give him the highest delight; and now,
amidst the still-surviving shadows of Roman manners, his references to
the keen satirist were frequent. Another minor characteristic of him,
which I had before observed, but which I now saw brought out into
stronger light, was his great fondness for romantic incident and ad-
venture, lie would listen, with almost a boyish interest, to the tales of
heroic daring, and lawless adventure and enterprise, which are still rife
among the Apennines, and he never lost an opportunity of collecting the
stories which any known locality might afford.
" In now bringing him more distinctly before my mind, I am filled
with admiration and love ; and I esteem it the highest privilege of my
life that I was acquainted with him, that I knew something of his inner
mind, and, above all, that I was honoured with his friendship."
TO SAMUEL HOARE, ESQ.
" Rome, March 3.
" I have had occasion to remember the excursion to the prison at St.
Albans, which you and I took long ago, when, on Monday morning.
Richards and I were trotting along in a diligence to Civita Vecchia.
The gaol there, which was the object of our journey, is an old and strong
fortress close by the sea, and contains 1364 desperate-looking criminals,
all for the most aggravated offences. I am sure you never saw such a
gantr of malefactors, or such a horrid dungeon. We went, first, into a
vaulted room, with a low ceiling, as I measured it, thirty-one yards
410 PRISONS AT CIVITA VECCH1A. [CHAP. xxix.
long, twenty-one broad. There was light, but obscure. A good deal
of the room was taken up by the buttresses which supported the arches.
The noise on our entrance was such as may be imagined at the entrance
of hell itself. All were chained most heavily, and fastened down. The
murderers and desperate bandits are fixed to that spot for the rest of
their lives ; they are chained to a ring, fastened to the end of the plat-
form, on which they lie side by side, but they can move the length of
their chain on a narrow gangway. Of this class, there were upwards of
700 in the prison ; some of them famed for a multitude of murders ;
many, we are told, had committed six or seven ; and, indeed, they were
a ghastly crew, — haggard, ferocious, reckless assassins. I do not think
that the attendant gaoler very much liked our being there. A sergeant,
in uniform, was ordered to keep close by me ; and I observed that he
kept his hand upon his sword, as we walked up the alley between the
adjacent platforms.
" There was a fourth room at some distance, and our guide employed
many expedients to divert us from going there. * * * This was worse
than any of the others : the room lower, damper, darker, and the pri-
soners with, if possible, a more murderous look. * * * The Mayor
afterwards told us, that he in his official capacity knew that there was a
murder every month among the prisoners. I spoke to a good many of
them, and, with one exception, each said that he was condemned for
murder or stabbing. I will tell you one short conversation : ' What are
you here for?' said I to a heavy-looking fellow, lying on his back at the
end of the room. He made no answer; but a prisoner near him, with
the sharp features and dark complexion of an Italian, promptly said,
' He is here for stabbing' (giving a thrust with his hand to show how
it was done). ' And why is he in this part of the prison ?' ' Because
he is incorrigible.' ' And what were you condemned for ?' ' For
murder.' ' And why placed here ?' ' Sono incorrigibile.' * * * In
short, this prison combines together, in excess, all the evils of which
prisons are capable. It is, as the Mayor said, a sink of all the iniquity
of the state. The Capuchins certainly preach them a sermon on the
Sunday, and afford them an opportunity of confession ; of which, if the
prisoners avail themselves, the priests must have enough to do. The
sight of it has kindled in my mind a very strong desire that the old
Prison Discipline Society should make a great effort, and visit all the
prisons of the world. I had hoped that sound principles of prison dis-
cipline had spread themselves more widely ; but I now fear that there
are places, and many of them, in the world, in which it is horrible that
human beings should live, and still more horrible that they should
die."
1840.] ITALIAN BANDITTI. 411
" March 4.
" Having in yesterday's letter given you a heavy and dreary account
of the prisons here, I must now furnish you with a history of some of
their inmates. In the citadel of Civita Vecchia, Gasparoni and his
gang are confined, and have been so for the last fourteen years. There
are many renowned robbers in this country, but none so celebrated as
this Gasparoni ; and I had the honour of an interview of two hours with
him and his band. He is a very fine-looking fellow, about five feet
eleven high, with as strong and brick-icall an arm as ever I felt, except,
perhaps, General Turner's ; he wore an old velvet coat, which had seen
service with him, and a large peaked hat. There was nothing ferocious
in the expression of his countenance. I am going to have his picture
taken, a compliment which his appearance well deserves ; for he is the
beau-ideal of a Robin Hood or Rob Roy. By his side there was a
fiendish-looking wretch, who plagued us with his interruptions. This
fellow is said to have joined the band chiefly from his love of human
blood, and his post was that of executioner.
"Gasparoni was very communicative; only that, either from the
modesty which belongs to great men, or some latent hope of pardon, he
greatly underrates his own exploits. For example, to my question,
1 How many people have you murdered ?' he replied, ' I cannot exactly
recollect, somewhere about sixty !' whereas it is notorious that he has
slaughtered at least double the number. Indeed, the Mayor of Civita
Vecchia assured me, that he had received authentic information of 200 ;
but he believed that even that number was still below the mark. This
man, according to his own account, when he was but a young lad, killed
a person in a quarrel and fled to the mountains, where he was joined by
a few young men of similar character. Before he was twenty years old
he had committed ten murders, and was at the head of a band of fifteen
or twenty robbers, which afterwards amounted to about thirty of his
own bodyguard; but there were two or three other bands under separate
commanders, one of whom was his brother ; he, however, was lord para-
mount.
" It is incontestable that he kept a district of country of at least one
hundred miles in circumference, between Rome and Naples, in the
utmost terror and subjection. Those proprietors who were not slain by
him fled the country, and were obliged to receive such a modicum of
rent as the tenants who compounded with Gasparoni chose to pay ; but
the black mail which he levied was not extravagant. The Government
at first offered 200 crowns for his head. This mounted up at last to
3000 crowns, and that was the fixed price for many years, and a thousand
soldiers were regularly employed in hunting him. ' But how then,'
said I, ' did you escape ?' ' That you will never understand,' he replied,
412 GASPAROXI. [CHAP. xxix.
' till you see the rocks and precipices that are there. I and my men
knew every turn ; we have often been close to the soldiers, and let them
pass us, when they had no notion they had such near neighbours.' Gas-
paroni had many conflicts with the military, in which he was uniformly
successful ; but in one affair he received a ball in the lower part of his
neck, the scar of which he showed us. He described one conflict, in
which, with ten or twelve of his men, he beat off, as he said, thirty
soldiers ; but the ill-looking scoundrel by his side said there were full
sixty.
" Gasparoni's head-quarters were at Sonnino, where his wife and
children resided, and where the whole population were devoted to him.
This town had obtained so evil a reputation that on his surrender the
Pope made a great effort to get it rased to the ground, but could not get
the assent of the proprietor. I was interested by learning from him that
the haunts he chiefly occupied for the purpose of observing the road
were the three little towns perched on the rock, and shining like silver,
Cora, Norma, and Sermoneta, which had so much attracted my admira-
tion when I was at Appii Forum. He told me that he had spent a
large proportion of his plunder upon spies at Rome, by whom he was
made acquainted with the plans designed for his capture, and who also
told him what persons coming along the road were worth catchintr ; if
emissaries were sent for the purpose of entrapping him, he was fore-
warned, and the vengeance he took on them was terrible. He crucified
one of these men, and wrote underneath, 'Thus Gasparoni treats all
spies.' He cut out the heart and liver of another, and sent them back to
the man's widow.
" If any persons in the towns were active against him he always found
means to punish them. If their offence was not very deep, they received
a letter ordering them to pay on a certain day, at a certain place, 1000
or 2000 scudi ; and such was the terror of his name that these demands
were generally obeyed. Some of the magistrates in the strong town of
Terracina, thinking themselves secure within their walls, ventured to
incur his displeasure. Soon after the boys of the chief school, while
taking a walk near the gates, were surprised by him and his men, and
carried away to the mountains ; and a message was sent to the parents of
almost all, fixing the amount of ransom, upon the payment of which they
were restored. But the children of those who had exasperated him
were not allowed to escape, their heads were sent back in a sack. Of
the truth of this dreadful story there can be no doubt. A friend of mine
asked Gasparoni about it; he admitted that he had seized the children,
but said nothing about the murders. The gentleman said to him, ' I
have heard more than this ; 1 have been told you cut off the heads of
three of them.' ' It is false,' said Gasparoni, ' it was but two.'
1840.] GASPARONI. 413
" Mr. Jones, the banker here, told rne that last October he saw a man
who had been one of this party of boys, and who described to him the
whole scene of their capture and of their residence in a cavern among
the mountains. This man actually saw Gasparoni plunge his knife into
the body of his two victims. Mr. Jones also told us that he had
travelled through the country where Gasparoni and his men used to hide
themselves ; but such was still the terror of his name, and the painful
associations connected with it, that he could not get respectable persons
to speak on the subject, nor could he prevail upon any one to be his
guide to their cavern. The person who when a boy had been carried
to the mountains was the most communicative. As Mr. Jones was
walking with him on a little terrace adjacent to the walls of Terraeina,
he stopped at the corner of a wall and said, ' Such a one, an officer of
the town, had rambled thus far at mid-day ; Gasparoni sprang out of
that hedge, struck him with his knife, and here he fell dead.'
" You must know that Gasparoni, according to his own account, was
especially merciful. He protested that he had never murdered merely
from the love of blood ; but he seemed to think there was no harm in
killing, and admitted that he had killed many who came as spies to entrap
him, or who presumed to make resistance. Rumour says, however, that
he was by no means so squeamish. A friend of mine came up to a diligence
which had just been plundered, and found that the whole party, includ-
ing several priests, had all been wounded, although none of them mor-
tally. They said that the first intimation they had of their danger was
a volley from the whole gang, and my friend took out of the lining of
the carriage a whole handful of shot of all sizes.
" It is odd enough that Gasparoni is very religious now ; he fasts not
only on Friday, but adds a supererogatory Saturday. He told me that
he repented of his former life ; but what it was he regretted I could not
well make out, for he expressly justified the occasions in which he had
proceeded to extremities with spies or travellers who resisted him. But
curious as his theology now is, it is still more strange that, according to
his own account, he was always a very religious man. I asked him
whether he had fasted when he was a bandit ? He said, ' Yes.' ' Why
did you fast ? ' said I. ' Perche sono della religione della Madonna.1
' Which did you think was worst, eating meat on a Friday or killing a
man ? ' He answered without hesitation, ' In my case it w as a crime not
to fast, it was no crime to kill those who came to betray me.' With all
his present religion, however, he told the Mayor of the town the other
day, that if he got loose tho first thing he would do would be to cut the
throats of all the priests : and the Mayor said in this he perfectly believed
him, and if he were now to break out he would be ten times worse than
ever. One fact, however, shows some degree of scrupulosity. The
414 GASPARONI. [CHAP. xxix.
people of the country bear testimony that he never committed murder
on a Friday !
" The Mayor said the only good thing he ever knew him really do
was this : he took an Austrian officer and his newly married bride and
carried them up to the hills. His gang stripped her of all her clothes
and proposed to kill her, but this he resisted, and ultimately sent her
and her husband back in safety. It is some deduction from his humanity
on this occasion to hear, as I did from another quarter, that the Austrian
general, hearing of the capture, sent word to Gasparoni that if any injury
was done to his officer, or if he was not directly restored, he would send
4000 men against him, who should be quartered in the village, and on
his friends, till he should be taken.
" Gasparoni told me that he had never taken an Englishman to the
mountains. I asked him why ? rather expecting that he would reply
with some gross flummery, but he answered very simply, ' Because I
never had the luck to catch one ! ' He assured me that he had not in all
taken above fifteen or twenty persons to the hills ; but the current
report makes the number upwards of two hundred. From these he was
inexorable in extorting the precise sum that he fixed upon as their ran-
som. It is well known that he obtained from a Neapolitan nobleman,
who is still living, 4000 scudi. The Mayor told me that an intimate
friend of his was captured by him, and the sum demanded was his weight
in silver ; his friends, being unable to pay this, at the end of a fortnight
received his head neatly packed up in a basket ! All, however, who
did return, bear testimony to their good fare and to his good humour,
and his courtly and somewhat delicate conduct, while they were his
guests in the cavern.
" One incident which was related to me is in part attested by many
living witnesses. A wedding was celebrated in a part of the country at
some distance from his haunt. When dinner was placed on the table,
a man fully armed, but unknown to the guests, stalked in and seated
himself by the side of the bride, with a kind of trumpet between his
knees. The guests, somewhat startled, showed little disposition to eat;
and the bridegroom told the intruder that ' it was not usual for a stranger
to take the post he occupied.' He replied, ' I am no stranger, I am
Gasparoni. I am a friend to the bride ; eat, and be at your ease, or
you will make me her enemy.' It is said his terrible name rather
quenched the merriment and appetite of the party. At length Gaspa-
roni sounded his horn ; two troops came rushing down the hill and
seized the bride, Gasparoni saying, ' I told you I was her friend, and I
show it by taking her away with me.' It would be well if the story
stopped here, but it is said that she was afterwards murdered.
" You will wish to know how he was taken: he became such a
0.] CAPTURE OF GASPARONI. 415
nuisance that, partly from the strength of the military parties which
were constantly sent in pursuit of him, and partly from the diminution
of traffic on the road, his funds became short, and he could not pay his
spies. The Government then took the decisive measure of seizing all
his relations and friends, and those who supplied him with food and
ammunition ; in other words, the whole population of Sonnino. Without
money and half starved, unable to obtain intelligence, and surrounded
on all sides by troops, he was on the point of being captured, when he
listened to the proposals of a priest, who, as it is said, went beyond the
authority given him, and offered him a full pardon and a pension, upon
which he and his comrades surrendered ; and hence it was that I had
the opportunity of seeing him, surrounded by twenty-one ruffians, the
remainder of his band. I asked him which of them was the man he
chiefly trusted; in other words, who was his lieutenant? he answered,
' My gun only was my lieutenant ; that never failed to obey me.'
" He complains loudly of the violation of the promise made to him,
and still seems to dream of being liberated. He was the son of a herds-
man, and cannot read or write; but his little demon-like executioner
who stood by his side is said to be a tolerable scholar. He amuses
himself by making caps, of which I bought three. I have hardly done
justice to his appearance : he is greatly superior in this respect to those
around him. He has the air of a chieftain, and though his look is very
commanding there is something far from unpleasing in his face; it is
decidedly handsome in features, but the expression also is gentle and in-
tellectual. While speaking with me he looked me full in the face the
whole time. I told him that I intended to have his likeness taken for a
particular purpose, of which you shall know more another time. He
said he had no objection. I told him that the painter would not be
able to come for some time. ' No matter,' said he, ' let him suit him-
self, he will always find me at home.'
" It is quite astonishing how much terror was attached to his name.
One proof of its surviving even to this time I witnessed when I was
shooting at Appii Forum ; for at the distance of every three or four
miles on the road there were military stations or huts, in some of w hich
they still keep soldiers.
" By this time I think you must be pretty sick of robber stories.
But I must inflict on you one more.
" An Englishman arrived here this year who could scarcely speak a
word of Italian. He heard, of course, not a little about assassins, rob-
bers, and such like, and prudently resolved never to go alone, and never
to be out after dusk. Both these resolutions were fated to fail. He
dined with a friend near Rome and was obliged to walk home alone the
same night : this looked terrific before dinner ; but a few glasses of
416 INTERVIEW WITH THE POPE. [CHAP. xxix.
Marsala and a few more of Champagne braced up his courage, and away
he started about ten o'clock. As he walked briskly along in the dark-
ness he came full butt against a man. He was startled, and the tales he
had heard recurred to his recollection ; but the man passed on, and in a
short time our hero felt for his watch and found that it was gone. Then
the good wine came into play : he rushed back, seized the rascal, and
vehemently demanded ' Montre ! Montre ! ' The robber trembled, and
reluctantly yielded up the watch.
" On reaching home he recounted, with no little exultation, his heroic
exploit, and vowed that, if the rest of the world would behave as he had
done, robbery would cease in Rome in a fortnight. When he had
finished his oration his sister said, ' All this is very strange ; for after
you went out I saw your watch hanging in your room, and there it is
now.' Sure enough there it was. So it appeared, past all dispute, that,
instead of being robbed, he had himself committed a robbery !"
TO EDWARD N. BUXTOX, ESQ.
" March 9.
" I do not recollect that I ever read a paper which gave me more
thorough satisfaction than Lord John's letter about the slave-trade.
" The project of overturning the slave-trade by civilisation, Chris-
tianity, and the cultivation of the soil, is no longer in my hands: the
Government have adopted the principle and taken the task upon them-
selves ; and if it fail for want of energetic working, they are to blame.
In short, I feel much more a gentleman at large than I did before I read
that letter. Pray tell all this to Lushington. I should be the most un-
grateful of men if I whispered a complaint of not having heard from
him for some little time. He has been most generous in writing ; but
I hunger for one more letter from him, to be received by me at Naples,
to cheer me on my journey homeward, and to give me a clear understand-
ing how matters stand.
" Yesterday we went to the Palatine Hill ; we saw where the house
of Romulus stood, and that of Numa, and the Temple of Vesta, and the
old Senate House of Tullus Hostilius, all grouped together in the little
vale below us; and close by there were the Coliseum, and the Forum,
and a grove of pillars, and a swarm of temples. * * *
" To-day I have been in the house of the heir of the Caesars and the
successor of St. Peter. The Pope is a civil, lively little gentleman.
Our party consisted of the Hanoverian Ambassador, Baron Kesner ; a
Danish Count just returned from the Holy Land ; an English officer ;
Richards, in Kesner's court dress; Fowell, Charles, and myself. He
gave us an audience of upwards of three-quarters of an hour.
" He was very inquisitive to know what I thought of the Roman
1840.] INTERVIEW WITH THE POPE. 417
prisons. Kcsncr (who understands neither English nor Italian) inter-
preted for us, and I heard him say for me rather more than I liked of
' contentissimo.' This was not exactly what I wanted to express ; so I
referred to Richards, and desired him to speak for me. I praised
everything I could think of which deserved commendation ; such as
the Chancellor of the Gaols (Signor Neri), the Boys' Prison, the San
Michele Hospital, and the liberality of the Government in giving me
free access and full information ; to all of which he very gracefully
replied, that, if gentlemen from motives of benevolence took the trouble
to visit their institutions, the least he could do was to afford facilities,
furnish documents, and listen attentively to every suggestion.
" Well, having praised wherever I could, I gently intimated that the
Roman gaols in general wanted a good deal of purification ; and that I
felt bound in honesty to tell him that two, namely, the female prison of
San Michele, and the great gaol of Civita Vecchia, were to the last
degree bad ; and called aloud on those who are influenced, whether by
policy, humanity, or religion, for a thorough reformation. To all this
he seemed very attentive and well disposed. We then had a long
conversation about the slave-trade and slavery. He seemed not a little
proud of what he had done, and I told him of the satisfaction which his
Bull had given in England on the score of the slave-trade, at which it
was pointed; and also with reference to slavery and the mal-treatment
of Aborigines, which it indirectly hit. He called the slave-trade an
infamous traffic, said that charity was the soul of religion, and that,
whilst forbidding all cruelty, it expressly prohibited that which was
inflicted on the human race ; and he concluded with saying, and laugh-
ing loud at his own speech, ' Thanks to me, if you please, but no
thanks to Portugal.' In short he expressed himself capitally. Having
disposed of my own two pets, Prisons and Slave Trade, I felt constrained
to put in a word relative to some atrociously cruel practices here, in the
treatment of lambs by the butchers. He hardly seemed ripe for this ;
but Richards stuck to it manfully : and the matter ended by my giving
him A 's paper on the subject, and his promising to give it his best
consideration."
" Thus, very amicably, ended our interview, and we proceeded to
* Some months afterwards Mr. Buxton heard that his representations on
this subject had been attended to. He wrote to Miss Gurney, through whom
the news reached him, " I must thank you for your letter about the Pope
and the lambs ; it really was an achievement. I never see one galloping
about a field now without thinking of the benefactress of lambs. What a
thing it is to have rescued such a multitude from torture ! I do believe there
is much good in Pope Gregory after all ; it is capital when great people will
respond to good advice."
2 E
418 EXCURSION TO TIVOLI. [CHAP. xxix.
Cardinal Lambruschini, the chief secretary of state, where we had as
gracious a reception, and we repeated much that we had stated to the
Pope. To-morrow we go to Tivoli."
" March 19.
"I have been employed of late in preparing my report 'about the
prisons for the Pope, and in having it translated into Italian. To-
morrow morning Lord Meath, Lord de Mauley, Lord Farnham, and two
or three others, meet here to have it read to them, and I hope to get
it completed and presented before I go to Naples.
" Trew tells me that the book is published ; and I have seen it adver-
tised in the newspapers. If you wish to know what feeling in our
minds this intelligence has called forth, turn to the 90th Psalm, 17th
verse, Prayer-Book version.* If it were not that we have good reason
for assuring ourselves of His aid who can make all things bend to His
will, we should think any hope for Africa, after so many centuries of
such deep debasement, chimerical in the last degree. As it is, we are
in right good heart, and feel that, however the instruments may err or
fail, the great Actor and Leader will give the victory to His own
work.
" On Wednesday last, after some hesitation on account of the weather,
all our party started for Tivoli ; the distance about twenty miles, which
was increased three or four more I suppose by going round by Hadrian's
villa. About eleven o'clock the day cleared up, and was beautifully
fine, without being too hot. Hadrian certainly chose a noble situation
for his country-house ; and the remains are so perfect that one can see
with some degree of certainty where he slept, where he dined, and how
he managed things generally. Strewed about his grounds, in various
directions, are his imitations of all the edifices in Greece and elsewhere
which were celebrated in his day. He had travelled a great deal, and,
instead of taking a picture, as we do, of what he admired, he built it
over again.
" We then proceeded to Tivoli ; ordered our dinner, and took the
smaller excursion, in order to see the water-falls ; which would be very
fine if the people would let them alone. But, as in England we some-
times see pains taken to make artificial cascades look natural, so here,
at great cost, they have contrived to give a spruce artificial air to the
work of nature. As we went along the ridge of the hill opposite the
town, the river created by the water-falls being between us and it, we
saw the spot where Horace must have drawn the landscape ; the noisy
Albunea was no other than^the Sibyl herself, and her temple stood in
* " Prosper thou the work of our hands upon us, O prosper thou our handy-
work."
1840.] EXCURSION TO TIVOLT. 419
the inn-yard we had quitted. The ' praeceps Anio ' made himself known
in accents so intelligible as almost to deafen us. We were in the
Tiburtine grove, and the ' uda mobilibus pomaria rivis ' was a sketch to
the very life; some forty minor water-falls were throwing their spray
over the fruit-trees scattered among them. I, too, as well as Horace,
should wish for no better resting-place for my old age, provided there
were no malaria, and that all the people could be taught to speak
English. Some of the party slept at Tivoli, and went the next day
to Horace's farm, where, they say, no lady has been for the last ten
years."
" March 20.
" The weather has now become chilly and boisterous. I am glad we
are not at Naples. To-day the parties I spoke of have read and ap-
proved my Prison Report, and we went to Prince Borghese to urge
him to take up the subject of prison discipline. Afterwards, by way of
recreation, Richards and I went to explore two palaces. The day was
dark, and I did not take much to the pictures, but in the corner of the
garden of the Colonna Palace there stood what was merely the frieze (or
rather a bit of it) of the temple which Heliogabulus erected to his divine
self. This bit of ornament consisted of two fragments of marble, of
astonishing magnitude, and curiously carved. What must the temple
have been, judging it by this minor part ? and what has become of
the rest of the edifice ? and what a magnificent people these Romans
were ! their works, indeed, were wonderful. But, after all, the reflec-
tion which most naturally presents itself to my mind when I look at
such gigantic ruins, turns in this direction — here is deathless fame ! here
immortal glory ! here the proudest monuments of the great ! and this is
all that remains of them. — But I am sure it is time to say good night,
or I and my amanuensis shall terminate our descriptions in a gentle
slumber."
" March, 1840.
" On Friday we started with a large party, the Foxes, Lord de
Mauley, Captain Back, Captain Franks, and Mr. Silvertop, for Veii,
the great enemy of Rome in her early existence. We saw the place
where the whole family of the Fabii, three hundred in number, were
put to the sword. It is in a very beautiful country, and the land,
though very rich, hardly cultivated at all. We were told that in grow-
ing wheat in England one bushel produces seven ; in this territory one
bushel produces thirty-two, and yet there was hardly any land under
the plough. * * *
" On Saturday the Chancellor Neri called upon me, bringing four
splendid medallions as a present from Cardinal Tosti, given as a memorial
of my visit to his Institution for old people and orphans, and to the
420 A DEBTOR LIBERATED. [CHAP. xxix.
prison annexed to it. I am afraid I shall soon grow somewhat conceited,
for I never before was treated with so much distinction as at Rome.
Not only the English, but the Italians, have paid me all manner of
civilities. I am pleased to have got these medals, yet it is somewhat
awkward, as in return I shall have soundly to abuse the said prison,
which is the worst I have seen in Rome. In the afternoon I walked
with Mr. Ellison, and saw some splendid views of the city, particularly
of the Coliseum. We went into the garden of the Armenian College ;
the monks of that persuasion come from Mount Libanus and talk Syriac.
I was much struck with the beauty of their cast of countenance ; they
told me that their own country was pre-eminently fertile, and the climate
most healthy, but that terrible insecurity prevailed : few, they said, die
by disease, multitudes by the knife. * * *
" I do not think I can fish up another morsel of Roman news for you,
unless you may like to hear of one of our acts in visiting the prisons.
When we went among the debtors we were desirous of giving them
some relief, for they were sufficiently wretched ; but where was the
use of scattering a few shillings amongst them to be spent in drink ? In
this dilemma, Lord De Mauley suggested that we should select some
deserving man and liberate him, and we found a subject exactly suited to
our purpose, in the shape of a sensible-looking tailor, with a wife and
ten children ; who, just as his harvest was beginning, and as he was
anticipating a flood of gold from the produce of his needle in preparing
for the Carnival, was clapped into gaol by a malicious creditor for
21. 10s., with the certainty of remaining there for a year and a day. For
this 'ninth part of a man' we sent, told him our whim, and ordered
him to begone. After a most loving and graceful kiss of our hands
away he started, the happiest tailor in the Roman dominions."
"March 25.
" We have had several stinging cold days, and at this moment, and
for the last hour, it has been snowing as hard as ever I saw it do in
England. This morning the boys and girls set off for Grotta Ferrata,
to see a Roman fair in the mountains, about eleven miles distant ; but
they very discreetly returned when the snow began. I am very proud
to say that, after a fortnight's very cold ami treacherous weather, and a
great deal of wind, my dear wife is perfectly well; for which we ought
to be, and are, very thankful.
" I protest at this moment the boys are erecting a gig-antic snow man
in the court before us, and the material is coming down merrily. Our
intention had been to start for Naples on Monday, but the report is
current that we are going to war with the Neapolitans upon the sulphur
question. I do not believe a word of it, but as I have no taste for the
18-10.] REPORT ON THE PRISONS OF ROME. 421
possibility of being cannonaded by our own fleet, and pillaged by the
insurgent mobility of Naples, we shall probably keep away from that
town lor a few days till we hear the truth. The worst of this is, that I
fear my letters arc gone there, and I am hungry for news of my
bairns and my book. In our way to Naples we are going to visit the
recesses of the mountains, till very recently the dens and fastnesses of
the banditti. I understand that, although it is a charming country, it is
seldom visited, save and except by those who were carried there by the
robbers, and who probably at that moment did not pay much attention
to the picturesque. Ripping! lie goes with us; so, I believe, does Sir
George Back. II. and A. will wait for us upon the road, but all the
young and foolish of our party will go to the hills, and a wild romantic
excursion we expect to have. I sent my Report on the Prisons and
Institutions of Rome to one of our Italian friends who had visited them
with me, and asked him to sign it. His hair stood on end at the bare
idea of this proposal. ' What !' said he to the gentleman who took the
Report to him, ' am I to concur in telling my Government the plain truth ?
Am I in the plainest manner to expose the errors and evils of their system ?
There is not a Roman subject in the whole state who dares with the most
cautious circumlocution to hint a fiftieth part of what Mr. Buxton states
to them of their mistakes. He speaks as plainly as if he was speaking to
his brother ! I see how it is ; Mr. Buxton thinks he is in England, and
he has no notion that there is any harm in telling the Government that
they ought to be all hanged. But we live under a different sky.
Speaking plain truth to the authorities is quite an unheard-of thing at
Rome ; and any one who ventured on so unpalatable a task would
assuredly be ruined.* The Government, when they admitted him,
never dreamt that he would venture to find fault. He was expected to
•see a little, and compliment a great deal ; and there the matter was to
end. To tell you the truth, if I had known that this kind of search-
ing inquiry was intended, I should not have dared to accompany him.'
Much more of the same kind followed, and it appears clear enough
that the Government will stare terribly when they read my Report,
although its chief defect is that it is too complimentary.
" There are a good many double snipes here at this time. We had
two for dinner yesterday, and I dare say Aubin will shoot some to-day.
Some time between the 15th of April and the 10th of May there is a
most wonderful inroad of quails, and the whole country turns out against
them. Sir Thomas Cullum told me that on the 2nd of May, two or
* The head of one of the Institutions informed Mr. Buxton that the letter
he had received from the Government, directing him to throw the Institution
open to his inspection, contained these expressive words, " show him every-
thing, but with due caution."
422 SEVERE ILLNESS. [CHAP. xxix.
three years ago, he found upon inquiry that duty had been paid on
80,000. Pretty well for one day ! And I remember that an officer
who during the war was quartered upon the coast, told me that the
ordinary ration of a common soldier was six quails a- day. I rather hope
to have one day's shooting at the fellows. * * * The snow is now
melted, but it is cloudy."
At this juncture Mr. Buxton was attacked by very serious
indisposition, in which his breathing was for the first time pain-
fully affected. He was, however, well enough to write, on the
1st of April, to Mrs. Edward Buxton and Mrs. Johnston.
" My dearest Daughters, — I think you will like to have a few lines
from myself on my birthday. I make little doubt that your affectionate
anxiety has exaggerated my late indisposition, and that you will be
looking out eagerly for the post. I am better. I am positive upon that
point. I am also sure that I have been very unwell, and that I have
been nursed with the most loving care. There ends all my certainty. I
have no clear notion what my malady has been ; I have had next to no
fever ; very little of what, correctly speaking, can be called pain ;
and, I believe, not much danger: but, on the other hand, I have suf-
fered a great deal from weariness, from headache, from want of sleep,
and from great difficulty of breathing.
" The result is that, as Dryden says,
' The thin chilled blood is curdled in my veins,
And scarce a shadow of the man remains.'
* * * But really when I began my letter I had no intention of
speaking to you about this trumpery. I wanted to tell you that I am,
I believe, decidedly on the mend ; that my birthday has been far from
an unpleasant one, and that I look upon this illness as one of my many
mercies.
" As soon as I felt that I was in for a bout, I remembered Andrew's
capital observation, ' Begin at once to prepare for the worst, act as if
you foresaw it would be fatal, set your house in order.' In some slight
measure, and no more, I have been able to do this, and have realised
the scene which, if we escape it now, must soon occur. One cannot be
too thankful for this kind of warning, and for the plainness with which,
after preaching to us upon the prodigious difference between things
temporal and things eternal, it says, with all emphasis, ' Set your affec-
tions on things above.' That is the way that it gives a shake and a
tumble to darling objects and cherished schemes, and says to us peremp-
torily, ' Away with such trides, there is no time for them.' "
"April '_>.
" I got so fur yesterday when my wife came in and tyrannically pro-
1840.] JOURNEY TO NAPLES. 423
hibitcd me from writing another word. But to-day I may pronounce
myself decidedly better. All my most important enemies are subdued.
What remains is very great debility, and my brace of doctors talk much
about a constitution ' vehemently exhausted,' and seem to think me, at
my best, good for little more than to read a newspaper by way of study,
ride three miles by way of exercise, and, these duties performed, to spend
the rest of rny time in pure idleness.
" There is, and always has ,been to me, something very pleasant in
illness, — in having your mother nursing me all day and all night.
* * * There is no poetry like that of the Bible. Where can we find
an expression so forcible, yet so exactly just, as that of David ? — ' His
love to me was wonderful, passing the love of women.' * * * Most
women are capable of this devoted love, but then there is often, be it
spoken with reverence, a take-off, or a drawback. As Sir Walter says,
she is an angel in the hours of care and grief, but
' in hours of ease
Uncertain, coy, and hard to please ;'
whereas mine is not better on special occasions than in the every-day
routine of affectionate duty. Every one has been most agreeable, affec-
tionate, and dutiful : the girls have had a hard time of it, for I generally
keep them reading half the night."
TO EDWARD N. BUXTON, ESQ.
" Mola di Gaeta, one day's journey from Naples, April 10, 1840.
" I wrote to you last on the 1st of April, in the worst of my illness-
We left Rome as soon as I was able to move. I suffered not a little from
exhaustion in going up stairs at Albano^but I have been improving ever
since, and am now nearly as well as ever. * * *
" We loitered some days at Albano, and then proceeded to this place
by very slow journeys ; judging by the glimpses which we have occa-
sionally had, it is a most lovely country, but cloud, rain, and mist have
been our all but constant companions. There is now, immediately below
us, a garden covered with orange and lemon trees, looking quite yellowr
with the fruit, the Mediterranean beating against its wall. There, to
the right, jutting into the sea, is the town of Gaeta, with the bold hill
which joins it to the main land. To the left are Vesuvius and the Bay
of Naples. We have been here two hours, and we have had one
walk of two minutes. We hardly know what kind of reception we
shall meet with at Naples, as we have learned that a messenger has
gone to our fleet at Malta, ordering it up. So do not be surprised
if you happen to see in the Gazette that the girls are killed by can-
non-balls on the battlements. Our plan is, at all events, to take a
424 JOURNEY TO NAPLES. [CHAP. xxix.
peep at Naples, and to be off again in a moment if we see occasion
for it. I must now get ready ibr dinner, for they are come in half-
drowned.
" We are just told that our lives would not be worth two-pence apiece
if we went to Naples now.
" I must not forget to tell you that my prison labours terminated happily
the day before I left Rome. My Report was addressed to Cardinal
Tosti, and it seemed to us rather a good omen that, on the following day,
we saw his carriage standing near the door of the Prison for Females ;
and before my departure I received a letter from him, promising in the
handsomest manner to attend to my suggestions, and thanking me for
them.
" My illness alone has prevented us from paying a visit to Sonnino,
the town of robbers. As you enter it, I am told, you see the prison
ornamented with fourteen cages, containing the heads of so many ban-
dits ; if you go into the streets and speak to three men, the chance is
that one out of the number has been upon the hills, arid that two
out of the three are of the lineage of some predatory hero. It is,
however, not easy to get at information ; the Government cannot bear
the subject to be mentioned ; the guilty, therefore, who have been con-
ditionally pardoned, dare not speak, and the others who were their prey
have too many painful associations to make the subject agreeable. Two
Englishmen who have travelled there tell me that if you ask a question
of any respectable person on these dark transactions, he usually utters not
a word in reply, or, if he says anything, it is something like this, —
'Every stone hereabouts has its own bloody tale to tell.'"
" Naples, April 13, Monday.
" We reached this place on Saturday night, and our terrors of bom-
bardment, for some of our party did tremble, have subsided. Our fleet
just poked its nose into the Bay on Sunday morning, but sailed away to
Salerno, a port some ten miles distant, where it waits, I suppose, the
turn which negotiations may take. I have seen our Minister, Mr.
Temple, and he gave me to understand that we may safely remain till
he throws out a hint to the contrary. Nothing can be more lovely than
this day ; my window looks towards the bay, and it glitters so as quite
to dazzle me. Beautiful as it is, it is singularly like Wcymouth. * * *
Instead of finishing my letter to you this morning, I was tempted
by good company and fine weather to look about me ; and first, after a
passing glance at Vesuvius, which was unusually clear, we went to the
Museum, and saw all the curious things collected from Pompeii and
Hcrculaneum. There was the service of plate which some active butler
had spread out for an intended dinner eighteen hundred years ago ; the
1840.] LAKE AVERNUS. 425
loaf which that day was to have been cut, the store of eggs and of chest-
nuts which were dressed somewhat sooner than was designed. Then
there was Mrs. Diomed's garment, at least a piece of it ; the ornaments
that were found upon her head, the ring on her finger, and the
krv which her hand still kept hold of; there was the helmet of the
faithful sentinel who was found at his 'post, and the iron to which the
legs of three prisoners were still fixed ; there were the appurtenances
which belonged to a very fine lady, rouge among the rest. But it is
difficult to say what there was not. It is strange to see that the world
wanted and Assessed in those days almost everything to which we now
attach value.
" After this sight some of us went to Puteoli, and saw the spot where
St. Paul must have landed. From thence we proceeded by the shore
of the Mediterranean, which was eminently beautiful, giving us a full
view of a great part of the Bay ; and we then paid a visit to the Sibyl.
The country was originally a plain, but many hills have been thrown up,
some of them not long ago, by the operation of volcanoes. Through these
we wound our way ; at last we stopped opposite a little path leading to
the left, and marched along by the side of the Lake Avernus to the foot
of a mountain. As for this lake, which has been sung so often, by
Homer, if I recollect right, and certainly by Virgil — ' Divinosque lacus,
et Averna sonantia sylvis' — it has about as much beauty and romance as
the great pond at Weybourne ! It was, however, exceedingly curious to
be visiting the Infernal Regions,
' And where that mayne broad stream for aye doth flow,
Which parts the gladsome fields from Place of Woe ;
Whence none shall ever pass to Elysium playne,
Or from Elysium ever turn agayne.'
" I always thought that these strange places were deep underground ;
but, I tell you, this day I saw Acheron, and Styx, and Elysium, and what
not ; and with my own hands threw a stone into the MareMortuum, and
with my own eyes saw the stone swim.
" We next proceeded
' To ascend the sacred hill
Where Phoebus is adored, and seek the shade
Which hides from sight his venerable Maid.
Deep in a care the Sibyl makes abode.'
" Leaving the ladies at the entrance, I marched with four guides into
the mountain. The cave is said to extend about a quarter of a mile,
but it seemed to me that they had measured it with some poetical licence.
At first it was very fair walking, but it grew steeper as we proceeded.
426 POMPEII. [CHAP. XXTX.
The walls were of lava, grown hard by age. At length we came to some
water. I mounted on the back of a strong guide, and another carried a
flambeau ; at length we arrived at the Sibyl's drawing-room, a narrow cell ,
in which there was a kind of stone sofa, and a sulphurous bath, in which
the Sibyl used tojshow herself to those who consulted her, and among
the rest to Julius Caesar. After seeing all these lions we returned to
Naples."
" Wednesday, April 15, Eight o'clock in the evening.
" We started soon after eight this morning for Pompeii. It is most
curious to be thus, in 1840, walking about a town which in many re-
spects is as fresh and as perfect as it was on the 23rd August, A. D. 79.
There were the streets with their ancient names, and the ruts worn by
the carriages. At No. 1, Via Consularis, lived the ^Edile Pansa with
his name over the door, and just within it was found the skeleton of his
porter. At, No. 2, resided a poet, who, unlike his fraternity, appears
to have been very wealthy. The house, though not large, was very ele-
gant Among his pictures was a beautiful and very well preserved one,
of Venus and Cupid fishing. On his table were fish, bread, and olives.
In his kitchen were found the bones of two of his cooks, with many less
important articles of kitchen furniture. In another apartment, stretched
on a bed, the left arm holding up the head, was found another body.
In another house there was a table spread with five knives, and there
were the skeletons of six men who seemed to have been surprised while
they were making themselves comfortable ; for on the table before them
were eggs and ham, fish, figs, &c. At No. 6 resided the baker, and there
were his grinding stones and his oven, in which there was still some
bread. Not far off lived a musical gentleman, and many instruments of
music were found in his house. In one room there were nine bodies,
three of them with flageolets in their hands. Sallust's house in the same
street was very elegantly furnished, and there we got a very good con-
ception of the way in which he used to dine. At one end of the build-
ing there was a good painting of windows, sky, and country. It appears
that Mrs. Diomed had taken refuge in the cellar, her husband was
making his escape at the back of the house, and was there found standing
upright. The statue of the Faun, which is much celebrated, was found
in the centre of the garden of Marcus Tullius, round which there were
the remnants of forty-four great pillars ; he seemed to have lived well
through the year, for there was a great number of large wine-jars (<im-
phorce), which were turned bottom upwards, showing they had been
recently emptied ; there were several beautiful mosaic pictures, one of
the Nile, with its animals and birds, sea-horses, alligators, snakes, and
shoveller ducks, which last the boys thought admirably executed. There
was also a very fine mosaic of Alexander and Darius. In a small room
1840.] POMPEII. 427
were found the remains of the whole family, at least twenty-four bodies
of ini'n, women, and children, also a silver candelabrum, and a good
deal of money. In the adjacent Temple of Fortune we were struck
with the brilliant whiteness of the marble, and we noticed half a square
of very thick glass in an aperture between tv\o apartments. Thei'orum
was splendid. It was very extensive, and gave us a good notion of the
various purposes to which it was turned — a Senate House in one
place ; a Temple of Jupiter, if I recollect right, in another ; the spots
where they made speeches and measured corn ; an Exchange, &c. &c.
" But such a. beautiful scene as there was before us — to the left and
immediately opposite to us, a line of hills ; to the right, the sea \\ ith
Castel-a-mare, and on its shores several white towns, with the island of
Capri, and the promontory of Minerva in the distance ; certainly this
region is eminently beautiful. One of their national proverbs says, that
Naples is a piece of heaven which has tumbled down upon earth.
'• We had intended to dine in the Forum, but by mistake our dinner
was laid out in a kind of barn-looking room at some little distance from
it. To say nothing of our food, which, however, was very acceptable,
we were highly amused by the whole scene. We had plenty of native
waiters, but I do not think they mustered a single stocking among them.
A musician made his appearance, who first played on a cracked instru-
ment, and then sung a variety of fine Italian airs in very good style.
Then he set two men and a boy figuring away in a dance, somewhat
like an Irish jig ; and finally, renouncing his instrument, set to work
dancing himself to the music of his own voice. The bard, however,
like Walter Scott's, gave us to understand that the higher ettbrts of his
art required the inspiration of a tumbler of wine. We afterwards saw
the Temple of Isis. The worshippers stood below, the oracles were
delivered from above, and we saw clearly the aperture by which the
priest obtained admittance behind the altar, and spoke for the goddess
when she happened to be in a silent mood. The guide assured us that
he had tried the experiment, and the people below supposed that the
voice really came from above. It seems that the priests made a good
thing of it ; for some money and wine were found and the skeleton of a
man with an iron bar in his hand, with which he had endeavoured to
break through the wall.
" We afterwards saw at some distance a beautiful theatre, as perfect,
I should think, as it was at the moment of the eruption. Also an im-
mense amphitheatre in an equal state of preservation ; so that we have
the clearest conception of the stage on which the captives and Christians
fought with wild beasts, and of the order in which the gentlefolks of
Pompeii sat while they were amusing themselves with this delicious
spectacle. But it began to grow cold ; so my wife and I returned
423 NAPLES BLOCKADED. [CHAP. xxix.
home in our carriage, and I gladly leave it to others to supply you with
further information."
At this time great excitement prevailed in Naples, the king
having announced his determination to go to war with England
rather than give up his rights on the sulphur question. Large
bodies of troops were embarked for Sicily. The fortifications
were repaired and extended, and everywhere the din of military
preparations was heard. Mr. Buxton, however, did not take
alarm, but remained at Naples, and one morning, the apprehen-
sions of war having somewhat subsided, his party visited the
crater of Vesuvius. While approaching Naples, on their return
home at night, they observed lights in a part of the harbour
where they had never appeared before. On entering the town
it was found to be in an uproar of confusion ; the Bellerophori
seventy-four, and the Hydra armed steamer, had entered the
harbour, and, to the astonishment and indignation of the Neapo-
litans, had anchored under the teeth of their batteries. The
streets were thronged with the whole population of Naples, in
the utmost excitement. Regiments of horse and foot were
marching rapidly to their posts ; cannon and tumbrils of ammu-
nition were rolling by ; and soon the king dashed past in a
barouche and four on his way to Posilippo, where the English
were expected to land.
Mr. Buxton, however, felt quite confident, as indeed it proved,
that the king was only endeavouring to obtain good conditions
by a pretence of resistance. In a note written on the evening
of the arrival of the Bellerophon and Hydra, after mentioning
the excitement of the town, " people running about in all direc-
tions, companies of soldiers on the esplanade, cannon posted
along it," &c., he proceeds —
" Do not be frightened. We are not. We have no idea that our
sleep this night will be broken by the thunder of these guns. We
have, however, ordered our passports to be prepared, ready for a start ;
and I am sure to be right, when, after the manner of the Delphic oracle,
I pronounce that the whole hubbub will end in smoke ! "
This appears to be the last letter written by Mr. Buxton from
Italy. At the end of April he was compelled to hasten to
England on account of the African business, leaving the rest of
1840.] JOURNEY THROUGH FRANCE. 429
the party behind, till the advance of summer should render it
safe for Mrs. Buxton to return to a northern climate. In the
interim, some of the travellers proceeded across Italy to Ancona,
and there embarked for Greece.
TO MISS GURXEY, AT ATHENS.
" Fontainebleau, Sunday, May 10.
" If an angel were to offor to tell me at this moment any earthly
news, the question I should ask him would he, How fares it with our
Athenians ? Has the time gone merrily with them ? are they safe and
sound, satisfied and happy '? and are they now sitting on Mars Hill,
reading, as we have done to-day, the 17th chapter of Acts? What a
curious scene that was, and how the Stoics would have wondered, had
they been told by an oracle that the barbarian babbler before them would
be more renowned at the end of two thousand years than Theseus or
Themistocles ! and that in a little bit of an island, which they had never
heard of, the time would come when his description of them — their
scorn — their avidity for news — would be copied off at the rate of one
a minute !
•• Well, I can truly say I have eagerly watched you, thought of you,
and sailed with you ; and my first inquiry every morning has been — ' Is
the day fine for our Attic party?' Alas! the answer has not always
been gladdening. Our days have been alternately wet and dry, never
very fine, sometimes excessively wet ; so I fear for you. Surely I shall
find a line from you at Paris to-morrow. At Paris to-morrow ! you w ill
say : \\hy, how you must have raced ! Nay, we we have travelled very
slowly ; up betimes in the morning, always housed before eight in the
evening, and yet here we are, notwithstanding we lost half a day for
want of horses, half a day by breaking our springs, and half a day by
our wish to see the city of Lyons.
" Our journey, which cost so many sighs before we started, has been
nothing else but pleasure. G. B. has been a capital companion. He
is always gay and cheerful; humours me in the choice of rooms and
dishes ; does all the work ; reads in the Bible to me the first stage ;
talks when 1 want a chat, and holds his tongue or goes out a stage or
two when I want to meditate ; or reads Byron to me when I am tired
of my own employments. I suppose you have read the Giaour and the
Corsair? They have furnished me with charming ideas of Grecian
scenery. In our voyage to Marseilles I saw the sun rise out of the sea,
and he did, indeed, come forth ' as a bridegroom out of his chamber.'
1 had been reading Byron the evening before, with, I confess, unex-
pected admiration, — but sitting upon the deck that morning, and reading
430 JOURNEY THROUGH FRANCE. [CHAP. xxix.
the 19th Psalm as the sun began to peep over the waves, I thought that
David was the greater poet of the two. The verses of Byron's I had
been reading, as we floated by the hills between Genoa and Marseilles,
were those beginning —
' Slow sinks, more lovely ere his race be run,
Behind Morea's hills the setting sun ;
Not as in northern climes, obscurely bright,
But one unclouded blaze of living light ;
O'er the hushed deep the yellow beam he throws,
Gilds the green wave that trembles as it glows,' &c.
" They are charming, as much for their fidelity as for their poetry ;
but Byron never ploughed through a perfectly calm sea at the rate of
nine knots an hour ; if he had he could not but have described the velvet
waves, as they were turned up by the steamer, without breaking. I
never saw anything so lovely.
" But now to answer your questions. Yes, I am well, famously well,
no headache, no cough, no cramp, no nothing. I am in capital spirits,
hoping that I am going to see ' my children's children, and peace upon
Africa.'
" The roads, to my surprise, have been very good, and the country
all the way from Marseilles very pretty. I wish my wife would return
by it ; it would be so safe for her monster of a carriage. She saw it
when the trees were in the sear and yellow leaf; but now, the olives
first, then the walnuts, last of all the forest-trees, are in full foliage,
and give one quite a new idea of France.
" While at Paris I hope to see Madame Pelet, and ask her to go with
me to the Due de Broglie, that we may have a talk about the slave-
trade, and that I may give him a copy of my book.
" How I do long to hear of all your adventures and histories !* Do
* One of these adventures was of rather a disagreeable character. On
our way home, after crossing the Splugen, and passing through the Via Mala,
we found the road blocked up by a waggou full of wood, but without any
horse or man. The postboy blew his horn, but no one appeared ; so at
length we got down, and tried to move the waggon, but were unable to do
so, and at last we were forced to tilt it in order to let the carriage pass.
The woodmen, no doubt, had seen what we were doing from the hill-side,
and probably had been coming down to move the waggon ; but, on seeing
it upset, they rushed down upon us in a state of the most ungovernable
fury. Three of them_fell at once upon our servant, threw him down, and
mauled him terribly ; another ran to the horses' heads to prevent the post-
boy from going on ; while a fifth attacked Mr. Richards with a shower of
blows. Mr. Richards at length fluug him off, and sprang upon one of the
men who was kneeling upon the coachman and beating him; thus relieved,
Spink jumped upon his feet, knocked over two of the ruffians with such
1840.] LETTERS. 431
you find you can talk Greek ? What do you think of the Acropolis ?
Are Charles and Richards availing themselves to the utmost of so un-
precedented an opportunity ? "
TO MRS. BUXTOX, AT GENOA.
" Paris, May 12.
" I am full of imaginations of your inns : windows not fastened, cur-
tains not closing, and the keen winds rushing down the mountains.
May God have preserved you ! But I have felt, if possible, even more
for those dear Athenians. I keep a little map in my pocket, and often
turn to it, but I cannot say with pleasure. I would give something to
know when they set foot again on the solid earth, tossed, as they have
been, I fear, and sick and sad, and at their wit's end. I am glad they
wandered to Mars Hill ; it will be a pleasure to each of them all their
lives. Would, however, that you were all at home again !"
The last in the series of Mr. Buxton's letters is dated from
Havre de Grace : —
"May 15, 1840.
" My dear A. & C. — We are going to start to-night for England.
The wind is fair, the sea smooth, and we hope to breakfast to-morrow
at Southampton. I was exceedingly amused with your letters from
Ancona ; I know you put in all that Greek to puzzle me, but there you
were mistaken, for I made it all out. While I was at Paris Madame
Pelet was most kind to me, and introduced me to many persons whom
I wished to see, and especially to some good abolitionists. I called on
M. de St. Antoine, and was much pleased with his heartiness. I think
he is more likely to be useful than any of them ; he has so much heart
in the work. It was, I think, this day seventeen years ago that I first
brought forward the slavery question, and on Wednesday thirty-three
years I was married ; the two chief events of my life."
force that his blouse was stained with their blood, and, after a moment's
desperate scuffle •with the others, he broke away, and, springing upon the
coachbox, produced his pistols. On seeing them the fellows fled. The
•writer of this, meanwhile, was lying insensible on the road, having been put
hors de combat by a heavy blow on the mouth. They lifted him into the
carriage, and we reached Ragats without any further molestation. — ED.
432 GREAT PUBLIC MEETING. [CHAP. xxx.
CHAPTER XXX.
1840, 1841.
Great Public Meeting in Exeter Hall — Prince Albert in the Chair —
Mr. Buxton created a Baronet — Preparations for the Niger Expedition
. Agricultural Association — Ventilation of the Ships — Sir Powell
Buxton's Health begins to fail — " The Friend of Africa " — Public
Meetings — Letter to the Kev. J. W. Cunningham — Day of Prayer for
the Expedition — Prince Albert's Visit to the Vessels — The Expedition
sails — Letter to Captain Trotter.
MR. BUXTON arrived at his son's house in tolerable health,
and full of impatience to carry out his plans for the suppression
of the slave-trade, by the establishment of lawful commerce in
Africa. To these he at once devoted himself, with all the ardour
that mi^ht be expected after the period of relaxation he had
enjoyed. In order to bring the whole case effectually before the
public, a meeting was held on the 1st of June, at which, to the
hio-h gratification of the African Society, H.R.H. Prince Albert
consented to preside. The meeting took place in Exeter Hall,
and formed, say the contemporary papers, " a most grand and
magnificent display of national feeling." At eleven o'clock His
Royal Highness entered the hall, which was already crowded
with an audience of the highest respectability. Among those
present were the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquis of Breadalbane,
the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Ripon, Howe, Chi-
chester, Euston, Devon, and Morley ; Lords Ashley, Sandon,
Mahon, C. Fitzroy, Worsley, Monteagle, Teignmouth, Seaford,
Howick, Eliot, Calthorpe, Nugent, K. Grosvenor, &c. &c. ;
M. Guizot, and the Bishops of Winchester. Exeter, Chichester,
Ripon, Salisbury, Hereford, and Norwich.
Prince Albert opened the meeting; and Mr. Buxton then
moved the first resolution, concluding his address in these
words : —
" I do not forget the military triumphs which this country has
1840.] GREAT PUBLIC MEETING. 433
achieved ; but there is a road to glory more noble, more illustrious,
purer, and grander than the battles of Waterloo or Trafalgar ; — to arrest
the destruction of mankind ; to pour a blessing upon a continent in
ruins ; to send civilization and the mild truths of the Gospel over a
region, in comparison with which Britain herself is but a speck upon the
ocean ; this is the road to true and enduring renown : and the desire
and prayer of my heart is that Her Majesty may tread it ; and that,
crowned with every other blessing, she may
' Shine the leader of applauding nations, ;
To scatter happiness and peace around her,
To bid the prostrate captive rise and live,
To see new cities tower at her command,
And blasted nations flourish in her smile.' " '
He was followed by Archdeacon Wilberforce (the present
Bishop of Oxford), by Sir Kobert Peel, the Bishops of Win-
chester and Chichester, the Marquis of Northampton, Sir Thomas
Dyke Ac-land, Sir George Murray, Dr. Lushington, Mr. Samuel
Gurney, the Rev. Dr. Bunting, Rev. J. "VV. Cunningham, and
several other gentlemen. At one period an interruption was
caused by the entry of Mr. O'Connell, and the clamours of part
of the audience for a speech from that gentleman ; but, alto-
gether, the meeting passed off with the most triumphant success.
Shortly after this meeting of the African Civilization Society,
it was intimated to Mr. Buxton, by Lord John Russell, that it
was proposed to confer the rank of Baronet upon him. After
some deliberation, having ascertained that the idea had not been
suggested to the Government by any of his friends, but was a
spontaneous mark of their approbation of his conduct, he accepted
the title with much gratification.
The summer was spent in active preparation for the Niger
Expedition, for the service of which three iron steamers, the
" Albert," the " Wilberforce," and " Soudan," were fitted out ; and
to the great satisfaction of all who were interested in the subject,
the command of the expedition was given to Captain Henry Dundas
Trotter who was appointed to the " Albert," Commander Wil-
liam Allen to the " Wilberforce," and Commander Bird Allen
to the " Soudan." These gentlemen and Mr. William Cook*
* Well known as the Captain of the Cambria, which saved the crew of
the Kent East ludiaman.
2 F
434 THE NIGER EXPEDITION. [CHAP. xxx.
were the four Commissioners empowered to make treaties with
the native chiefs for the abolition of the slave-trade.
The African Civilization Society engaged several scientific
gentlemen to accompany the expedition ; Dr. Vugel as botanist,
Mr. Roscher as mineralogist and miner, Dr. Stanger as geologist,
and Mr. Fraser, Curator of the Zoological Society of London,
as naturalist. Mr. Uwins a draughtsman, and Mr. Ansell, a
practical gardener or seedsman, were also appointed ; and the
Church Missionary Society was allowed to send the Rev. Fre-
derick Schon and Mr. Samuel Crowther * to examine into the
practicability of establishing missions on the banks of the Niger.
The object of the expedition was, to explore that great artery
of "Western Africa, the river Niger ; to examine the capabilities
of the country along its banks ; to enter into treaties with the
native chiefs for the abolition of the slave-trade ; to clear the
road for commercial enterprise, and to afford that enterprise the
security which alone seemed necessary for its development.
Sir Fowell Buxton and his friends were also extremely anxious
that this opportunity should not be lost of putting the natives in
the way of cultivating the soil, and drawing forth its varied and
immense resources. It will be remembered that, in 1839, an
Agricultural Association was proposed. To its formation he
had devoted much of his time during the summer of 1840. The
expression recurs again and again in his letters — " There is
nothing to which I attach more importance than to the Agri-
cultural Association." " I am firm in the conviction that, next
to religion, the Agricultural Association is the means on which
we ought chiefly to rely."
TO SIR THOMAS DYKE ACLAND, BART.
"August, 1840.
" This consideration has presented itself to me with great force — we
never shall have again so favourable an opportunity for making an expe-
riment in agriculture. The few people whom we shall send will go out
* The Rev. S. Crowther (who is an African Negro), having been ordained
by the Bishop of London, is now zealously labouring as a Missionary at
Abeokouta. An interesting account of his deliverance from a slave-ship
will be found in App. III. of Messrs. Schou and Crowther's Journals of the
Niger Expedition.
1840.] PLAN FOR A MODEL FARM. 435
under the escort and protection of the vessels. They will be carried
through the mangroves and miasma of the delta by steam ; they will
have the medical help of at least eight surgeons or physicians; above
all, they will have the sound and cool judgment of Captain Trotter to
restrain them from settling, unless the circumstances of climate, soil,
and disposition of the natives should be very favourable. If, then, we
are ever to make the attempt, why lose such an opportunity? Our
intention is to make a mere commencement, on a most moderate scale.
If it answer, we shall enlarge our operations hereafter, and we shall
have something practical and positive to lay before the public."
It was at length resolved to adopt this agricultural experiment.
Four thousand pounds were subscribed for the purpose by Mr.
Evans, M.P., Mr. James Cook, Mr. Samuel Gurhey, Sir T. D.
Acland, Mr. T. Sturge, Mr. J. G. Hoare, Sir Fowell Buxton,
and Mr. E. N. Buxton. Sir Fowell further proposed that a
tract of land should be purchased in a healthy situation near the
confluence of the Niger and Tchadda. This proposition was
unanimously adopted, and measures were immediately taken for
carrying it into effect.
Referring to this plan for a model farm, Sir Fowell says, in a
letter addressed to Miss Gurney, on the 6th of December —
" I cannot conclude these particulars about Africa without telling you
of a text which has been cheering me up all day : ' There shall be
showers of blessing, and the tree of the field shall yield her fruit, and
the earth shall yield her increase, and they shall be safe in their land,
and shall know that I am the Lord, when I have broken the bands of
their yoke, and delivered them out of the hand of those that served
themselves of them.' " (Ezekiel xxxiv. 26—28.)
The severe attacks made upon his plans by some of the leading
journals gave him much pain ; " But," he tells Mrs. Johnston,
" I cannot help remembering, when I feel the breezes that blow
upon us now, what the gales were in 1825 and 1826, when our
Anti-slavery bark put to sea. That cause was indeed cradled in
a hurricane, and yet how safely is it havened !"
Throughout his correspondence innumerable passages occur
which show his extreme anxiety for the safety of those who were
voluntarily about to encounter so dangerous a climate. He says,
in a letter to Captain Washington, —
" Trotter tells me that the expense of the ventilation already exceeds
2 F 2
436 PLAN FOR A MODEL FARM. [CHAP. xxx.
the estimate by 1400/., and that a further expense of 500Z. is still
required, which he will not proceed to incur till he has the authority of
the Government. Now I am as clear as daylight about two points :
first, that the Government ought to pay this ; and secondly, that if they
will not, we must ; and that, therefore, it ought to be so proceeded
with as not to delay the departure of the expedition. As far as I am
concerned, I give my hearty concurrence, and will take my full share of
the responsibility."
To Mr. Samuel Gurney, after requesting him to attend a
meeting1 of the Agricultural Committee, and pay in a subscrip-
tion for him : —
" I leave it to you to put down my name for the sum you think right.
To tell you the truth, I had thought of being very mean in my sub-
scription. In one way or another Africa has cost me a good round sum,
and on this ground I thought myself justified in subscribing only 10007. ;
but if you think that the smallness of this will discourage other people
and do mischief, put me down for two, or three, or four thousand. I
am very glad to think that Africa has a friend like you, more able, and
more willing, to give."
On the 7th of August Dr. Lushington and Sir Fowell Buxton
addressed a letter to Lord John Russell,* setting forth the im-
portance of establishing the model farm. After this, he was
constrained to go into the country for the re-establishment of
his health. " To tell you the truth," he writes to Sir George
Stephen, " I am dead beat ; I do not recollect ever to have felt
so languid and good for nothing."
TO THE RIGHT HON. STEPHEN LUSHINGTON, D.C.L.
" My dear Lushington, — Dr. Farre has been pleased to write me a
letter, telling me that I have just this alternative, viz. that it is open to
me now, either to live or to die for Africa ; but that, if my judgment be
in favour of the former mode of proceeding, I must 'cut and run,' ' go
to the country and animalise.' This is curiously in concurrence with
what Dr. Holland told me six months asro.f I think I shall send you
these medical letters, for if there be anything on earth which I mortally
hate, it is the sense that 1 am skulking away from the field of battle,
* See Parliamentary Papers relative to the Niger Expedition.
t Dr. Holland, some time before, wrote to Mrs. Buxton: — " From what
I have seen, Mr. Buxton is working beyond the power which even the
strongest natural constitution can give."
1840.] DECLINING HEALTH. 437
while you, in spite of your ailments, go on fighting manfully. Hut I
really cannot help it ; there is not a stroke of work left in my great
caiviisc. 1 am like my old horse John Bull ; he does well enough for
a lady to take a canter in the park, but give him a brush along the
road, or a burst across the fields, and he is done up for a month.
" Now what does all this tend to ? This, — that I must avail myself
of your permission to leave town this week, subject to being recalled by
you on any great emergency, particularly with regard either to treaties
or instructions."
Private anxieties were now added to. his public labours, but
these occupied his thoughts far less than Africa. He thus writes
to Lady Buxton from Bury, while on his way to London in obe-
dience to a summons from Lord John Russell : —
" August 27, 1840.
" It will cheer you to hear that I am so far on my journey, safe and
sound, remarkably comfortable, and perfectly well into the bargain.
* * * What are mines, and miseries, and mail-coaches, as compared
with the vision, all sunshine, of a people, thousands and hundreds of
thousands, springing from bondage to liberty, from stripes and howling
to wages and singing, from being things to being men, from blindness
to the Gospel ? * * *
" I feel very thankful, and am a happy man this night."
Among other matters of interest which demanded his atten-
tion during his short visit to London was the setting on foot a
periodical under the name of ' The Friend of Africa,' the superin-
tendence of which was undertaken by Captain Washington, R.N.,
an energetic member of the committee.
During September great pains were taken to inform and inte-
rest the public on the subject of the African expedition, and with
this view it was resolved that meetings should be held in the
principal commercial towns. It was of importance that these
should be ably conducted. The Marquis of Breadalbane pre-
sided at the one convened at Glasgow. " For Manchester," Sir
Fowell writes to Captain Washington, " Dr. Lushington would
be the man. His presence would ensure success, but I really
know not how to ask him. We trouble him enough upon mat-
ters even more important. He wants rest as much as any man,
and yet he is of so free and ardent a nature that he will kill him-
self rather than not do anything he can."
438 LETTER ON THE SLAVE-TRADE. [CHAP. xxx.
Dr. Lushington, however, and Sir George Murray, attended
the Manchester meeting. Another, at which many of the nobility
and gentry of Norfolk were present, was held in St. Andrew's
Hall, Norwich, Mr. Villebois, then high sheriff of Norfolk, being
in the chair ; but a large body of Chartists broke into the hall,
and after great uproar and confusion compelled the meeting to
disperse. It is to this meeting that the following letter alludes : —
" My dear Lushington, — What with the Chartists at Norwich, and
the Times newspaper, and the Edinburgh Review, and the bitter reso-
lutions of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society, and the recognition of
Texas, and the threatened admission of slave-grown sugar, clouds seem
to be gathering round about us ; but I do not mean to allow these things
utterly to vex me. I am as sure as ever that we are upon the right tack,
and, if so, we shall beat them all yet. My chief anxiety is, that the in-
structions to the commissioners, and the model treaty, should be finished
in good style. I will be with you at dinner on Wednesday, and we will
talk over these matters."
The following is an extract of a letter to the Rev. J. W.
Cunningham of Harrow, in which Sir Fowell urged him to give
lectures in different places on the subject of the slave-trade: —
"Northrepps, Sept. 23, 1840.
« * * * A month spent in going from town to town would do us in-
finite good — infinite, literally speaking, for it affects negro souls as well
as bodies.
" So, O man of God, pray send to Trew* the instant you receive
this, and offer to traverse a district for at least four weeks. The effect
will be, that a hundred other clergymen, evangelical and eloquent, will
follow your example, and the tocsin will be sounded through the king-
dom ; the subject will be no longer dormant ; our Society will be rich
instead of poor; and, being rich, will adventure to do things connected
with the expedition, and things of essential importance, at which it now
starts and trembles.
" I speak most seriously when I say, I think you may thus do us vast
good ; and, moreover, the West Indians also. You tell me you heard
one of them confess that my plan was ' their only shelter from ruin.'
Very curious that it should have come to this. But it is true enough :
nothing but the horrors of the slave-trade, fixed and stamped on the
mind of the public, will avert the introduction of slave-grown sugar.
* The Rev. J. M. Trew had been appointed Secretary to the African
Civilization Society.
1840.] SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. 439
" But the most wonderful part of the case is, that the West Indians
look on very quietly, and leave me to fight their battle. MacQueen has
essentially served the cause. Gladstone, Lord Seaford, and John Irving
have served it ; and there ends, pretty nearly, the catalogue of West
Indian proprietors who have so much as lifted up a finger for us.
" Excuse my thus troubling you, but I really am so pressed, so over-
done, that I must press on others. Every proposition is brought to me ;
every step taken I am obliged to act in."
At this time the idea began to gain ground of removing the
prohibitory duties on slave-grown sugar. The Duchess of
Sutherland having written to Sir Fowell Buxton to inquire his
opinions vith regard to this proposition, he replied as follows : —
" I lose no time in replying to the letter which your Grace has done
me the honour to address to me. I can have no hesitation in saying,
that in uy opinion the best and wisest course which we can pursue is
to enforce the prohibitory duties against slave-grown sugar, that is,
against .he sugars of Cuba and Brazil. It seems to me to be one of
those questions in which ordinary rules are to be disregarded, and in
which considerations of political advantage must be made to yield to
the superior law of moral duty. We cannot admit the produce of Cuba
and Brazil into home consumption without giving a vast impulse to the
growth of sugar in those countries, or, in other words, without giving
the strongest encouragement to the slave-trade. The question then pre-
sents iself in this form. Shall England, which has hitherto been the
only hope of Africa — which has cheerfully paid twenty millions for the
emancipation of her own slaves — which has, as some of us think, derived
more true glory from this than from Trafalgar and Waterloo — shall this
England, which has hitherto thought no labour and no sacrifices too
grea for the accomplishment of this special object, now turn round,
and )y a single act do more for the promotion of the slave-trade than it
has ever done for its suppression, and be the very means of pouring
dovn upon Africa a more aggravated load of misery, ruin, crime, and
desolation than she has ever yet endured ? I cannot think that it will
te for a moment pretended that we should be justified on principle in
taking this course ; and if this be true, such a course cannot, in the long
run, prosper. A temporary relief, no doubt, the country may obtain ;
but at what a cost ! Such base inconsistency would tarnish the character
of the country in the eyes of the civilized world. Our high professions,
our appeals to other nations, calling upon them to relinquish, from fear
to God and in pity to a quarter of the human race, the iniquitous gains
of the slave-trade — the boast we have made of superior humanity — all
440 SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. [CHAP. xxx.
these would be held up against us in mockery when the world should
perceive that for the sake of revenue, and for the sake of effecting some
reduction in the price of an article of consumption, we have resolved,
with our eyes open, to do that which must necessarily produce an in-
crease of the very trade which we have hitherto pretended to detest-
But we shall lose more than reputation. We shall forfeit His favour
who rules the destinies of nations. Enlightened as this country is on
the subject of the slave-trade, and knowing well thai guilt upon the
largest scale, and to the most intense degree, inseparably cleaves to it,
I can conceive no national crime which would be darker, or more likely
to call down the vengeance of God, than for us to become now, know-
ingly, parties to the extension of that traffic. President Jefferson, him-
self a slaveholder, speaking of slavery, said, ' I tremble for n:y country
when I remember that God is just.' When Great Britain shall have
been bribed to give direct encouragement to the trade in human flesh,
shall we not have reason to fear that such a crime — attended, as in our
case it would be, by such consummate hypocrisy — would bring down
upon the nation some heavy chastisement ? These are the leading con-
siderations which present themselves to my mind, but there an others
which must not be lost sight of. There seems good reason to believe
that the high price of sugar is but a temporary evil. I think we may
reasonably expect that many of the difficulties which have hitherto ex-
isted in the West Indies will cease, and we may hope that the islands
will not continue to suffer from unfavourable seasons. Again, tha quan-
tity of sugar coming from the East Indies is increasing every diy, and
will without doubt go far towards the reduction of prices. As a question
of pure policy, would it not be better to give an impulse to the growth
of sugar in our own territories in the East and West Indies, tkan to
confer such a bonus on Cuba and Brazil ? Another point shouM be
borne in mind. The Government cannot pretend that they are tHven
by necessity, and the overwhelming voice of the country, to dispense
with the prohibitory duties. There have been, I take it, no demonstra-
tions of any great anxiety on the subject, on the part of the pecple.
The noise that is made is not very loud, and it proceeds rather from the
merchants who want to sell the Brazilian sugar than from the peorlc
who want to buy it. If the latter should be laid clearly before tic
public, and they should be made really sensible that they can only obtain
foreign sugar through the medium of the slave-trade, they would not
call upon the Government to instigate such crimes, and to multiply such
horrors as they know belong to the slave-trade, for their relict. Whou
we proposed the abolition of slavery, it was tauntingly said, ' The public
are your friends now ; but tell them they shall have their will, slavery
shall cease, but they shall pay for it, and you will hear no more of anti-
1840.] SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. 441
slavery meetings and petitions.' Slavery was abolished, and a tremen-
dous mulct was thereby imposed upon the people of England ; and it
must ever be remembered, to their honour, that not one petition was
presented against it while the measure was in progress, and not a murmur,
as authenticated by any public remonstrance or petition, has since been
hoard. I must now conclude this long letter. You have called me to
write upon a subject in which I feel the most intense interest, for it is
palpable that, if we once consent to the admission of slave-grown sugar,
there is an end to every hope for unhappy Africa. All our past, sacri-
fices of money and of the lives of our sailors are rendered worse than
useless and the bright expectation in which we have indulged of seeing
a new day dawn upon a hundred millions of our fellow-creatures, and of
the spread of peace, of knowledge, and of Christianity, amongst them,
proves but an idle and disappointing dream."
TO EDWARD N. BUXTOX, ESQ.
"Northrepps Hall, Oct. 1840.
" You talk about ' idle people shooting in the country.' I beg to say
this docs not apply to me, as my secretary could tell you. He has just
groaned out to me, that in five days last week he despatched eighty-eight
letters of mine, and some of them very lengthy, and a very great majority
connected with the slave-trade."
The motto of the Buxton family had been, " Whatever thy
hand fincleth to do, do it with thy might." Of this lengthy but
appropriate sentence he retained only the last clause ; and " Do
it with thy might" was the motto attached to the arms which he
bore as a baronet. " But I do not think," he writes to a friend,
" my motto and I square well together now-a-days. I have no
'might,' nor energy, nor pluck, nor anything of that sort; and
this kind of listlessness reaches even to my two pet pursuits —
negroes and partridges. In short, I feel myself changed in almost
everything."
As the time for the departure of the vessels was now drawing
near, he became anxious that a day of prayer should be appointed
for the safety and success of an expedition which would be ex-
posed to so many dangers. " Pray do not let us lose sight of
this," he wrote to Mr. Coates, then one of the secretaries of the
Church Missionary Society ; " never was there a case which
more required the Divine blessing."
442 DAY OF PRAYER. [CHAP. xxx.
On the same subject he addressed Sir John Jeremie, the
Governor of the West Coast of Africa : —
" Northrepps Hall, Nov. 1, 1840.
" It is determined that a day shall be set apart for prayer on behalf
of our efforts for Africa, and especially for the safety and success of the
expedition. Sunday, November the 8th, is the day appointed. I can
confidently say, that the new Governor of Western Africa and his family
will not be forgotten. I greatly rejoice that this determination has been
come to. Surely, considering the difficulties, the perils, the prejudices
at home, the brutal ignorance in Africa ; considering, again, how many
brave and good men are hazarding their lives in the cause of humanity
and righteousness, and, above all, reflecting on the mighty consequences
which may, and which, by the blessing of God, as we hope, will follow
the combined effort we are now making, I say, considering all these
things, surely we have need to crave Divine help, and the guidance of
more and better than human wisdom. Farewell, my dear friend, and be
God's blessing upon you and yours, for Christ's sake."
TO J. J. GURNEY, ESQ.
"Upton, March 9, 1841.
" I am staying here for the morning, walking about with my wife,
and am going to Hampstead to dinner, when I am to see, and spend
half an hour with, our poor dear brother Hoare. Have you heard of
his truly elevated state of mind ? it quite takes away the sting of his
illness. * * *
" We had a capital party of the Niger officers and others at the
Brewery yesterday — about thirty people — Trotter, Bird Allen, Wash-
ington, Sir Robert Inglis, Acland, Mrs. Fry, among the number.
" I know that she (Mrs. Fry) is anxious to visit the crew on board
the ' Albert.' I have therefore fixed with Trotter that he shall receive
a good party of us on board his vessel on Friday the 19th. Now I very,
very much hope that you will come too. Do not let anything stop you.
Our one hope for the expedition is, that the blessing of our Lord may
go along with them ; and the desire of all of us must be, that those
vessels may never be permitted to leave this shore unless the presence
of the Lord be with them."
He several times minutely inspected the vessels fitted out for
the expedition, which were then lyini> in the river; and lie \vas
one of the party which waited upon H. R. H. Prince Albert,
when he visited them on the 23rd of March.
1841.] PRINCE ALBERTS VISIT TO THE VESSELS. 443
TO MISS GUENEY.
"Leamington, April 1, 1841.
" Now I must tell you about Prince Albert's visit to the vessels. I
went an hour before he was expected, and found everything in the most
perfect order, and the officers in full dress. Trotter looked remarkably
well in his uniform, and I was glad to have the opportunity of seeing
him actually engaged in the command of his people. At the appointed
time two carriages and four drove on to the quay, containing Prince
Albert, Mr. Anson, Major Keppel (our late member for Norfolk), and
half-a-dozen others. I was upon the quarter-deck, and Professor Airy
with me, near the steps, which the Prince immediately came up. He
greeted me with the most good-natured familiarity, and expressed his
pleasure at seeing me ' on board my fleet.' He then closely examined
everything, and seemed to take great delight in the whole concern, and
to understand mechanics. He was especially delighted with a buoy
fixed ready at the stern of the ship to be let down at a moment's notice.
It contained a light which (at least they said so) water only inflamed.
This was for the purpose of saving any one who might happen to fall
overboard at night. I said to Keppel, not intending the Prince should
hear me (which however he did), ' I wish his Royal Highness would
order one of his suite, yourself, for example, to be thrown overboard,
that we might save your life by this apparatus.' The Prince took up
the idea, and seemed half inclined to set Keppel a swimming, in order
that we might have the gratification of the salvage. After examining
everything in the ' Albert,' the boat came alongside ; the Prince and
six of his attendants got in, and I was also invited, and was not very far
from having reason to regret the honour. The wind was blowing hard,
and the tide rolling along at its full force. Our sailors were not accus-
tomed to the navigation of the Thames, so the tide ran away with us,
and dashed us with considerable violence against a yacht at anchor, the
' William and Mary.' We got entangled amongst the ropes attached
to her anchor, and a cry was raised from the vessels, ' You will be
dragged over, lie down ! ' Down went his Royal Highness flat to the
bottom of the boat, and without ceremony we all bundled down too.
As it was, the rope scraped along my back. When we got clear, the
Prince sprang up, laughing heartily at the adventure, saying, ' I have
had one ducking before this year, when I fell through the ice, and I
thought we were going to have a second of a much worse kind.' The
alarm felt on board the vessels at our situation was very considerable;
and Bird Allen had ordered his boats to be lowered.
" After visiting the two other vessels, the Prince took leave of Trotter
and the company, and expressed himself highly pleased with what he
had seen."
444 DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION. [CHAP. xxx.
On the 14th of April, 1841, Captain Trotter and Commander
William Allen sailed for the Niger with the Albert and Wilber-
force, the Soudan having put to sea a few weeks earlier. It
need not be said that this event was one full of the deepest inte-
rest to Sir Fowell. His prayers were indeed fervent for the
success of the expedition, and the welfare of its gallant com-
manders and crews ; and, though deeply impressed by the risks
they were about to incur, his unshaken confidence in the presence
and providence of God did not fail him now. The chief source
of apprehension lay in the deadly climate ; but against its dangers
every human precaution had been taken. The ships were to
steam as rapidly as possible through the mouths of the rivers,
where the miasma chiefly prevails. Dr. Reid had invented a
system of ventilation by which a constant current of air, impreg-
nated with chloride of lime, could, by the agency of the steam-
engines, be maintained through all parts of the vessels ; a large
proportion of the crews were natives of Africa,, and the medical
staff was remarkably able and efficient. With these precautions
— the whole expedition, also, being under the command of so
able and judicious a man, whose eminent qualifications had
pointed him out for this responsible office — it was confidently
hoped that all the perils which, it was well known, were insepa-
rable from such an undertaking might be passed through with
safety.
With reference to the expedition, Sir Fowell frequently re-
peated Cowper's lines : —
" Heaven speed the canvass, gallantly unfurled,
To furnish and accommodate a world ;
To give the pole the produce of the sun,
And knit th' unsocial climates into one.
Soft airs and gentle heavings of the wave,
Impel the fleet, whose errand is to save,
To succour wasted regions, and replace
The smile of opulence in sorrow's face.
Let nothing adverse, nothing unforeseen,
Impede the bark that ploughs the deep serene,
Charged with a freight transcending in its worth
The gems of India, nature's rarest birth ;
That flies, like Gabriel, on his Lord's commands,
A herald of God's love to Pagan lands."
1841.] LETTER TO CAPTAIN TROTTER. 445
On the evening before the ships sailed, Sir Fowell wrote to
Captain Trotter from Leamington : —
"April 13, 1841.
" My dear Friend, — Once more I bid you farewell. I need not, I
am sure, repeat to you the extreme interest with which I shall follow
you, nor the earnest prayers which my heart will pour forth for your
welfare and prosperity. You will find all that I feel at this time, re-
garding you and your whole party, in the 121st Psalm. May I beg you
to convey to Captain W. Allen, Lieutenants Fishbourne and Strange,
Dr. MacWilliam, and indeed to each of your officers, my very best
wishes and regards.
" * * * With my best regards, and with the sympathy of us all for
Mrs. Trotter, I once more crave that the blessing of the Lord may be
with you in your mission of peace and mercy.
" Yours ever, most faithfully,
" T. FOWELL BUXTON.
" P.S. April 14. — How ardently I trust that you are steaming away
to your satisfaction this blowing day ! The expression is often on my
lips, and always in my heart, —
' Soft airs and gentle heavings of the wave,
Impel the bark, whose errand is to save.' "
446 CORRESPONDENCE. [CHAP. xxxi.
CHAPTER XXXI.
1841.
Correspondence — Journey to Scotland — Deer-Stalking — Return Home —
Good News from the Niger Expedition — Account of its Progress —
Scenery of the Niger — Treaty concluded with Obi — His Intelligence
and Courage — The Attah of Eggarah — Sickness appears on board —
The Model Farm — The Soudan and Wilberforce sent down the River —
The news reaches England — Distress of Sir Powell Buxton — The
Albert proceeds up the River — Dense Population — Agricultural Pro-
duce in the Markets — Some Slaves liberated — The Nufis — Increased
Sickness on board the Albert — It returns to the Sea — Perilous Descent
of the River — Mortality on board — Death of Captain Bird Allen —
Opinions of the Commissioners as to the Expedition.
THE departure of the Niger expedition from the shores of
England left Sir Fowell's mind comparatively disengaged.
Nothing now remained but to await the issue of the undertaking;
and his broken health imperatively demanding attention, he
stayed for some weeks at Leamington under the care of Dr.
Jephson. From thence he writes : —
TO THE REV. DR. BUNTING AND REV. JOHN BEECHAM, SECRETARIES
L OF THE WESLEYAN MISSIONARY SOCIETY.
"Leamington, April 26, 1841.
" My dear Friends, — I regret much that I shall be prevented by in-
disposition from attending your annual meeting. Do me the favour to
accept the enclosed very small and inadequate token of my interest in
your missionary operations, more especially those connected with Africa
and the West Indies. May God's blessing rest upon all the labours of
your Society : may lie raise up for you multitudes of new and generous
friends! for never was there a time when a greater necessity existed
that your hands should be strengthened, and that you should be furnished
with the means of embracing other and hitherto neglected fields \\itliin
the range of your exertions. I must not lose this opportunity of ex-
pressing the deep sense I entertain of the benefits which our Society
for the Extinction of the Slave Trade and Civilization of Africa has
1841.] ASSISTANCE TO MISSIONARY LABOURS. 447
received from the active and cordial co-operation which each of you has
afforded."
TO THE SAME.
" I read with deep interest to my family yesterday evening the mis-
sionary notices of your society. I hardly know how to express the
pleasure I felt at the self-devotion and courage of your labourers, in
Jamaica especially. These passages have wrung from me, against my
determination, the enclosed 50/. Give me leave to say, that that shall
not prevent me from responding in my humble way to any call you may
make on behalf of Africa."
" With this great object in view," writes Mr. Trew, " whatever
efforts were made by the Missionary Societies met with the most prompt
and generous support from Sir Fowell. The only question he asked
was, ' Are these men the servants of the Most High God ? Do they
desire in simplicity and godly sincerity to preach Jesus Christ and him
crucified, and to labour for good to the bodies and souls of the poor
benighted Africans ? ' Once assured of this, his heart and hand were
ever ready to help them. It was not that he undervalued the agency of
the Church to which he belonged ; to efforts made by her individual
members he responded with surpassing liberality. But in his view of
the miseries which afflicted Africa, there was no time to be lost in
waiting. His maxim was, ' Dum Roma deliberat Saguntum perit;' and
under this conviction he lived, and enlarged the bounds of his Christian
benevolence."
"While on a short visit to Matlock he writes to Mrs. John-
ston : —
"May 4, 1841.
" The thing that has most interested me, and has awakened many old
and slumbering feelings, is the circumstance that thirty-nine years ago
I spent a Sunday here with the Gurneys, on our excursion to the Lakes
before H. and I were engaged. Could we then have drawn aside the
curtain, and have seen what we should be on our next visit to Matlock
— our youngest child with us on the point of entering Cambridge — let-
ters in our pockets from two of our married children, speaking, in most
pleasant terms, of their sons and daughters ; could we also have been
aware that in the interim I had spent nearly twenty years in Parliament,
and that the gracious Lord had blessed my efforts with regard to slavery
and the slave-trade; — could we, I say, in the former period have real-
ized what we should be nearly forty years after, how strange but yet
cheering would have been the peep into futurity ! and now looking back
through this long series of years, 1 am constrained to confess that ' good-
ness and mercy have followed me all the days of my life.' "
448 VISIT TO SCOTLAND. [CHAP. xxxi.
His health having been in a great degree restored under Dr.
Jephson's care, he agreed to join his son, and his nephew, Mr.
Edmund Buxton, at a moor they had taken in the north of Scot-
land. Being surrounded by a cheerful party, the month he spent
in the wild seclusion of Ausdale, a little shooting-lodge near the
top of the Ord of Caithness, proved a time of peculiar pleasure
and refreshment to him. Towards the end of his stay there he
writes to his younger sons : —
"Ausdale, Sept, 6, 1841.
" To-morrow morning we leave Caithness, and expect to reach Lon-
don about the 25th instant. Everything here marks that our visit has
come to its natural conclusion. In the first place, all the grouse are
killed. We may go out for half a day and not see above a brace ; and
then our tea, our wine, our marmalade, our currant jelly, our novel, are,
some of them quite, and the rest all but, out. We have very much
enjoyed being here. Nothing can have been more harmonious and one-
minded than our party. We have lived in luxury, and, in one respect,
have fared like savages, for our next day's ^dinner has been playing in
the stream, or roving in the forest."
Sir Fowell Buxton now returned to Northrepps. The season
was advancing, and every week increased the anxiety with which
tidings of the Niger Expedition were looked for. At length
they arrived, dated " August 20, River Niger," and were of the
most encouraging character. " With two exceptions," said
Captain Trotter, " the whole company is in good health."
" This," writes Sir Fowell, " I think highly satisfactory, and
may God in his mercy grant that we may continue to hear such
favourable reports ! I am, I confess, not devoid of anxiety."
He thus replies to Captain Trotter's letter : —
" Northrepps Hall, Nov. 12, 1841.
" I must write a few lines, if it be only to assure you that my anxiety
is unabated to hear tidings of the Expedition, and more especially to
hear about yourself, Captains William and Bird Allen, and Cook. I
was going to add Lieutenant Fishbourne ; but I may as well say at once,
all the officers and all the crews. I believe I should hardly exaggerate
if I should say that while engaged in our family devotions I have never,
or at all events most rarely, neglected to oft'er up my prayers for the
safety of you all, for the success of the Expedition, and for the out-
1841.] SCENERY OF THE NIGER. 449
pouring of God's grace upon Africa. I trust and I believe that I am
but one of many thousands with whom these things form a subject of
daily and heartfelt prayer."
The history of the Niger Expedition is so closely associated
with that of the subject of this memoir, that it may not be
deemed irrelevant to give a short account of its progress, its
fair promise of success, and its lamentable reverses, taken from
the Parliamentary papers and despatches, and from the published
accounts of Captain W. Allen, .Dr. Mac William, the Rev. J.
F. Schon, and the Rev. S. Crowther.
The Niger Expedition began to ascend the Nun branch of
the river on the 20th of August, 1841, that being the season
recommended by Captain Beecroft, and other gentlemen well
acquainted with the subject.* Every one was in the highest
spirits, cheered by the novelty and beauty of the scenery, and
by the exhilarating feeling of the air, which appeared perfectly
salubrious ; and it was difficult to imagine that it could be other-
wise. After Sunday Island, where the influence of the tides
gives place to the constant downward current of the river, a
marked change took place in the scenery. The banks began to
be slightly elevated above the water, and, instead of the man-
grove, a variety of beautiful palms and other trees formed a forest
so dense, that, for upwards of 100 miles (except where spots
were cleared for cultivation), the eye could not penetrate more
than a few yards beyond the water's edge. These cleared spots,
containing yams, cocoas, cassadas, Indian corn, plantains, and
occasionally sugar-cane, began to appear immediately after
leaving Sunday Island, and gradually became more frequent.
Solitary huts were now succeeded by clusters, and clusters of
huts by villages, the villages became larger and more populous;
while the natives showed themselves less timid, and often came
off in their canoes to hold intercourse with the ships. Their
timidity, at first, had been great, but their disposition was inva-
riably friendly. For the first 50 miles there was little appear-
ance of trade ; but afterwards large canoes were seen carrying
palm-oil, destined for Brass town and Bonny. | The expedition
* Captain Trotter to the Secretary of the Admiralty.— Parl. Papers
relative to the Niger Expedition, p. 47.
f Captain Trotter's Report: P. P., p. 90.
2G
450 VISIT TO ABOH. [CHAP. xxxr.
continued its course every day, resting, however, on the Sunday,
" as the frequent shoaling- of the water subjected the engineers
and stokers to great exhaustion, and rendered the husbanding of
their strength imperatively necessary." *
On the 26th of August all the vessels had reached Aboh ; and
on the following morning Obi, the chief of the Ibo country, came
on board the Albert, accompanied by several of his family and
head-men. The objects of the Expedition, as well as each article
of the treaty, were then fully explained to him by an intelligent
interpreter from Sierra Leone ; and the commissioners were ex-
ceedingly pleased with the intelligence, judgment, and apparent
sincerity of Obi's remarks. The momentary opposition elicited
by some of the articles only tended to show how clearly he under-
stood the objects of the treaty. It is worthy of remark, that the
substance of his frequent interruptions was, that if he abolished
the slave-trade his people must have some occupation by which
to obtain subsistence, and that he, therefore, wished plenty of
ships to be sent to trade with him.f He came without any pomp
or state. With the exception of his dress, which was a British
scarlet uniform coat and scarlet cloth trousers, his appearance
was more that of a keen trader than of a sovereign chief of an
extensive country. His manner, however, though friendly and
unceremonious, showed a consciousness of power, and his attend-
ants treated him with marked respect. J His appearance is
described as prepossessing ; he was upwards of six feet high,
and stout in proportion : his forehead was large, and his counte-
nance generally indicated acute perception.
" An instance of his firmness," says Dr. MacWilliam, " was shown
one day on board of the Albert : while he was engaged with the com-
missioners, I was amusing his brother and some of the head-men by
performing some experiments with Smee's galvanic battery. Obi came
up to us just as the instrument was fitted for giving shocks : Anorama,
the judge, a little man, touched the cylinders at the end of the conduct-
ors, and, as the battery was at the moment acting rather powerfully, he
dropped them with rapidity and would not again come near. Most of
the others looked upon this new and extraordinary agent with suspicion
and awe: even Obi himself stooped somewhat doubtingly to take the
* Captain Trotter's Report : P. P., p. 91.
f Despatch from the Commissioners: P. P., pp. 32, 33.
j Captain Trotter's Report : P. P., p. 92.
1841.] VISIT TO ABOH. 451
shock; but he seemed determined to show no signs of irresolution or fear
before his people. He took a firm grasp of the cylinders, and held them
upwards of a minute, although I could perceive the muscles of the shoulder
and chest in strong electric excitation."*
Mr. Schori, the chaplain, tells us that —
" The Ibos arc, in their way, a religious people ; the word ' Tshuku,'
God, is continually heard. Their notions of some of the attributes of
the Supreme Being are, in many respects, correct, and their manner
of expressing them striking : ' God has made everything; he made both
white and black,' is continually on their lips. On the death of a person
who has, in their estimation, been good, they say, ' He will see God,'
while of a wicked person they say, ' He will go into fire.' f I opened
the English Bible, and made Simon Jonas read a few verses, and trans-
late them into Ibo. Obi was uncommonly taken with this. That a
white man could read and write, was a matter of course ; but that a
black man — an Ibo man — a slave in times past — should know these won-
derful things too, was more than he could have anticipated. He seized
Simon's hand, squeezed it most heartily, and said, ' You must stop with
me ; you must teach me and my people ;' and he would not be satisfied
until Simon had made his desire known to Captain Trotter. This desire
proves the sincerity of his heart to perform the terms of the treaty into
which he had entered. If he had any intention of evading them, he
would not have expressed a desire to have a person about him who un-
derstands his own language, can watch over all his proceedings, and
who, as he well knows, will join the Expedition again, and will be able
to make his report to the commissioners of Obi's conduct. " J "Jonas
was accordingly left at Aboh for a few weeks, during which time no less
than two thousand children were committed to him for instruction." §
The huts at Aboh were in general raised some feet from the
ground, resting either upon an elevation of clay, or supported on
strong wooden pillars from four to eight feet high. In the latter
case, access to the hut was gained by a ladder leading to the
principal aperture. They all seemed to be remarkably clean
and well matted. The actual number of huts in Aboh was esti-
* Dr. MacWilliam's Medical History, p. 64. He displayed less courage
on another occasion. Prayers being about to be read, he was requested to
kneel down. This he did ; but when the service concluded, he was found
almost overwhelmed with terror, the perspiration streaming down his face.
He had thought, it seemed, that the white men were invoking curses on his
head.
t Mr. Schon's Journal, p. 50. J Ibid. p. 61.
§ Ibid. p. 231.
2 G2
452 VISIT TO IDDAH. [CHAP. xxxi.
mated at from 800 to 1000.* Obi had only two large canoes in
use ; but was said to possess in all fifteen, each having a small
cannon lashed in the bow : they had from twenty to fifty paddles ;
and the largest could carry twenty fighting men. Besides these,
there were at Aboh about ten head-men who had eacli from two
to six war canoes. On an extraordinary occasion he could
muster about 300 canoes, armed with swivels and muskets.|
Captain "William Allen (who had previously explored the
Niger, in 1833) states that the nations on the banks of the river
as far as Rabba (500 miles from its mouth) are under the in-
fluence of only three powerful and independent chiefs : first, Obi,
king of Ibo ; secondly, the Attah, or king of Eggarah ; and
thirdly, the king of the Fulatahs, at Rabba.
The treaty having been formally concluded with Obi, for the
abolition of the slave-trade in his dominions, for the protection
and encouragement of legitimate commerce, and for the per-
mission to missionaries to settle among his people, and presents
having been given to him as a mark of good will, the expedition
proceeded towards Iddah, the capital of Eggarah.
A great change soon took place in the scenery : the banks of
the river had hitherto been flat ; but now " elevated land," says
Mr. Crowther, " was gradually peeping behind the thick bushes
on the banks of the river ; and the faces of all were bright at the
sight of these long-looked-for places."
The amount of cultivation of yams, bananas, and plantains
indicated more extensive habitation than had yet been seen, with
the exception of Aboh. At Iddah, in the kingdom of Eggarah,
the opposite shore is for some way low, flat, and swampy. The
land behind, however, gradually rises to hills of considerable
height, which seemed to be richly wooded. From the anchorage
(within 200 yards of the cliff) a magnificent range of rounded
and conical hills and high table-land was seen in the distance,
stretching from north-east to south-west, with a dense forest, ex-
tending from the table-land downwards, through which a series
of streams were pursuing curiously tortuous courses, until they
joined the main stream of the Niger, a short distance above the
town of Iddah.J Some of the officers went into the country, and
* Dr. Mac William, p. 61.
t Captain W. Allen's Report: P. P., p. 137.
I Dr. MacWilliam, p. 70.
1841.] ATTAH OF EGGARAH. 453
were much pleased with its openness and beauty. Here and
there some nice plantations fenced in contained cassada, yams,
pompions, Indian corn, and sugar-cane, all kept clean, and in
the best condition of culture.* The people were found to be
industrious, and more advanced in civilisation than their neigh-
bours lower clown the river: their grounds much better culti-
vated, manufactures more encouraged, and their social comforts
increasing. f Mr. Crowther, however, himself a negro, received
an unpleasant impression of the inhabitants of Iddah. " As they
were rude in their appearance," he says, " so were they in their
manners, for they made it no matter of consideration whatever
to put their hands on any part of our dress, which, considering
how dirty they were, was not at all agreeable. * * * If I had
met with a wild people before, this was one of that kind." J
The population of Iddah was calculated at about 7000 souls.
Their king, the Attah of Eggarah, appears to have been much
less intelligent and civilised than Obi. A similar treaty, how-
ever, was concluded with him. During the interview between
him and the commissioners he now and then made a remark,
and inquired about things which at first did not appear clear
to him ; and every word he said, or remark he made, fully
proved that he understood what was said to him.§ The treaty
was signed with all due formality, in the presence and with the
full concurrence of his head-men and the principal people of
the town. || "One of these, Lobo the chief judge, was a fine-
looking person, very handsomely dressed," writes Captain W.
Allen. " His manners and appearance were indeed so dignified
and elegant that he, at least, could not be classed among the
uncivilised."
" Up to this time (the conclusion of the treaty with the Attah of
Eggarah) the Expedition," says Dr. MacWilliam, " had been fortu-
nate beyond all expectation. The Delta had been passed, and we were
entering the valley of the Niger, under circumstances seemingly the
most auspicious. The crews contemplated with delight the novel and
diversified scenery of the high land before them. With such prospects,
* Capt. W. Allen's and Dr. Thomson's Narrative of the Niger Expe-
dition, I. p. 308. t Ibid. 326.
J Mr. Crowther's Journal, p. 291. § Mr. Schon, p. 92.
|| Despatch from the Commissioners : P. P., p. 37.
454 TOWN OF ADDA KUDDU. [CHAP. xxxi.
so favourable beyond all anticipation, it is not to be wondered at if we
indulged a rather sanguine hope that the continuance of health would be
granted to us, and that we should, under Providence, thus be enabled
to persevere in the great object of our mission. But it was otherwise
ordained."*
On the 4th of September fever of a most malignant character
broke out in the Albert, and almost simultaneously in the other
vessels. The Expedition, notwithstanding, proceeded towards
the confluence of the Niger and Tchadda.f
The country was remarkably well cultivated, and in excellent
order ; plantains, yams, Indian corn, and cotton being still the
principal occupants of the soil4 The villagers had large farms
of Guinea corn, which grew beautifully, and did credit to their
industry. § The town of Adda Kuddu was found to be in a
ruinous condition, having been destroyed by the Fulatahs. The
soil was a rich vegetable mould. Castor oil, cotton, indigo, and
other plants were abundant. [| Mr. Schon observed a mallam or
priest wearing a silk robe of native manufacture ; the weaving
was done remarkably well ; the silk could not weigh less than
seven or eight pounds.^
An agreement had already been made with the Attah for the
cession of land at the confluence for a model farm. A tract of
land was chosen near Mount Patteh, where the soil, although
not of the best quality, grew a considerable quantity of cotton,**
and there seemed every probability that coffee would grow on the
hills.ff
The natives of these parts were exposed to the ravages of the
slave-trading Fulatahs : but, as the Commissioners observed —
" The mere occupation of one or two stations by a few British sub-
jects would have the effect of establishing confidence among the natives,
who, once assured of the protecting care of Great Britain, would be
easily induced to build up their former habitations, and thus furnish an
useful population, and have a beneficial effect on the surrounding
tribes." JJ
* Dr. MacWilliam, p. 74. f Captain Trotter's Report: P. P., p. 91.
J Mr. Schon, p. 106.] § Mr. Crowther, p. 295.
|| Dr. MacWilliam, |(>. 77. f Mr. Schon, p. 116.
** Despatch from tfee Commissioners: P. P., p. 41.
ft Mr. Schcin, p. US.
jj Despatch from the Commissioners: P. P., p. 41.
1841.] CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. 455
These observations coincided exactly with Mr. Macqueen's
opinion (formed from the reports of previous travellers), who
wrote with reference to a settlement at the confluence, that " a
city built at that point, under the protecting wings of Great
Britain, would, ere long, become the capital of Africa. Fifty
millions of people, nay, even a greater number, would be de-
pendent on it." *
As soon as the land had been selected for the model farm, the
people in the vicinity brought abundance of provisions to the
new settlement for sale, and those who had nothing to dispose of
came and hired themselves as labourers : nothing could exceed
the good feeling shown by the natives on every occasion. f
Cotton cloths of good manufacture, spun cotton, calabashes
beautifully carved and ornamented, tobacco, camwood balls,
shea butter, dried buffalo flesh, and dried fish, were brought
on board in great quantities. As with most Africans, traffic
seemed to be the predominant passion with the people, with
a good share of dexterity in turning a bargain to their own
account.J
" So far," says Mr. Commissioner Cook, " the object of the
Expedition had been attained, and everything promised a favour-
able termination to the mission." But now the sickness on
board increased with such appalling rapidity that Captain Trotter
deemed it advisable to send the sick back to the sea in the
Soudan, in charge of Lieutenant Fishbourne, who displayed
equal zeal and ability in rapidly bringing the vessel through the
difficult navigation of the river, notwithstanding the disabled
state of the crew. At the mouth of the Nun, the Dolphin,
Commander Littlehales, fortunately encountered the Soudan,
and immediately relieved her of the sick, conveying them to
Ascension.
The intelligence that the Soudan had returned to Fernando
Po, and that nine men had died of the fever, reached England in
the beginning of December. It may well be conceived how this
news was felt by the friends of the cause in England. Sir
Fowell Buxton writes to his son : —
* Quoted in the ' Slave Trade, and Remedy,' p. 356.
f Mr. Cook's Report: P. P., p. 159. J Dr. MacWilliam, p. 83.
456 SORROWFUL TIDINGS. [CHAP. xxxi.
" Xorthrepps Hall, Dec. 4, 1841.
" I was very glad to receive your letter, reminding me that, in such
a storm, there is but one anchor ; but that one all sufficient. The blow,
however, is tremendous. There is no comfort to be found under it,
save in the assurance that it is the will and the work of our merciful
God. Mysterious it certainly is ; but could we survey the whole, there
can be no doubt we should perceive that all was done in true mercy and
never-failing love. Our text for the day has been, ' Therefore will we
not fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
carried into the midst of the sea.' The sympathy of dear Catherine's
letter was quite charming — it has been a great comfort both to my wife
and me. I think Sir Robert Inglis could not have done a better thing
than asking the Bishop to prepare a prayer for us. How extremely
gratified I shall be if a day is appointed for the purpose!"
TO THE SAME.
"December 6, 1841.
" Even now I do not wish the whole effort undone. A way, I firmly
believe, is opened for the missionary into the heart of Africa, and we
have found, in some respects, greater facilities than we expected. And
is the price we have to pay so intolerably heavy ? Is the loss of nine
men enough to damp all our zeal, and quench all our courage? Would
it have been enough, if we had been at war with the French, or the
Americans, or even the Chinese, to stop us ? Would the public feel-
ing have been quite satisfied if it were said, ' Why, we have lost nine
men; we must give over; it would be madness to fight any longer!'
Oh ! but war with France is quite a different case ; great national in-
terests are concerned. And are no interests concerned in the overthrow
of the slave-trade, in the spread of Gospel light over the darkness of
Africa, in the addition of a fourth quarter to the productions and the
requirements of the world '? Not only the interests of the nation, but
those of human nature, are concerned in this expedition ; and it is not a
trifle that shall put us to flight. Perhaps these very calamities have
been sent in order to try us, and to ascertain whether we have faith
enough, sufficient reliance on the promises of God to hear our prayer?,
and to be near us in our trials. It may be that, after all, a better day is
now dawning for Africa, and I am disposed to believe that this is the
fact, and that, if we do our part manfully, we shall not be defeated, even
in this very expedition."
The next tidings which reached England did not confirm this
hope. The sickness still continuing, Captain Trotter was com-
pelled, on the 21st of September, to direct the "Wilberforce to
1841.] SLAVES LIBERATED. 4."
follow the Soudan to the sea, whilst he and Captain Bird Allen
pushed forward in the Albert, in hopes of reaching Rabba, a
very large town, the capital of the Fulatahs. After leaving the
confluence, the banks of the river were found to be better peo-
pled, and "a great many villages" were observed. In the
market-place of Gori were not less than from 1500 to 2000
people. The articles exposed for sale were bags of salt from
Rabba, tobes of various colours, country cloths, camwood in
balls, iron-work, as hoes and shovels, Indian corn, ground nuts,
twine, silk, seeds of various kinds, shea butter, straw hats with
enormous brims, platters of wood, and calabashes beautifully
carved.*
Mr. Schon also mentions " several large bags of cottgn in its
raw state." He asserts that the price of cotton there could not
be less than in England ; but, he adds, " it is true that they
might grow ten thousand times the quantity they are now grow-
ing, f The trade of dyeing blue was carried on there : the
blacksmith was busy at his anvil, and the grinders of the Guinea
corn at the stones."!
The district of Gori is dependent on the Attah of Eggarah,
and, accordingly, the treaty formed with him was acknowledged
as binding by the inhabitants. Captain Trotter, having found
there some slaves in a canoe, liberated them after a formal trial.
The owners pleaded ignorance of the new law, and were there-
fore suffered to retain the canoe. The poor slaves fell on their
knees to Captain Trotter in token of gratitude for their libera-
tion. Both the owner of the slaves, and the son of the Attah,
who attended the trial as his father's representative, at once
acquiesced in the justice of Captain Trotter's decision. §
When some weeks afterwards the Albert descended the river,
the commissioners found that at Budda, the farthest point of the
Attah's territory, he had faithfully proclaimed the law against
slave-trading : —
"The inhabitants," says Mr. Schbn, "candidly admitted that Budda
had ever been a great slave-market, but said that from the time they
heard that the Attah abolished the slave-trade they relinquished it
* Dr. MacWiHiam, p. 87. f Mr. Schon, p. 143.
t Mr. Crowther, p. 3U5. § Captain Trotter's Report: P.P., p. 96.
458 TOWN OF EGGA. [CHAP. xxxi.
altogether. They were glad to hear that an English settlement had
been commenced at the confluence, and said that they would go and
see how white people built houses and made farms : and they would
settle near them to be protected from the Fulatahs. The same desire
was expressed at Kinami, a few miles further, — the first village in the
Nufi country, which is tributary to the powerful and warlike Fulutah
nation, who keep the Nuns in continual terror. The inhabitants of
Kinami are estimated at 1000 by Captain Trotter. They occupy them-
selves in weaving, and carry on some trade with Egga, in country cloths,
ivory, and bees' wax."
The Albert reached Egga, the largest Nufi town, on the 28th
of September.
Some alarm was found to have been excited there by the news
of the seizure of the slaves at Gori. But when the nature of the
treaty under which the seizure had taken place was explained to
the Governor, he was quite satisfied, and expressed himself de-
sirous that the slave-trade should also be abolished in the Nufi
country.* He, however, declined entering into any treaty with-
out the permission of his superior, the king of Rabba ; stating,
that he did not think the Fulatahs would be willing to relinquish
the slave-trade^ Mr. Schon spoke very earnestly upon the sub-
ject to a slave-dealer in the market. The man replied, " that
all he said was very true, and that, if the king of Eabba would
make a law against it, he should be as glad of it as any person,
and that the people in general would willingly give it up."
" To gain over the Fulatahs," adds Mr. Schon, " is certainly a
most desirable thing, as then the axe would be laid to the root
of the slave-trade in this part of Africa." f
Egga was the largest town yet seen on the banks of the river ;
the population was reckoned at seven or eight thousand. J The
people were in general tall and well made ; the form of the head,
the countenance, and the lighter shade of the colour of the skin,
indicated an intermixture of the Caucasian with the Negro
race.§
At Egga the manufacturing of country cloths was found to be
the principal occupation of the people. There were no less than
* Captain Trotter's Report : P. P., p. 97.
f Mr. Schon, p. 178. J Ibid. p. 180.
§ Dr. MacWilliam, p, 92.
1841.] NUFI NATION. 459
200 looms employed in various parts of the town, sometimes as
many as ten in one place. The looms are very simple, and the
cloth uncommonly neat, never being wider than three inches :
some is quite white ; some striped, white, blue, and red. The
dye is likewise made by themselves : the blue colour is made with
indigo, of which they possess a large quantity, dye-pits being
seen everywhere ; the red colour is obtained from camwood.*
" The people desired me," says Mr. Crowther, " to tell them
what kind of country cloth I should like, that they might get it
ready against our coming this \vay again, "f
The cotton is purchased from the left bank of the river, where
it is said to grow in great abundance. They commence planting
it after the first fall of rain, and five months afterwards it is fit
for use 4
At Egga, Captain Trotter had reached a point 320 miles from
the sea. He had accomplished his object with respect to two of
the three kingdoms to which he had been sent ; but he was now
compelled to relinquish his hope of completing his work by
reaching the town of Rabba. " A very little mediation on our
parts," he observes, " might probably have had the effect of
making the Nufi nation more independent, and less oppressed,
and have tended materially to the diminution of the slave-
trade.'^ But the sickness on board had become so very alarm-
ing, that it was found absolutely necessary, on the 4th of Octo-
ber, to steam down the river with all speed. Captain Bird
Allen, who had been most anxious to persevere, and in fact
almost all the officers and men on board, except the negroes,
were seized with the deadly fever. Captain Trotter himself was
at length disabled by it : and at this critical period the engineers
also were too ill to perform their duty ! Dr. Stanger (the geo-
logist), however, having learned how to manage the engines
from a scientific treatise on board, undertook to work them him-
self: and Dr. Mac William, in addition to his laborious duties
in attending the sick, conducted the ship down the river, with
the assistance of only one white sailor, " in the most able and
judicious manner."
* Mr Schon, p. 174.
t Mr. Schon, p. 331. J Ibid. p. 157.
§ Despatch from Captain Trotter : P. P., p. 44.
460 INCREASED ILLNESS. [CHAP. xxxi.
" One of the officers," writes Mr. Schbn on the 8th of October, " is
apparently dying ; many are still suffering ; and others, though free from
fever, are in such a state of debility that they will not be able to do
duty for a considerable time. * * * Nothing that I have hitherto
seen or felt can be compared with our present condition." " Yet," he
afterwards adds, " there was not one of those whom I attended in their
sickness and at their death, but who knew perfectly well that the cli-
mate of Africa was dangerous in the extreme, and had counted the cost
before engaging in the hazardous undertaking. And, to their honour
be it mentioned, no expression of disappointment or regret did I ever
hear ; on the contrary, they appeared in general to derive no small con-
solation from the conscious purity of their motives, and the goodness of
the cause in which they had voluntarily embarked."*
" When the Albert approached the model farm,'' says Dr. Mac-
William, "the quantity of cleared land and the advance made in the
building of the superintendent's house induced us to hope that he and
the two Europeans had been mercifully protected from disease ; but in
these hopes we were doomed to disappointment.''!
Mr. Carr, Mr. Kingdon, and Mr. Ansell were all ill, and
had to be taken on board. But the negroes, none of whom
had suffered from the fever, were left at the settlement, under
the care of Mr. Moore, an American negro. The Amelia
schooner was left at anchor with a black crew for the protection
*of the settlers. The natives had shown a great readiness to
engage as labourers at the model farm. " They had been on all
occasions most friendly to the settlers, and abundance of provi-
sions and labour had been easily procured at a moderate price."J
Dr. Mac William informs us that when the Albert reached
Aboh—
" Obi and his people brought abundance of wood, besides goats,
fowls, yams, and plantains. His prompt assistance to us on this occa-
sion was of the highest importance. He is decidedly a fine character,
and assuredly did not discredit the high opinion we had already formed
of him. He was melted into pity when he saw the captains sick in the
cabin."
While the Albert was still a hundred miles from the sea, its
disabled crew were surprised and delighted by seeing a steamer
coming up the stream towards them. It proved to be the
* Mr. Schon, p. 243. t Dr. MacWilliatn, p. 99.
I Ibid. p. 100.
1841.] FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 401
Kthiope, commanded by Captain Beecroft, who had been directed
by Mr. .Tainieson to afford every assistance to the Expedition.
This timely assistance was of the greatest importance. Captain
Beecroft and his engineer took charge of the Albert, and brought
her in safety to Fernando Po. It was hoped that Captain Bird
Allen and his gallant fellow sufferers would rapidly revive under
the influence of its purer air ; but many were already too much
sunk to receive benefit, and the mortality was most painful. Of
the 301 persons who composed the Expedition when it com-
menced the ascent of the Niger, forty-one perished from the Afri-
can fever. It may be worth while to observe, that of about 150
Africans on board not one died from the effects of the disease.
Captain Bird Allen fell a victim to it, at Fernando Po, on the
21st of October.
Thus failed the NIGER EXPEDITION. From the facts stated
by all the different gentlemen who were on board, and who have
written accounts of what they saw, and also from the direct
assertions of the four commissioners, it would* appear that
nothing but the climate prevented the expedition from fulfilling
the most sanguine hopes of its promoters.
" On its own part it possessed, in vain," as was remarked by
a contemporary writer, " all that modern science and human
skill — all that undaunted courage and determined enterprise —
could contribute to success. To its officers and men, dead as
well as living, the highest credit appears to be due ; they con-
quered everything but impossibilities ; nature they could not
conquer, and they only ceased to persevere when the survivors
had almost ceased to live." *
* The opinion of the Government is given in the following letter from
the Under Secretary for the Colonies, G. W. Hope, Esq., to Captain Trotter,
R.N. :—
" Downing Street, April 3, 1842.
" Sir, — I am directed by Lord Stanley to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of March 15, transmitting your Report of the Proceedings of the late Niger
Expedition entrusted to your command.
" His Lordship desires me to take this opportunity of conveying to yourself,
and to the other Members of the late Expedition, an expression of the sense
entfvtained by his Lordship of the zeal and ability manifested by yourself and
those under your command, in the attempt to execute the objects of the Expedi-
tion, under very difficult circumstances, and at great personal risk to all who
were engaged in it.
" I am, &c. " G. W. HOPE."
4G2 CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. [CHAP. xxxi.
On the other hand, the natives proved to be far more inclined
to trade, and far less barbarous and disorganised, than could have
been supposed possible in so secluded a part of Africa. They
eagerly sought the protection of the British from their slave-
trading oppressors, the Fulatahs ; and that protection it would
have been perfectly easy to give. The country, although some
thought it less fertile than had been anticipated, was found to
produce cotton, sugar-cane, coffee, indigo, ginger, arrowroot,
dyewoods, magnificent timber for ship-building, palm-oil, and
many other important articles of commerce. Ivory also was fre-
quently seen.
" The banks of the Niger," writes Captain W. Allen, " arc populous,
with the exception of the neighbourhood of the Mangrove swamps :
but wherever man has been able to get a firm footing, he has cleared
away a patch for cultivation, and has built his hut. These are found
to increase rapidly as we ascend the river. Large villages, towns, and
even populous cities are met with. The banks of the Tchadda, how-
ever, have been almost depopulated by the frequent slave-catching
expeditions. The country on both sides nevertheless is capable of sup-
porting prodigious numbers : the luxuriance of the vegetation is beyond
belief, and the palm-tree, which would form a groundwork for national
wealth and prosperity, grows in the greatest abundance. * * * The
strongest characteristic of the people is the love of traffic ; it is indeed
their ruling passion. Every town has a market, generally once in four
days ; but the principal feature is in the large fairs held at different
points in the river, about once a fortnight, for what may be called their
foreign trade, or intercourse with neighbouring nations.* * * * Here,
then, we have an immense and highly productive country, at no great
distance from our shores, and which may even be said to diminish daily
by the improvements in steam navigation. The nations inhabiting this
valuable region are desirous of being supplied with our manufactures.
* * * If the only interchangeable commodities were salt and palm-oil,
a profitable trade might be extended to the interior, and yet, with such
vast resources and capabilities on both sides, the exports from the
greatest commercial country in the world, which is seeking on all sides
an outlet for its manufactures, is less than half a million sterling."!
The chiefs were quite ready to enter into treaties ; and
Captain W. Allen emphatically declares : —
* Captain W. Allen's Narrative, i. p. 379. f iwd. '• 40'-
1841.] CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. 4G3
" I have no doubt that if the climate had not opposed a barrier to
frequent intercourse, those treaties would have been mainly instrumental
in putting an effect ual stop to the traffic in slaves, in the waters subject
to those chief's. The principles of humanity, so new to them, which
we expounded, were received with great satisfaction ; and all classes
earnestly desired the presence of British influence as the surest means
of ameliorating their condition, and of procuring a cessation of the wars
which now desolate the country. Very small means, such as the occa-
sional passage up and down the river of Her Majesty's steamers, would
have been sufficient for this purpose.
«* * * The vojce of vituperation has loudly charged the Expedition
with total failure. This, I may boldly say, is not true ; for although the
lamentable loss of life which it suffered had the effect of preventing the
accomplishment of all the objects for which it was equipped, its success,
until our exertions were paralysed by sickness, was complete; since we
were able to make satisfactory treaties with two of the three most
powerful chiefs that are known. * * * It is much to be deplored that
the single obstacle of the climate should have thwarted all the great
efforts w hich have been made for the benefit of Africa." *
It was the climate also, and the climate alone, that prevented
the Expedition from being the herald of Christianity to West
Africa. The disposition of the natives was found to be emi-
nently favourable to the settlement of missionaries among them.
" Their conduct," says Captain Trotter, " not only at the model
farm, but on all other occasions that came under my notice, is a subject
to which I feel much pleasure in adverting ; as during the entire period
in which the vessels under my command were in the Niger, not only
the native chiefs of the country, but the people in general, evinced the
most friendly disposition towards us, and this not only during our pros-
perity, whilst going up the river, but also in our forlorn condition when
coming down. * * * I may remark, that the desire evinced by the
natives in the neighbourhood of the model farm to be taught the
Christian religion, gives me reason to believe that, when the day happily
arrives of missionaries reaching that part of Africa, they will be gladly
welcomed by the inhabitants.'' t
In a despatch addressed to Lord J. Russell from Iddah, the
four commissioners expressly state their belief that " Christian
* Captain W. Allen's Report: P. P., pp. 135, 138.
f Captain Trotter's Report, p. 105.
464 OPINION OF THE COMMISSIONERS. [CHAP. xxxi.
missionaries and teachers may be safely * and advantageously
introduced into this part of Africa ; a measure which, by the
blessing of Almighty God, would tend effectually, in our opinion,
to enlighten this unhappy country, and to put an end for ever to
the abominable slave-trade." f,
* At that time there had not been any appearance of fever on board,
f Despatch from the Commissioners, P. P. p. 38.
1842.] DECLINING HEALTH. 465
CHAPTER XXXII.
1842, 1843.
Declining Health — Efforts and Views regarding Africa — The Model-Farm
broken up — Letter from the Bishop of Calcutta — Country Pursuits —
Planting — Characteristic Anecdotes.
IT may well be conceived with what anguish Sir Fowell Buxton
received the melancholy tidings of the Niger Expedition.
Deeply did he sympathise with the sufferings of the brave men
who had attempted to carry out his plans ; nor was he less
dejected at feeling that the door was closed, for the present at
least, through which he had hoped that so many blessings might
have been poured upon Africa. His health, which had been
undermined before, became gradually more feeble, and he could
no longer bear any sustained mental exertion, especially if
attended by any sense of responsibility. To a man, the law of
whose nature it was to be at work, with head, hand, and heart,
it was no slight trial to be thus prematurely laid aside. He was
only fifty-five years of age ; but already the evening was come of
his day of ceaseless toil ; nor was its close brightened by the
beams of success and joy. The idea of what he so forcibly
termed "the incomparable horrors" of the slave-trade had
fastened itself on his mind with the most vivid reality ; the
burning and plundered villages of Africa, the ships traversing
the Atlantic with their cargoes of torture, — these pictures were
ever before him. When unconscious that he was observed, he
would at times utter such groans as if his heart were sinking
beneath its load. But his grief was not of that kind described
by an old divine,* which " runs out in voice." He rarely spoke
of the Expedition, — to Captain Bird Allen's death he could
scarcely allude at all ; but his grave demeanour, his worn pale
face, the abstraction of his manner, and the intense fervour of
* Dr. South.
466 DECLINING HEALTH. [CHAP. xxxu.
his supplications that God would " pity poor Africa," — these
showed too well the poignancy of his feelings.
And yet the three years which elapsed between the failure of
the Niger Expedition and his death were brightened by not a
few gleams of domestic happiness ; by many country pleasures ;
by the great satisfaction of receiving, in the main, good tidings
of the working of emancipation in the West Indies ; by some
encouragements about Africa : but, above all, by the exercise
of faith, and the consolations of religion. During all that
period he was humble, patient, and resigned in an extraordinary
degree ; and especially was his heart overflowing with love to
all around him, and with the living spirit of thanksgiving and
prayer. His correspondence, after the lamentable issue of the
expedition, shows that his mind did not sink under discourage-
ment ; and although he candidly admitted the ruin of his own
scheme, he yet cherished hopes that the same great end might
be achieved in some other and better way.
To the Rev. J. M. Trew Sir Fowell thus expressed his
feelings, when he received the last painful accounts : —
" I need not tell you the grief excited by your heavy tidings. I
mourn from my inmost heart. But what can I say ? It has pleased
God to send us a deep disappointment — a personal, as well as public
calamity of no common kind. That dear Bird Allen ; — his long illness
— the sickness and suffering so grievously prevailing : that gallant fellow
Stenhouse — poor Willie — and the others! A mercy indeed it is to have
had Trotter spared. * * * Now we must meet the case fairly, and we
cannot conceal from ourselves that this effort for this time has been
frustrated. The Government seem to decide the question for us by
recalling the expedition, and our course so far is clearly pointed out — to
pause till Captain Trotter's return, till we have the facts fully before us,
till they have been digested. It may then appear that from the ruins
of this enterprise another may arise, consisting of negroes ; or it may
appear that single missionaries must do the work. The call seems to
me to be very distinct, to be still, to wait in faith and submission for
further light, and for our Master's will, concerning His own work."
"What he still could do, he did with his usual energy ; and
amid all his own sorrow he strove to maintain the hopes of others.
In a letter to the Rev. C. W. Bingliam, after alluding to the
mortality on board the vessels, he adds —
1842.] HOPE FOR AFRICA. 467
" Hut, on the other hand, the natives received us kindly; they had
no objection to our making settlements in the country ; they supplied us
with provisions, and sold us land ; they have entered into treaties for the
abolition, both of the slave-trade and of human sacrifices; and seem
only more desirous to receive, than we can be to send them, mission-
aries and instructors. This looks as if 'the set time were come,' and
makes me hold fast to conviction, that, although we may fail, and our
plans prove worthless, the day is at hand when the right methods will
be devised, and when Africa will be delivered. God grant that that
happy day may soon arrive!"
" Your favourite oracle," he writes to Miss Gurney, " thun-
ders forth every day a leading article against me, and attacks me
in poetry and prose ; all of which does not excite a moment's
vexation in my mind. * * * At all events, we must not desert
Africa till we see that all exertions are useless." He earnestly
hoped that the discouragement would not preclude further efforts.
Thus he writes : —
" Grant, for the sake of argument, that events have confuted my
' Remedy ;' that the latter half of my book be proved to be mere non-
sense ; yet the former part remains intact. No one denies the enormous
number of human beings whom the slave trade annually devours. Because
one plan has failed, are we to submit in patience to this incomparable evil ?
Because we erred in one attempt to subdue it, are we henceforward to
act as if we were reconciled to the abomination ; as if one abortive effort
were all that humanity pleads for, or that is required at our hands by the
Gospel of Christ? Again, our exertions have not been wholly useless.
At all events we know one thing which we did not know before. We
know how the evil is to be cured ; that it is to be done by native
agency ; by coloured ministers of the Gospel. Africa is to be delivered
by her own sons ! "
Strongly impressed with these feelings, he went to London
early in February, and passed a few weeks at the house of his
son ; giving all the strength he could muster to meetings and
consultations on the subject. The whole spring was spent in a
succession of painful efforts to gather some benefit for Africa
from the wreck of the Niger expedition. The model farm was
still in existence ; and to obtain the promise of an occasional
visit to it from a Government steamer was one of the principal
objects at which he earnestly aimed. The heads of the African
Civilisation Society obtained an interview with Lord Stanley,
which Sir Fowell thus describes : —
468 INTERVIEW WITH LORD STANLEY. [CHAP. xxxn.
" We entered the chamber of the great man, anxious, I take it, — and
one at least having on his lips and in his heart, ' O Lord, give us good
speed this day.'
" Lord Stanley received us very kindly, and Lushington opened our
case with great skill, and boldness te«. How hearty my prayer had
been for him and for myself, that utterance might be given to us, that
we might ' speak with all boldness as we ought to speak.' Then
followed Sir Robert Inglis, saying strong things in a very mild voice,
and in a very gentle manner. Then Acland put in a few words ex-
tremely well : and then I spoke; contending that, one point excepted,
that of the climate, we had met with success in every particular, and
that it would be most wicked and shameful to abandon Africa in conse-
quence of anything that had occurred. After hearing all we had to say,
he offered, very frankly, to send round the Cabinet any paper which
we should transmit to him, embodying our ideas, and stating what we
wish."
Upon Sir Powell's return to Northrepps he received a visit
from the Rev. J. F. Schon, of the Church Missionary Society,
who had been chaplain to the Niger Expedition. Sir Fowell
tells his nephew and faithful coadjutor, Mr. Gurney Hoare,
March 24,—
" Schon has been staying a week with me. I perceive that he
attaches the deepest importance to the intercourse which wrould be pro-
duced with Africa by the retention of the model farm. If you and
Cook and Samuel Gurney cannot concur with me in my anxious desire
to give the model farm one fair chance, but feel that it must be aban-
doned, even before the first crop has been harvested, I will thank you
to summon a meeting of all the subscribers, in most urgent terms, and I
will come up in order to make the forlorn attempt to obtain a majority
for going on a little longer. God grant that we may be wisely directed
in this very important matter."
A public meeting of the African Civilisation Society was to
be held in June : he wrote many letters on the subject, but was
unable to take a part in the meeting.
TO DR. LUSHINGTON.
"May 14, 1842.
" I try to whip myself up to some exertion ; but it is all in vain, /
can do nothing ; the truth is, you and I feel the effects of the last
quarter of a century. * * * IIow do you like Peel's new tariff?
1842.] MEETING OF AFRICAN SOCIETY. 469
I look at it, as at everything else, with an eye to Africa; and I think
lowering the duty on timber, rice, and many other things, can hardly
fail to be productive of benefit to us."
TO LORD ASHLEY (CHAIRMAN OF THE MEETING ALLUDED TO).
" Northrepps, June 18, 1842.
" My dear Lord Ashley, — It is no little aggravation of the trial of
my present ill health, that it prevents me from attending the meeting
of our Society. I need hardly assure you that I retain an unaltered
conviction on two points, viz. that whatever discouragements we may
meet with, it is our duty to persevere ; and again, that the Lord of
compassion and righteousness is, and will be, with those who faithfully
labour for the purpose of rescuing millions of the human race, not only
from their moral darkness, but from the intense sufferings which they
now endure. May He hasten the day when the Gospel, with its train
of attendant blessings, shall shine forth upon Africa.
" I am very thankful that, although I am debarred from taking my
share of labour, your lordship and other faithful men are still prosecut-
ing the good cause."
Nothing could be stronger than the contrast between the
exulting hopes of the meeting in 1840, and the sorrowful tidings
which were to be communicated to the one now convened ;
nevertheless its tone was less desponding than had been feared.
Lord John Russell, with his usual courage, came forward and
took a prominent part in the proceedings, boldly asserting the
soundness of the principles on which the schemes had been
founded. The present Bishop of Oxford spoke with hereditary
eloquence and feeling. He fully admitted the disappointment,
but, like Lord John Russell, he did not fear to uphold the prin-
ciples which had actuated them, the righteousness of the cause,
and the certainty of ultimate success, if discouragement did not
paralyze their exertions.
Among the speakers were the Bishops of Gloucester and Nor-
wich, Lords Mahon, Sandon, Teignmouth, and Fortescue, Sir
R. H. Inglis, and Sir T. D. Acland.
TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
"June 23, 1842.
" My dear Lord John, — You must excuse me for giving you the
trouble of reading a line from me, but I feel personally so obliged to
470 LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF CALCUTTA. [CHAP, xxxii.
you for your well-timed and powerful assistance, and for your generosity
in coming: forward publicly, and claiming your share of the obloquy
which has been cast on us, that I must be permitted to offer you my
most sincere thanks. The effects of the late meeting will not, I am
persuaded, be lost. It has already put us in better spirits, and will,
I trust, convince the country that the efforts made to reclaim and civilise
Africa are not so wild and visionary as they have been described."
It may be supposed how soothing1 to his feelings, at this time,
was the following letter from his highly valued friend, the Bishop
of Calcutta : —
"Bishop's Palace, Calcutta, April 9, 1842.
" Be not cast down, my dearest friend ; yield not to disappointment
and sorrow ; all will work for good. The grand blow is struck ; the
monster must fall like Dagon before the ark ; and your honest, devoted,
anxious heart shall yet be comforted with blessed tidings: and indeed,
when we consider how little we worms of the earth can scan the designs
of an infinite Being, we need not wonder that grief and disquietude
sometimes follow on our best concerted schemes. Supposing all our
hopes to fail, Providence has other ways of bringing about the redemp-
tion of the enslaved population of Africa.
" Let us, then, go on cheerfully in the use of all such means as are
open to us, and new and unsuspected blessings will arise in due time.
Gird up the loins of your mind ; be sober and hope to the end. No-
thing we do for God in the cause of humanity is lost either to the cause
or to ourselves. Soon, soon the tempest will be calmed ; soon life will
be past ; soon the heavenly port will open to our frail and weather-
beaten bark, and we shall have reached that ' good land.' * *
" Ever believe me
" Your sincere and affectionate friend,
" D. CALCUTTA."
In July, 1842, Lieutenant "Webb courageously volunteered to
go up the Niger in the Wilberforce to visit the model farm. He
found the settlers all well : a large portion of ground had been
cleared ; and from twenty to thirty acres were " in good order,
mainly planted with cotton, the growing crops of which were
very promising." *
" Of native labour there had been no scarcity, the numbers employed
* Lieutenant Webb's Report : P. P., p. 75.
1842.] MODEL FARM ABANDONED. 471
being frequently 100 men, women, and boys; on one day 236 were
fully occupied. They worked nine hours per diem, and received three
pence each in cowries. Seven houses and four huts had been erected.
* * * Well-supplied markets were regularly held at the farm and
in the surrounding villages.*
" The security which the establishment afforded from the constant
inroads of the slave-hunters had induced numbers of the persecuted
tribes to settle in the neighbourhood, and to cultivate much more exten-
sively and carefully than before. * * * The natives were most
peaceable, friendly, and industrious. The Bassas (a neighbouring
tribe) are described as a quiet and intelligent people ; and extremely
desirous of learning the manners and customs of Europeans ; very obe-
dient and industrious."!
On the other hand, owing to the murder of Mr. Carr, while
returning to the model farm from Fernando Po, the settlers had
been deprived of all effective superintendence. Mr. Moore, the
negro in charge, had no authority over his companions ; and, in
consequence, the most complete disorganisation had taken place.
These evils Lieutenant Webb expected to remedy by leaving Mr.
Hensman, the surgeon pro tempore of the Wilberforce, as super-
intendent ; but sickness appearing on board, Mr. Hensman could
not be spared. Lieutenant Webb therefore broke up the settle-
ment, and brought all the people away.
" This necessity, however," he says, " I could not help regretting,
because I felt that we were retiring from a position of great advantage,
whether regarded as an inland point from which commerce and civilisa-
tion might be expected to diffuse their blessings through the neighbour-
hood countries, or as a point of refuge for the fugitive negroes, seeking
to avoid slavery, where they might become acquainted with the advan-
tages of our protection, and possibly in time form a considerable colony
under our rule."
The tribes which had collected round the farm expressed the
* " They were," says Captain W. Allen, " mostly small well-made active
men, and their manners particularly mild and agreeable. * * * The
innate modesty and gentleness of the women made them appear very pre-
possessing." Mount Patteh is described as being almost covered with lux-
uriant crops of corn, yams, millet, &c. ; and the natives appeared to have
some idea of the rotation of crops ; but the slave- trading Fulatahs were the
terror of the country.
f Account of the Model Farm. — Friend of Africa. Dec. 1842.
472 ANOTHER EXPEDITION PROPOSED. [CHAP. xxxn.
deepest regret at its being removed ; and even displeasure, that
the white man should come and sit down among them, " to
teach them his fashion," and then go away. One man said that
the Bassas would "go down to meet" another expedition. For
a moment Sir Powell's equanimity was ruffled by this bitter dis-
appointment.
" As to the model farm," he writes to Mr. Trew, " it makes one mad
to think that it was going on so well— our experiment likely to be suc-
cessful,— and that they were torn away because Lieutenant Webb had
not a superintendent to spare them. However, all regrets are kept down
by the reflection that at the head of our cause stands One who cannot err."
In October Sir Powell had the gratification of hearing that
Captain Bosanquet had offered to the African Society his gra-
tuitous services to conduct another expedition up the Kiger,
together with a donation of 500/. towards the expenses of it. In
replying to a letter of thanks addressed to him by Sir Powell,
Captain Bosanquet writes: "My whole heart is embarked in the
cause of our black brethren, and what little talent and energy I
am possessed of shall be used towards the success of the expedi-
tion, if sent out."
The Committee of the Society was convened to take this pro-
posal into consideration : it was gratefully received by them, but
they found themselves compelled to decline it.
TO DE. LUSHINGTOK.
" Northrepps, May 22, 1842.
" I am much obliged to you for telling me what passed between Sir
Robert Inglis and yourself on the subject of his meditated Church of
England Society for Africa. I can have no doubt about my course. I
am quite ready and willing to unite with him ; he shall freely have my
subscription, and what little service my shattered frame can give. Only
I hope they will not expel me for giving my money also to any right-
hearted Dissenters who will endeavour to befriend Africa, for I shall
not refuse that, and my earnest good wishes, to every sincere Christian
who sets about this work of charity in his own way. 1 am extremely
sorry that you and I do not see this one point in exactly the same light.
But though we differ pro hue vice, there shall he no separation between
us — so do not expect it. Why, man, have you not borne, for the last
1843.] SUSPENSION OF THE AFRICAN SOCIETY. 473
twenty years, more than half my burden? and have you ever failed to
render me every assistance which could be furnished by your better
judgment, your greater experience, and your unquenchable industry,
and am I to let you off so easily at last? However, I am called away
to shoot with my boys."
TO HIS YOUNGER SONS, AT TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
" Northrepps, Feb. 1843.
" My dear Fowell and Charles — Our Sabbath day's business is over,
and our family reading finished. Well, you have been much in all our
minds to-day. I hope it has been a tranquillising day to you, and that,
knowing that you have each done your best, you are satisfied in com-
mitting yourselves and the result of the examination to Him whose pro-
vince it is to decide what shall be the issue of every effort. You must
bear in mind, that though you may lose the places at which you aim,
you will not therefore lose the advantage of your studies. The know-
ledge you have acquired, and your habits of application, will in great
measure cleave to you all your life long. Despite all my philosophy,
however, I shall most heartily rejoice in your success.
" Now, God bless you ! May you not forget to pray for help, know-
ing that it is expressly promised to those who humbly and devoutly ask
it, ' Commit your way unto the Lord, and he shall bring it to pass.' "
In January, 1843, Sir Fowell proceeded to London, to bear
his part in the painful duty of dissolving the African Civilisation
Society. In reply to the summons to attend the meeting1, he
says, in a letter to the Rev. J. M. Trew, " I feel as if I were
going to attend the funeral of an old and dear friend." After
the resolutions for suspending the operations of the Society had
been passed, he addressed the meeting in a tone of deep feeling.
He warmly thanked the Committee for their past exertions, and,
although he insisted strongly that the Expedition had not failed
in any one of its great objects, still he admitted that there was a
necessity for the step which had now been taken. He alluded
to the attacks of the papers, but added that, " painfully as he
felt all the disasters which had attended the Expedition, he did
not accuse himself of having been imprudent or over-sanguine in
the measures which he had proposed."
That all human means for success had been tried was the
feeling of all who saw closely into the subject. Lord Monteagle
writes, December, 1842: —
474 THE LADIES' SOCIETY. [CHAP. xxxn.
"I am very sorry you cannot gire me a more cheerful account of
yourself. Everything which acts upon your mind, like the question of
the Niger to which you refer, is sure to do more mischief to your health
than a mere bodily ailment. But remember that the result is no moral
test at all — eventus stultorum magister. You have no doubt as to the
greatness of the object you sought to accomplish. You have no doubt of
the labour and patience which you applied to the investigation of the
facts. You have no doubt of the skill, courage, and industry applied to
increase all the probabilities of success. Remember it was a case in
which after everything had been done which could be done beforehand
— after all a priori reasoning had been employed — much remained on
which no human prescience could have led you to any definite or certain
conclusion. Therefore, my dear Buxton, let me most earnestly entreat
you not to allow this subject to rest unreasonably on your mind, or
interfere with your health or your happiness."
A meeting of the Ladies' Society for educating the Negroes
in the West Indies, which he attended about this time, bore a
brighter aspect. He writes : —
" I was quite fired by it and cheered. You cannot conceive how well
Trew spoke ; and Sir Edward Parry capitally too. I came to the con-
clusion that I ought never to be low, never downcast, all the rest of my
pilgrimage, the accounts are so very bright of those for whom my
heart used to bleed a few years ago. And these blessings I firmly trust
will last long after I shall be mouldering in the dust."
TO ANDREW JOHNSTON, ESQ.
"Northrepps, Feb. 1843.
" Your little Buxton is in great force, and takes very pleasingly to
grandpapa : he is a great wit ; and, what is better, very happy.
" I have begun to plant again, and make great progress in providing
employment for the poor people in this neighbourhood, which is the first
and pleasantest thing in planting, be the second what it may.
" * * * We have much indeed, very much, to be unreservedly
thankful for, very much at home, very much at Halesworth, very much
at Cambridge, very much at Forest Edge, and at many other places,
while, with much submission, we have to be satisfied, though astonished,
with the event of the Expedition, and to feel and to be able to say,
' God's will be done,' although it be in the teeth of our fondest wishes.
Another day may yet dawn upon Africa, and I doubt not it will."
Some years before this time he had purchased a small estate at
1843.] PLANTATIONS. 475
Trimingham, on the coast of Norfolk, four miles from Cromer ;
and he took great interest in executing various plans for its
improvement. One of the farms lie retained in his own hands,
and took great pains to bring the land into the highest state of
cultivation. In 1840 he bought some more land at Runton, on
the other side of Cromer, and on both these properties he formed
extensive plantations. Oil commencing them he wrote to Mr.
Aubin at Rome : —
" Northrepps, Sept. 5.
" I am now once more settled at home, but as yet I have only been
able to get out shooting once. The fact is, I have been buying an
estate, where I hope, on some future day, to show you some partridges
and a pheasant or two ; and I find more sport in the delicious occupation
of projecting improvements, and letting the imagination run wild in
visions of future woods and groves, which have yet to be planted, than
in pursuing preserved game. After all, I like your wild Macarese
shooting (bandits, assassins, vipers, and all) better than our tame
sport."
These plantations formed his chief amusement during the last
years of his life. " His friends," says Mr. J. J. Gurney, " will
not fail to remember the lively pleasure which they enjoyed in
accompanying him over the hills and dales of Runton and Tri-
mingham, while he pointed out to them the exquisite views of
the sea, already rendered more lovely by the young and rising
plantations in the foreground."* Mr. Herbert Johnson, the
former proprietor of the Runton estate, was his constant and kind
companion in his endeavours to improve it. His plantations
were called (as his horses had been in earlier days) after the
objects which were most deeply interesting to him at the time.
One wood went by the name of " the Niger," another by that of
" Fernando Po," and so on.
TO ANDREW JOHNSTON, ESQ.
" Northrepps Hall, Feb. 10, 1843.
" Our party here, although very small, and with a touch of the lonely,
is very cheerful and comfortable.
" At least ninety families have been supported during this hard
weather by double trenching my plantations, and earning, I am happy
to say, on the average two shillings a-day. But this last snow has beat
* ' Brief Memoirs of Sir T. Powell Buxton, Bart.,' p. 27.
476 RECOLLECTIONS BY MR. NIXON. [CHAP. XXXIT.
them, and they can do no more at present. I am getting decidedly
stronger, and feel more like myself.
" Feb. 12. — All Earlham came here yesterday to dinner. I have
been riding with a large party, to see my new plantations ; and we are
all greatly delighted. Love to all. In truth, I can say from my heart,
' The good Lord bless you all.' "
One of his friends observing to him, " Your plantations will
some day be the pride of the country if England stands,"
" England stand ! " said he. " I will never believe that any
country will fall which has abolished slavery as England has
done."
The following recollections of Sir Fowell during the latter
years of his life are from the pen of his secretary Mr. Nixon,
and may aid the reader in forming a just idea of his character : —
" The qualities which struck me most in Sir Fowell Buxton were his
perseverance, benevolence, disregard of outside appearances, his entire
devotion to what was practical, and, perhaps beyond all, his humility.
" As regards perseverance: before entering upon an undertaking, he
seemed to consider, not whether success in it were probable, but whether
it were possible ; if so, he would set about it at once, and never give in
till that success was gained.
" His humility led him to esteem no one unworthy of a certain portion
of respect, however low his condition ; so that I never in any instance
saw the principle of that Essay by Dr. Channing, which has for its title
' Honour due unto all men,' so fully and consistently carried out as by
him. .
" In June, 1840, a few days after I became his secretary, he went to
town from Upton, leaving me the task of making an epitome of his
' Slave Trade and Remedy." When he returned we walked up anil
down the lawn, I reading my paper to him. He listened very atten-
tively, and when it was finished he tapped me on the shoulder and said,
' Very well done indeed, Mr. Nixon ; it does you- great credit, but it
won't do for me. It would make a capital flowery speech for a young
member of Parliament ; but I want something more practical, very brief
and very strong : so now come along indoors, and let us make a begin-
ning.'
" I never recall the period of my connection with Sir Fowell without
a feeling of astonishment at his wonderful powers of concentration, which
enabled him to apply every atom of his energies to the one purpose in
hand. In carrying out a great object he was borne along irresistibly,
and to compass it every effort must be made which human ingenuity
could point out, or bodily endurance admit of. He used to become far
1843.] ANECDOTES. 477
too deeply absorbed to be conscious of fatigue, and would often laugh at
me good humouredly when I complained that I felt very tired, and
should like to give up for awhile. ' Tired, Nixon ! why, you don't
know what it is to be tired. When you've had nineteen years in Par-
liament you'll be able to form some opinion of what it means : however,
we must finish this job at any rate. I don't care how many white slaves
I make to save the black «nes ! '
" When he returned alone from Italy, at which time I became his
secretary, he was overwhelmed with business connected with the Niger
Expedition. These affairs were so widely ramified that none but a
powerful mind could have sustained such constant and heavy pressure.
When the day's labour was over, he was frequently quite unable to sleep,
and night after night I was called upon to read aloud-to him, in the
hope of soothing him to rest. Many a time when I was at length drop-
ping off into a lower arid lower tone, believing that his slumbers had
begun, he would stop me suddenly, exclaiming, • Get me my memo-
randum book, Mr. Nixon ; set down so and so,' and he would go on
until there was work enough set down for the next week perhaps. Then
came another monotonous page or two of the book I was reading, and
then up he would get, saying, ' It's of no use, I can't sleep : come into
the drawing-room — now then, take a sheet of paper;' he would then
dictate three or four notes or a letter, or a portion of some long statement
upon which he might be engaged, and then go to bed again.
" His perseverance in small things as well as in great was displayed
in the labour he bestowed on his plantations, which had been formed
upon the roughest ground, and were exposed to those bitter north-east
blasts which seemed to preclude all hope of covering the hills with wood.
But he spared no pains to accomplish his purpose : reading, correspond-
ence, conversation with men of experience, visits to nursery-grounds
and woods — every method was resorted to for obtaining information and
securing success : and it was attained abundantly. Indeed the flourish-
ing plantations at Trimingham and Runton are brought forward as the
example of successful planting, in the essay on that subject which gained
the gold medal of the Royal Agricultural Society in 1845.
" The rule of Sir FowelPs life was to be ' complete in all things,'
and to do well what he did at all : but I ought to observe, that in form-
ing his plantations he evidently derived the greatest part of his pleasure
from the employment it gave to the poor.
" His delight in horses was remarkable. I may relate an anecdote
which he told me himself, in connection with one of his favourites.
' Poor old Abraham,' he said, ' was the finest horse I ever had in my
life. At the time when George IV. was very unpopular, I was riding
through St. James's Park, just as the king passed, surrounded by an im-
478 ANECDOTES [CHAP. xxxn.
mense mob. The shauts and groans and yellings were terrific, and
there was I wedged in among the multitude, in the midst of noises
which might have frightened the most courageous animal. But my
noble-spirited horse pricked up his ears, distended his nostrils, curved
his neck, and stood immoveable. The next day came the Marquis of
to endeavour to buy my horse. I said 1 did not wish to sell him,
that he was a great favourite of mine, and perfectly suited my purpose.
Nothing daunted, the Marquis held his ground, made me first one offer
and then another, and at last told me that he was not endeavouring to
buy the horse for himself, but was authorized to go as far as 5007. for a
friend. This offer I still refused, when, as a last resource, "The fact
is, Mr. Buxton," said he, " it is the king who has sent me to buy your
horse, and I hope you will not refuse to sell him to His Majesty."
This took me rather aback, but I had made up my mind ; so, with very
many apologies and regrets, and in the politest manner imaginable, I
maintained my ground, and thus the matter ended. What I meant,
though I didn't think it exactly civil to say so, was, " You may tell His
Majesty that I'm happy to hear he's so fond of a good horse ; but so am
I ; and having got one, I mean to keep him !" '
" His generosity was unbounded. I remember, when we were at Bath,
his chief pleasure was to look into the shops, and see what he could buy
for his family, his grandchildren, or his friends. His manner, too, of
making a present was the most agreeable and delicate imaginable. In
looking over things, he would sometimes say, ' Well, I don't know
which to choose ; which do you think is the best, Nixon ? ' And on my
pointing out which I thought the most desirable article, he would sav,
' Oh ! you think so, do you, Sir? well, then, put that on one side for
Mr. Nixon !'
" His public liberality, which is so generally known, was only equalled
by his private acts of generosity and charity — acts which were known
only to myself and the recipients of his bounty. He appeared totally
unable to deny relief, whore it seemed to be required, although he might
feel it had not been merited. Sometimes, when he had relieved the
same person several times, he would give me directions to write a rather
sharp note, stating that he could attend to no further applications. In
the course of the day he would ask me whether I had sent the note.
He would then hesitate, read over the applicant's letter once again, and
then, leaning back in his armchair and raising his spectacles upon his
forehead, would look me steadily in the face. ' What do you think of
it, Nixon ? The poor old villain seems to be in a bad way, shall I send
him a trifle more ?' On my declining to give an opinion, he would
continue, ' Well, then, send him another sovereign ; and as this is the
seventh time he has promised never to apply to me again, tell him that I
1843.] AND REMINISCENCES. 479
give him a trifle this once, but only on condition that I am never to sec
his handwriting any more. I don't wish to hurt the poor old fellow's
feelings, but explain to him, in the very civillest terms imaginable, that
I'll see his neck stretched before I send him another halfpenny.' Then
rising to go out of the room, he would look back before shutting the
door, to beg of me ' not to put it too sharp,1 and to let him see the
letter before sending it off. Such was the man — he could not bear to
give a moment's pain.
" I hardly ever saw such affection towards little children as his was.
Though engaged in the most difficult business, he could hardly make up
his mind to turn them out, when they came to him in the study, without
a present of sweetmeats or cakes, which he used often to hoard up for
them ; and if he happened to hear a child cry in the far-off* regions of
the nursery, he used to jump up, leaving, in the midst, the most im-
portant letter or paper, and could never rest till he had gained relief
from this, to him, painful occurrence.
" It would sometimes happen that a little cause of dispute arose be-
tween us, generally some difference of opinion; and I, unfortunately,
could seldom restrain myself from saying precisely what, at the moment,
I felt. This used to vex him ; but he would say nothing: till the next day,
and then, when I thought that the whole matter had passed off (having
perhaps received great kindness in the mean time), he would all at once
say, ' What a silly fellow you were, Nixon, to put yourself in such a pas-
sion yesterday ! If I had spoken then, we should most probably have
parted. Make it a rule never to speak when you are in a passion, but
wait till the next day.'
" If, at any time, he happened to transgress this rule himself, he was
seriously vexed and grieved, and could not rest till he had in some way
made amends for his want of self-restraint. Most men consider it not
very necessary, perhaps degrading, to make an apology to those below
them in station ; but such was not his case. The plan of people, in
general, is tacitly to acknowledge their error by an increase of kindness,
if they do not actually presume upon their authority, and make ' might'
stand for ' right ;' but such was not his mode of action.
" I recollect one instance well. He was going to shoot at Runton (I
think it was in 1844), and just before he was to start I had been urging
some point upon him. which I knew to be necessary, but perhaps I did
so with too great vehemence, and not enough respect. At this time
the carriage was announced, and he left the room, saying, 'I tell you
what, Nixon, I don't wish you to come out shooting with me, and had
much rather you would not ! ' I was sure, however, that he did not
actually mean this ; so, after a minute's reflection, I mounted the pony
and rode after him. When near the Felbrigg Lodges I saw the coach-
480 REMINISCENCES. [CHAP, xxxii.
man pull up, and, after speaking to Sir Fowell, beckon to me. As soon
as I reached the side of the carriage, he put his hand out of the window,
saying, ' Come, Nixon, I know I was wrong ; you must not think any-
thing more of what I said just now ! '
"I do not put forward these few recollections of Sir Fowell as
anecdotes, but merely as rough memoranda ; and I am only sorry that I
have been able to record so few. In conclusion, I may say that it has
given me sincere pleasure thus to review the period of my fortunate con-
nection with him ; and that my reverence and esteem for him are, if
possible, increased every time that I am led to reflect upon his cha-
racter."
1843.] LETTERS. 481
CHAPTER XXXIII.
1843, 1844.
Bath — Summer at Northrepps — Continued and increasing Illness — Cor-
respondence with Sir Robert Peel and the Bishop of Calcutta.
IN the spring of 1843 Sir Fowell Buxton was recommended to
try the Bath waters. In a letter from thence to Mr. Johnston,
after alluding to the poor state of his health, he says : —
"Bath, March 3, 1843.
" * * * Now for something better. To use David's words, ' My
mouth hath been filled with laughter ' since I read in the Globe, which
arrived yesterday, the account of Brougham asking a question about the
slave-trade, and of Lord Aberdeen replying, ' that he was convinced the
time would soon come when it would be abolished altogether.'
" Pray turn to it, and let P. taste the delight of hearing that debate,
and of seeing that, although our good Lord did not think proper to
execute our plan, it seems every way probable that He is preparing to
accomplish the work, which is all that signifies, and all that I care for.
If He do but undertake the task, we know that all obstacles are re-
moved, and all difficulties surmounted. It puts me into the greatest
gaiety of heart."
TO MISS GURNEY.
" Bath, May 19, 1843.
« * * * As to myself, if I am to tell the truth, I do not feel strong ;
and partly from frequent attacks of illness, and feebleness, and partly
from the manner in which my doctor shook his head, I catch myself
saying, in the language of Christopher North, ' Though our day be not
quite gone by, we think we see the stealing shades of evening, and, in
the solemn vista, the darkness of night.'
" I called at the Colonial Office when I was in London ; James
Stephen spoke in such glowing terms of the conduct of the negroes since
Emancipation, as sent me home quite exulting."
In writing to Mr. Scoble, explaining his absence from the
Anti-Slavery Convention, he adds, " I can no longer personally
2 i
482 DESIRES FOR AFRICA. [CHAP. xxxm.
unite with you in fighting ; but my prayer to God is, that lie
would stand by all those who are engaged in the holy attempt
to put down these iniquities."
He would occasionally express an earnest desire that he might
be enabled to work again in the service of Africa ; " but," he
observed on one occasion, " no matter who is the instrument, so
that there be successful labourers for God, for Christ, and for
man, especially for heathen man !"
The summer of the year was passed very quietly at Northrepps.
His extremely feeble health precluding him from exertion, he
amused himself with the improvement of his farm and planta-
tions ; while, in the evenings, he delighted to come out upon the
lawn, and watch the villagers at their games of cricket. While
the force of his mind was waning, his affections seemed to cling
with ever-increasing warmth to all who were dear to him. It
would be impossible to describe the energy of his prayers while
imploring every " good and perfect gift " for those whom he
loved, both present and far away ; but above all, morning and
evening, did his most fervent supplications ascend, that his
heavenly Father would stretch forth His hand to deliver " poor
Africa."
TO MRS. JOHNSTON, HALESWORTH.
" August, 1843.
" We have just finished our family reading, and therefore I trust
I shall stand acquitted, even in Andrew's eyes, of violating the
Sabbath, if I spend a few moments with almost the dearest friend I
have. Your image has been present with me all the day. I fear too
that you are still in suffering. I look about me, thinking what there is
that we could do that might add to your comfort. I cannot think how
it was that I was so stubborn about that portrait of myself. ' May you
have it?' To be sure you may, and I only wish it were ten times
more worth your having. I will send it by the van forthwith. * * *
TO ARCHDEACON TREW, ON ENTERING ON HIS OFFICE IN THE
BAHAMAS.
" October, 1843.
" There is this comfort in your leaving England, that you are em-
barked in a noble cause, and if you succeed in obtaining black men, who
are truly converted and spiritual Christians, to labour in Africa, it will
1843.] ACCOUNTS FROM AFRICA. 483
be worth, not only any inconvenience to which you may be exposed,
but the lives of any ten of us. So go in good heart, my dear friend, and
the Lord go along with you."
He was sufficiently recovered in the autumn to receive a few
guests under his roof; amongst them, the Rev. Samuel Crowther,
who, during his visit, preached in Northrepps church ; and Sir
Fowell was not a little gratified at hearing an excellent sermon
from the lips of a negro clergyman. In his sermon Mr. Crowther
alluded to the failure of the Niger Expedition ; but, after de-
scribing some of its results in opening communication between
Sierra Leone and other parts of Africa, and affording great
facilities for missionary enterprise, he declared that it had already
produced important good, and that " some of those who had
sown weeping would yet bring in their sheaves rejoicing ; for
what greater joy can there be for them, than to hear that their
children are walking in the truth?"
In the same tone Mr. Beecham writes, on sending Sir Fowell
the Rev. Mr. Freeman's narrative of his third journey in Western
Africa : —
" You live to see that the Niger Expedition has not been a total
failure. It has not worked out its beneficial results exactly in the way
which was anticipated ; but Almighty God is making it accomplish, in
his own way, the good on which your benevolent heart was set. The
Niger Expedition has given a new impul?e to the African mind, and
induced the emigration from Sierra Leone, which has opened the way
into Yariba and Dahomey, and placed even Central Africa within our
reach."*
Towards the end of November, Sir Fowell's family were
alarmed by a great increase of bodily weakness, accompanied by
a loss of memory, and at times a confusion of ideas most dis-
tressing to those about him. Oppression on the brain no doubt
existed, and for several weeks he was very seriously ill ; but, at the
end of that time, he was again restored in a surprising manner
to his usual measure of bodily strength, and to perfect clearness
* Every year has shown more clearly that the Niger Expedition was in
fact of vast moment, in opening the way for missionaries ; who have already,
especially at Abbeokuta, produced an extraordinary change in the condition,
physical and moral, of some of the native tribes.
2 i 2
484 SEVERE ILLNESS. [CHAP, xxxiu.
of mind, although he was never able afterwards to bear exertion,
either physical or mental.
During his illness a few notes were taken, from which some
extracts may be made : — •
"Nov. 29. On some failure of memory, he said, ' Well, I should be
willing to forget, if the Lord do but forget my sins.' Several texts
being quoted, one of which contained a promise of forgiveness, ' Yes ! *
he replied, with deep feeling and seriousness, ' if it is not presumption
on my part to say so, through unspeakable and condescending mercy, I
believe I have acceptance with God — that I have peace with God
through Jesus Christ.1
" Dec. 3. On receiving an account of Mrs. Fry's illness, he imme-
diately exclaimed, with deep earnestness, ' O Lord, I beseech thee to
restore this most beloved sister, so that she may be permitted to return
to her important career, and that her ears may again be attentive to the
cry of the miserable of the earth.' He then went on in a strain of con-
fession and humiliation before God : ' O Lord, I beseech thee, forgive
thy unworthy servant his innumerable sins and transgressions against
thee ;' adding, ' If it be not presumptuous to say it, in Christ I find
acceptance and peace ;' and afterwards he prayed earnestly ' for an un-
compromising submission to the will of God.' "
At this time the failure of his memory and his general feeble-
ness seemed to be increasing : he frequently put his hands up to
his head, as if it were in pain ; fetching deep sighs and groans,
and tottering even in walking across the room. But his mind,
though failing in power, was illumined by the sweetest glow of
love to God and man.
" Some one expressing sympathy with his suffering, he replied, ' Oh !
it is the gracious act of our most merciful Father ; let us most peace-
fully acquiesce.' He remarked to his son that he thought himself
worse, and that he strongly suspected that his right hand and arm
were benumbed. His son tried to turn it off, observing, among other
things, ' I am persuaded you need not be afraid.' ' Oh no,' replied he,
with great emphasis, 'I am not afraid. Whether for life or death, I
am not afraid. I hope it is not presumptuous ; I have a confidence.'
" Dec. 24. He was very restless at night. He could not recall the
name of the remedy he felt in need of. On its being discovered, he
said most feelingly, ' Thanks be to the great and good God for making
me .submissive.' Sympathy being expressed with him in being debarred
from his usual occupations, his answer was, ' I can say I do not feel it
1844.] ENCOURAGEMENTS. 485
painful. There is not a feeling in my whole soul or body either, I
believe, that rebels against any visitation of God :' and again, ' No
quarrelling or grumbling upon this.' His own trials made him feel
most acutely for those of others : being asked one night why he was
sighing so heavily, he replied, ' For the suffering that is in the world.'
Thanksgivings, however, were perpetually on his lips. On one occasion
he exclaimed with great fervour, ' O Lord, with my whole soul I thank
thee, that, instead of ease, and prosperity, and the best things of this
world, thou hast sent this illness.' And afterwards he earnestly prayed
that the insight granted him into heavenly things might never be ob-
scured or fade from his view, but that he might ever pant after them,
and give his whole soul, and heart, and strength to the Lord who had
had mercy upon him.
" His benevolent exertions having been alluded to, he said, ' It is all
the goodness of the Lord. Oh ! that I may be but admitted into the
lowest place in Heaven ! '
" After reading the Lord's Prayer, he said that he felt it very awful
to ask that forgiveness to us should be in any sort of proportion to that
we ourselves exercise to others ; not that he had anything to forgive,
but that his sense of the need of forgiveness was such that he could not
bear any restriction upon it."
Early in January, 1844, his health began to improve, and he
then rose for a time out of the fearful state of debility into which
he had fallen.
Soon after his recovery he was greatly pleased by two letters,
the one from Mr. Anson, addressed to him by direction of
H. R. H. Prince Albert, and the other from Sir Edward Parry,
informing him that increased efforts were contemplated by the
Government for the suppression of the slave-trade, by augment-
ing the squadron on the coast of Africa. At the same time he
heard that the Government evinced a determination not to admit
slave-grown sugar. " Surely," he writes, " these are causes of
unspeakable thankfulness."
TO SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART.
" Spitalfields, April 17, 1844.
" Sir, — As some persons have, I believe, addressed the Government
on the subject of the Sugar Duties, and as many are taking measures for
making their views known to the public, I hope I do not appear to you
to be putting myself too forward by troubling you with my opinions on
the same matter.
486 SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR. [CHAP. xxxm.
" I feel most strongly, that to allow Cuba and Brazil to send their
slave-grown sugars to Great Britain, with any serious diminution of re-
strictive duties, would be to undo in great measure the work in which
this country has, so much to her own honour, been for so long a period,
and at such heavy sacrifices, engaged.
" The impulse which would thus be given to the growth of sugar
in Cuba and Brazil could not fail to be very great. An immense
addition to the number of labourers would necessarily be required, and
it is too late to entertain a doubt as to the horrid cruelties and crimes
which must be perpetrated in order to obtain that supply of labour.
" But it is not merely the cause of humanity which would thus suffer :
the character of our nation would receive an indelible stain. It has
been our pride to furnish encouragement and energy to the friends of
freedom ; and now, supposing us to yield to the entreaties of those who
are interested in slavery and the slave-trade, we shall stand forth as
the revivers and reanimaters of those monstrous iniquities. We shall
employ one fleet on the coast of Africa to suppress the trade ; while
another, under the British flag, and supported by British capital, will
be sailing from Cuba and Brazil to supply the British market with
sugar, which can only be produced by that new slave-trade which we
shall thus call into existence.
" I assure you that I have felt deep gratitude to yourself and your
colleagues for your steadfast refusal to admit slave-grown sugar ; and
I am not altogether unable to estimate the strenuous resolution which
it must have required, in order to enable her Majesty's Ministers to
resist the entreaties of some, the threats of others, and the plausible
appeals of those who have made the distresses of our own people the
ground on which to base their interested applications.
" I need not trouble you, Sir Robert, with any argument to show
that this infamous traffic is a compound and an accumulation of all
crimes, or that it merits (looking at the present calamities it inflicts,
and the innumerable and heavy evils which result from it), more than
any other great iniquity, to be visited with the vengeance of the law ;
nor can I conclude this letter without remarking how sincerely I have
rejoiced in the vigorous policy of the Government, as evinced by their
sending out so many additional cruisers and steam-vessels to the coast of
Africa, to co-operate with the squadron before stationed there, in a yet
more determined effort to give the final blow to the iniquitous occupation
of the slave-dealer.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c.,
" T. POWELL BUXTON."
1844.] LETTER FROM SIR ROBERT PEEL. 487
THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, BART., TO SIR FOWELL BUXTON.
" Whitehall, April 18, 1844.
" Dear Sir, — It is gratifying to me to receive from you, the untiring
and disinterested friend of humanity and of the African race, the
assurances which your letter of yesterday conveys.
" In the present temper and with the present views of the ruling
authorities in Brazil and Cuba, I cannot doubt that the opening of the
market of this country to Brazilian and Cuban sugar, at greatly reduced
duties, would give an encouragement to its production by slave labour,
to which there would be no check, either from the influence of humane
and moral feelings, from municipal law, or from international obligations.
The state of things in Cuba, since the removal of General Valdez from
the Government, is most unsatisfactory.
" This is a critical period in the annals of slavery and the slave-
trade; and the example of England, if she were now to relax her
honourable exertions in that cause, of which she is in truth the only
active and zealous supporter, would have a very extensive and very evil
influence.
" If the exertion of force will avail for the suppression of the slave-
trade, I cannot conceive a use of force more justifiable in the eyes of
God than the employment of it in the defeat and punishment of an
infamous traffic. If it will not avail, though justifiable, it would be of
course impolitic : but the experience of a few months on the coasts of
Africa and Brazil, were every British cruiser withdrawn, would, I fear,
demonstrate the inefficacy of any other means at present for the sup-
pression of the slave-trade.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c.,
"ROBERT PEEL."
In the spring Sir Fowell Buxton went to Bath, where a letter
from the Bishop of Calcutta reached him, dated February 15,
1844 :—
" I must write to you now and then, my dearest friend," says the
Bishop, " because 1 look on you as much depressed with the events
which have occurred in Africa, and as also in but an indifferent state of
health. Such is God's holy will, who disposes health and sickness as
he pleases, and success also, or disappointment, in our most lawful
projects. Grace is thus strengthened in all its mightiest principles in
our heart — silence, submission, contrition, trust in Christ, hope of the
peace of Heaven. And though the Niger Expedition seems for the
time to have failed, yet how magnificent is the result of the experiment
488 CORRESPONDENCE WITH [CHAP, xxxni.
on man in the West Indies, and the demonstration that his noble
powers, when allowed to come into play, can beat out and out the
tardy product of the whip and chain ! In India things are moving on ;
but the field is so vast that the effects of what has been accomplished
are scarcely visible. In the three dioceses there are altogether about
250 chaplains and missionaries, most of them men of God, and labouring
to their power and beyond their power for the spiritual and temporal
welfare of our teeming population. If God should send us a wise,
calm, enlightened, amiable, firm, pious Governor-General, it is incal-
culable what good might be done, and that in a short time.
" And the great Arbiter is prospering our arms, and thus extending
our influence. Central India is settled, Affghanistan is settled, Scinde
is settled (though thinking people don't like it), China is settled ;
nothing remains disquieted but the Punjaub. But what times are we
fallen upon at home! Well, God is above; Christ intercedes; the
Gospel is being diffused wider and wider ; the Holy Ghost is the
inward advocate ; the Bible, without note or comment or the fathers,
continues the inspired rule of faith and practice ; and the various
branches of the Universal Church are administering the word and
sacraments ; whilst heaven is the blessed haven whither we are bound !
Farewell, my deai-est Sir Fowell and Lady Buxton, and Mrs. Fry.
May God preserve us all to his eternal kingdom !"
TO THE BISHOP OF CALCUTTA.
"Bath, May 1, 1844.
" My very dear Friend, — Your comforting delightful letter, of the
15th of February, has just reached me, and has been a real pleasure to
us all. It is wonderful that, with all Asia on your hands, you have
any sympathies left for poor Africa. I can truly say, your pity for her
is most grateful to me, and may it be returned abundantly to you and
your more immediate objects of interest!
" I am not now so much cast down with regard to Africa as you may
suppose ; the bitterness of disappointment as to the Niger Expedition,
and the deep mourning for precious lives lost, are in some measure
abated ; and I have settled in my mind, that the expedition was but
one experiment upon a great principle : the experiment has failed from
no error as to facts or mistake in the principles on which we relied ; but
from a cause at which we always looked, and confessed we looked, with
exceeding dread. I can well believe the failure of that great attempt
was a right humiliation and check for us. But I more and more see
cause to trust that the putting forth of those facts, and of that great
principle that the extinction of the slave-trade must come from Africa
1844.] THE BISHOP OF CALCUTTA. 489
herself — from the operation of the Bible and the plough in Africa —
has borne and is bearing fruit. The seed is sown in many hearts —
above all, in many hearts that throb under black skins.
"As soon almost as a negro is truly converted and educated, he
begins to sigh for Africa. Sierra Leone, over whose days of darkness
poor Wilberforce and Macaulay had to groan so heavily, is beginning
to show its harvest by the return of Christian, civilised, and, by com-
parison, wealthy negroes, to the various countries from which they
were carried away as slaves. All the societies are more or less
awakened towards Africa, and the Church has lately ordained two
black clergymen.
" Our valuable friend Trew is gone as Archdeacon to the Bahamas,
and I think his favourite work will be to train spiritual labourers for
Africa. So you see, though we decay, the work lives.
"I have, indeed, been very ill, and am obliged to lead much the
life of an invalid ; but I am surrounded with blessings, and am, I trust,
most truly thankful for leisure and repose. My family are favoured
too ; my dearest and most invaluable wife in better health than she
was a few years ago, my two elder children surrounded with sweet
young families, my younger daughter our comfort at home, and my two
younger sons just entering life. We have one heavy family cloud —
the illness, long-continued and grievously painful, of our beloved sister
Mrs. Fry. She has been for some months unable to walk or stand,
and is deeply afflicted in body ; but her faith and hope are preserved
in strength, and her reliance on the Saviour is unbounded.
" Joseph J. Gurney is on a missionary excursion in France ; all the
rest of our fhmilies are in their usual health ; the Cunninghams rejoicing,
and labouring as usual.
" I thank you much, my dear friend, for all you say ; and can from
my heart re-echo your desire, that God may preserve us all to his
eternal kingdom !
" Yours ever, in true fidelity,
" T. FOWJEU. BUXTOIT.
" I am far more of a Quaker than you are as to these Indian wars.
I know every one of them may be called defensive, but the principles
and root of all are aggression and conquest. I connot conceive how
our missions are ever to prevail against the arguments of our cannon.
Six thousand heathen slain at Gwalior are a terrible set-off against our
converts. Yet we are not to be discouraged. I long for the whole
Christian world to combine its forces against war. Peace seems to me
an object not nearly enough striven for, as lying at the root of all
other good.
490 MRS. FRY. [CHAP. xxxm.
" One would suppose by my silence that I think nothing of the
abolition of slavery in the East Indies. This is very far from being the
truth. We do rejoice most truly in what has been done. We know
that there cannot be the abolition of slavery, however narrow and
jejune may be its details, without a flight of concomitant blessings. But
we want to know each and every detail, and we hope you will write
without delay, and tell us all about it."
Mrs. Fry was at this time staying also at Bath, and in Sir
Fowell's blank memorandum book of 1844 there is this entry,
under the date of May 25 : —
" I visited E. Fry this evening, and found her in tears, and in a very
low state. I reminded her of the promises of God, and of the merits
of Christ, whereby she and such as she are assured of the ' inheritance
incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away ;' soon she was
cheerful and full of smiles, and when I went away, and had left the
room for that purpose, she sent fjor me back, and whispered in my ear,
' How precious is the love and sweet harmony which has always pre-
vailed between us and amongst us ! I trust, as ^we have loved one
another in time, so we may abound in love towards each other for all
eternity. How delightful is the thought of eternal love binding us to-
gether !' "
A branch society for the civilisation of Africa had been formed
by the Africans at Sierra Leone, and had sent a considerable sum
of money to the parent society in England. To their committee
Sir Fowell addressed the following letter : —
" Spitalfields, June 7th, 1844.
" Gentlemen, — I cannot refrain from expressing the very great pleasure
which the intelligence of your proceedings has caused in England, among
persons so long and so deeply interested in the welfare of the oppressed
inhabitants of uncivilised Africa.
" It is matter for great thankfulness to find such exertions for the
liberation of the slaves going on in any community, but especially so
when set on foot by the very men who have themselves been victims
of the most terrible system of cruelty and oppression which the world
has ever known. You have, moreover, the credit of setting the example
to your fellow-countrymen of what may be done by themselves towards
the elevation of their species, and their own liberation from the dreadful
evils to which they have been so long subject.
1844.] THE AFRICANS AT SIERRA LEONE. 491
" Be assured that the spirit which this gift evinces on your part, and
the anxiety which it displays for the spread of human freedom in the
world, for the advancement of education, and still more for the diffusion
of the Gospel of Christ among the benighted millions of your country,
will not fail to afford the deepest gratification to those who, for twenty
years, have not ceased in their exertions or in their prayers for your real
and everlasting welfare."
492 CONTINUED ILLNESS. [CHAP, xxxiv.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
1844, 1845.
Summer at Northrepps — Anxiety respecting Sierra Leone — Mr. Freeman
— Religious Feelings — Marriage of his Son — Increasing Illness — His
Death and Interment.
ALTHOUGH in a languid, feeble state of health, he again spent a
tolerably cheerful summer at Northrepps. His spirits were less
depressed, which he said was owing to a greater assurance of being
a partaker of the heavenly inheritance. " This is granted me,"
he said, "through the royal love and mercy of my Lord, who
has died for me."
In the fine summer mornings he would often rise at four or
five o'clock, and go into his dressing-room, where his voice could
be heard for an hour or two at a time in fervent prayer. When
remonstrated with on the risk to his health, he would answer,
" I have not time enough for prayer. I must have longer time
for prayer." " How could I be shorter ? " he replied on one
occasion ; " I could not stop." One night, his voice being heard
after he was in bed, he was asked what he was saying. " Pray-
ing hard," was his reply ; adding, " I have been praying vehe-
mently for myself, that I may receive faith, that I may receive
the grace of God in my heart, that I may have a clear vision of
Christ, that I may perfectly obey Him, that I may have the
supporting arm of the Lord in every trial, and be admitted finally
into His glorious kingdom." After a bad night, on his wife
expressing her sorrow at his lying so long awake, " Oh, do not be
sorry," he replied ; " I have had such heavenly thoughts."
In the autumn, although he was still able to take a little air
and exercise, going out on his pony with his gun, or to visit liis
plantations, his appearance indicated increased languor and op-
pression ; and he was, to use his own words, " under decayed
spirits." Though very unfit for any mental labour, he was
1844.] MR. FKEEMAN. 493
stirred up to exertion by hearing that important changes
were about to be made by Government in the arrangements
for the liberated Africans at Sierra Leone, by obliging them
to go at once to the West Indies. He greatly feared anything
approaching to compulsory emigration, and warmly objected to
the breaking up in any degree of that system of education and
training at Sierra Leone, which appeared to him, through the
blessing of God, just beginning to produce results of extreme
importance to the whole continent of Africa.
He therefore wrote a long and urgent appeal to Lord Stanley,
adducing every argument to persuade him to give up the scheme.
The composition of this letter cost him a grievous effort. He
was intensely anxious to accomplish it, thinking that it might
have weight with the Government, and induce them to relin-
quish what appeared to him so injurious a measure. He would
not give it up, but went on making attempt after attempt to
finish it ; often did he begin to dictate, and then sink back ex-
hausted in the middle of a sentence ; then he would rouse himself
and try again, till at last it was completed. It is too long for
insertion here ; but it scarcely displays any trace of the ex-
treme debility under which he was labouring. With this act
closed his long and arduous exertions on behalf of the Negro
race.
The able and successful African missionary, Mr. Freeman, who
had recently returned from an adventurous journey into the king-
doms of Dahomey and Yariba, came to Northrepps, at the end of
October, accompanied by Mr. Beecham.
Remembering with what lively interest Sir Fowell had re-
ceived Mr. Freeman's journals of his two previous visits to
Coomassie, which the Wesleyan Missionary Society had sent him
as soon as they could get a copy taken, his inability on this oc-
casion to receive the gratification which his friends had hoped
to afford him was very painful. He was, in fact, quite unable
to enter into the details, which heretofore would have given him
so much pleasure. All the incidents of the journey, although
related by Mr. Freeman in the most animated manner, could not
rouse him to make questions or remarks. His family could not
but feel that evening that the blow was struck ; and, indeed, the
solemn gravity of his own manner showed that he himself knew
it to be so.
494 EXPRESSIONS OF THANKFULNESS. [CHAP, xxxiv.
He continued too feeble and too much oppressed to converse
much ; but every now and then the deep feelings of his heart
would break forth. When saying grace before dinner, he
seemed unable to restrain his overflowing love to the Provider of
all mercies.
Some of his expressions have been preserved, as the follow-
ing: —
" We thank thee, O Lord, for all thy supplies to us, and we pray
thee to inspire us with deep gratitude to the Author of every good gift."
" Lord, make us truly thankful for thy innumerable mercies to ns ;
and with the blessings of the body give us those far greater blessings to
the soul, which are by Christ Jesus."
" The Lord bless us with a sense of his mercy, of bis love, and his
indulgent kindness to us, and give us an anxious desire to serve Him,
and to please Him for Christ's sake."
" The Lord make us very thankful, and recall to our recollection all
the instances of His mercy, and fill us with thankfulness."
One morning, the llth chapter of Matthew having been
read aloud, Sir Fowell, who, in his easy chair by the fireside,
had been an attentive listener, said, " There is one passage
which you have not touched upon, but which I never can read
without the most anxious inquiry into the state of my own soul/
He then read the verses beginning, " "Woe unto thee, Chorazin,"
&c., and dwelt on his many and great privileges, concluding by
solemnly observing, " How great will be our condemnation, if
these be not improved !"
On Sunday the 1 7th of November he went to church ; and,
according to his custom, gave out the hymns to be sung during
the service. One of them was that beautiful hymn, beginning,
" All hail the power of Jesu's name.*' In reading the last
verse, which runs thus —
" Oh ! that with yonder sacred throng
We at his feet may fall ;
There join the everlasting song,
And crown him Lord of all ;" — •
so fervent was his emphasis, and so marked the expression of his
uplifted countenance, that, on returning home, the Rev. P. C.
Law noticed it to his family, and said he felt a strong conviction
1344.] ALARMING ILLNESS. 495
that he should never again hear Sir Powell's voice in that
church. The presentiment was verified.
Early in December his second son was engaged to be married
to the fifth daughter of Mr. Samuel Gurney. On this occasion
he wrote with great effort the following note, the last ever written
by his own hand.
TO MRS. S. GURNEY.
" Northrepps, Dec. 3, 1844.
" My dear Elizabeth, — I lose no time in answering the letter just
received from my son Fowell. In that letter there is a question from
you ; viz. ' Do I heartily like and approve his marriage with your
daughter R ?' My answer is clear and firm. I do from my heart
approve, like, and rejoice in the connexion, and from my heart return
thanks to that great and indulgent Being who has prompted so admirable
a selection. May they live long and happily together. May great
peace and prosperity attend them, and may they be ' the beloved of
their good and gracious Master.'
" With the most sincere love and affection for your husband and all
the branches from that old stem,
" Believe me, my very dear sister, yours most lovingly,
" T. FOWELL BUXTON."
On the 5th of December, while sitting in his chair in his
dressing-room, he poured out his heart in prayer, that he, un-
worthy as he was, might, without a single doubt, know the
blessed Lord to be the Saviour ; that he might dwell in Christ,
and Christ, through infinite mercy, in him, filling his heart with
charity, love, meekness, and every grace ; that his numerous
transgressions might be pardoned ; and that, finally, he might be
gathered into the land of everlasting life.
Soon afterwards he said, " I feel my faculties and powers
obscured ;" but added, " my faith is strong." On the 15th of
December he was seized with a severe spasm on the chest, the
effects of which, in the course of a week or two, became
extremely alarming to his family, and they all collected around
him.
While reduced to the lowest state of weakness he was full of
the spirit of gratitude, and continually poured forth fervent
thanksgiving " for pardon given and redeeming love." His
496 SYMPATHY WITH SUFFERING. [CHAP, xxxiv.
prayers were earnest for " the gift of the most Holy Spirit and
the removal of all clouds, that he might come to Christ, under
humiliation, suffering, and infirmity ; and find strength and con-
solation in Him."
On Sunday, January 21, he broke forth with much energy of
voice and manner in these words: " O God, O God, can it be
that there is good reason to believe that such an one as I shall
be numbered among the just ? Is thy mercy able to contain
even me ? From my very heart I give thee most earnest thanks-
givings for this and for all thy mercies."
Towards the end of January, on experiencing some return of
strength, he remarked, " How pleasant is the feeling of rest on
recovery from illness, while all our worldly occupations are laid
aside !" and when some one observed to him that it seemed like
a foretaste of the heavenly rest prepared for the children of God,
he immediately broke forth into prayer for each member of his
family, that they might be partakers of that blessed rest, through
Christ our Lord. The varied expressions of tenderness for those
most dear to him, which were blended with these prayers, were
singularly impressive. He continued to take a lively interest in
everything connected with his poorer neighbours ; indeed his
own needs seemed to open his heart more than ever to the wants
of others ; so that it was necessary to avoid mentioning cases of
sorrow or suffering, from the pain it occasioned him. He was
most anxious that the villagers should be supplied with soup
and other comforts ; and never did his countenance brighten up
with more satisfaction than when he caught a view, from his bed,
of the train of women and children walking home over the
grass, with their steaming cans and pitchers.
The most cordial welcome was ready for every one who visited
him ; and his expressions of love continually turned into earnest
prayer for them and for all his friends, that they might be given
to the Lord for life and for ever !
Owing probably to physical weakness, his mind was occasion-
ally beset with doubts : but these painful feelings were but of
brief duration, and were always succeeded by his accustomed
firm and serene belief; his mind frequently dwelling on the
infinite mercy and love of God, and he would exclaim, " Now-
all clouds are removed. What an inexpressible favour !"
1845.] LAST DAYS. 497
On the 6th of February he had a painful return of oppression
on his breath ; but he bore it with entire patience and submission.
He was much pleased by the following note from Mrs. Fry,
who was herself extremely ill.
" I must try to express a little of the love and sympathy I feel with
and for thee. * * * How much we have been one in heart, and
how much one in our objects ! Although our callings may have been
various, and thine more extensive than mine, we have partaken of the
sweet unity of the Spirit in the Lord. May we, whilst here, whether
called to do or to suffer, be each other's joy in the Lord ! and when the
end comes, through a Saviour's love and merits, may we behold our
King in his beauty, and rejoice in His presence for ever I
" My love to you and your children and children's children is great
and earnest ; my desire and prayer is, that grace, mercy, and peace
may rest upon you in time and to all eternity !"
At Sir Fowell's request Mr. Law came after service on the
9th of February, and administered the Sacrament to him and to
all the party around his bed. At night he began talking, appa-
rently in his sleep, of the conversion of the heathen, and of
longing to be at work for them, saying, " I am ready to under-
take all the working part." After a time of great exhaustion
he said, " Christ is most merciful — most merciful to me. I do
put my trust in Him."
Mr. J. J. Gurney, who visited him about a week before his
death, thus describes his state : —
u It was almost, if not entirely, a painless illness. Nothing could be
more quiet and comfortable than the sick room, with an easy access to
all who were nearly connected with him : no fear of disturbing him,
who was sure to be either asleep, or, if awake, in an unruffled, cheerful,
happy state of mind, giving us, from time to time, characteristic tokens
of himself, with his well-known arch manner, and with undeviating
kindness and good temper to all around him, and no fretfulness or
irritation. Never was a Christian believer more evidently rooted and
grounded in his Saviour — never was the Christian's hope more evidently
an anchor to the soul, sure and steadfast.
" On my remarking to him that I perceived he had a firm hold on
Christ, he replied, in a clear emphatic manner, ' Yes, indeed, I have,—
unto eternal life.'1 After a long-continued state of torpor, he revived
surprisingly. Just before we left him, on the 14th of Februarv, his
2*
498 HIS DEATH [CHAP, xxxiv.
mind was lively and bright, as ' a morning without clouds.'* While
memory lasts, I can never forget his eager look of tenderness and
affection, of love, joy, and peace, all combined, as he grasped my hand
and kept firm hold of it for a long time, on my bidding him farewell,
and saying to him, ' Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have
entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for
thee ; yes, for thee, my dearest brother.' The five days which inter-
vened between our leaving him and his death appear to have been
tranquil ones ; with the same alternations between sleep long continued
And tending to torpor, and waking times, brief indeed, but marked by
an uncommon degree of ease and cheerfulness. F and his bride
arrived in the course of them, and met a joyful and easy reception from
their honoured father. C also returned from college, and was
greeted with the warmest parental welcome."
On the 19th of February he was very much exhausted, but
tranquil in body and mind. Towards the afternoon symptoms
of increasing oppression returned ; and as the evening advanced,
it was evident that he was entering the valley of the shadow of
death. He sank into quiet sleep, his family collected round his
bed, but no longer to be recognised by their honoured head ; it
was only to watch the peaceful departure of the spirit. He lay
perfectly still ; and, about a quarter before ten o'clock, fell
asleep in his Lord.
" Never was death," says Mr. J. J. Gurney, " more still, and
solemn, and gentle, than on this occasion. * * * The chamber
where lay the remains of our departed brother, destined so soon
to moulder, presented one of the fairest pictures that ever met
my eye. Such an expression of intellectual power and refine-
ment, of love to God and man, I think I have never seen before
in any human countenance.
" He was buried in the ruined chancel of the little church at
Overstrand. The old walls overrun with ivy, the building itself
with the sea in full view, and the whole surrounding scenery,
are highly picturesque.
" The funeral, which was conducted with great simplicity,
took place on a mild sunny winter's morning, and was attended
by a large train of relatives, friends, and neighbours. Long
before the appointed hour, crowds of villagers were seen ap-
* 2 Samuel, chap, xxiii. 4.
1845.] AND INTERMENT. 499
preaching the spot, through the lanes arid fields, in every direc-
tion. All seemed deeply moved. They had lost their patron
and friend, and were come to pay him the last tribute of respect
and affection. The assembly was far too large to find room in
the church, but great was the solemnity which prevailed in the
churchyard while the interment took place. The whole scene
was at once affecting and significant ; it seemed to speak in the
language of David, ' Know ye not that there is a prince and a
great man fallen this day in Israel?' — fallen, indeed, but only to
rise again, and to afford one more consoling evidence that, for
the humble believer in Jesus, death has lost its sting and the
grave its victory."*
* Brief Memoir, by Mr. J. J. Gurney.
2K.2
500 TESTIMONIAL TO HIS MEMORY.
A few weeks after the death of Sir Fowell Buxton some,
individuals who had admired his conduct and character formed
themselves into a committee for erecting a testimonial to his
memory.
The project was warmly approved. H. R. H. Prince Albert
at once gave 50?. The other subscriptions were limited to 21. 2s.,
and in a short time a large list was formed, containing among
others the names of many of the most distinguished men of the
day, of both sides in politics, and of various denominations in
religion. Even more gratifying than all this was the zeal with
which the plan was taken up by the negroes in the West Indies,
Sierra Leone, and Cape Coast, and by the natives in Kaffraria.
Such was the multitude of these grateful subscribers that 450/.
was quickly raised, chiefly in pence and halfpence. Altogether
the number of contributors in the West Indies and Africa
amounted to upwards of 50,000 persons. " The proposal,"
writes the Rev. W. H. Price from Tobago, " was received with
lively interest." " The whole island has come forward," says
Dr. Reddie, in a letter from St. Lucia. From Nevis the Rev.
H. Chesborough writes, " Our negro people willingly came for-
ward to testify their respect for the memory of Sir Fowell
Buxton." The other letters are in the same strain. Nor was
this all : — the liberated Africans and others in Sierra Leone had
sent 100/. towards the monument in Westminster Abbey ; but
they wished, in addition to that, to have a monument among
themselves ; they therefore subscribed a further sum of 80/.,
with which they have procured a bust, beautifully executed by
Mr. John Bell, which is shortly to be placed in St. George's
Church, at Sierra Leone.
The testimonial, for which 1500/. has been subscribed, is a
full length statue, executed by Mr. F. Thrupp, which is placed
near the monument of William Wilberforce, in the north tran-
sept of Westminster Abbey.
LETTER FROM THE REV. J. W. CUNNINGHAM. 501
This volume may be concluded with the following reminis-
cences of Sir Fowell Buxton, from the pen of his much valued
friend, the Rev. J. W. Cunningham of Harrow.
"Harrow, Dec. 1847.
" My dear Charles, — I am delighted to hear that you are preparing
a memoir of your dear and honoured father. Such a memoir appears to
me to be indispensable. His numerous friends could not but long for
details of a life of so much interest to themselves, and the public had a
right to ask for all the private intelligence which could be collected as
to the history of the extinction of slavery, and other holy and benevolent
movements in which he acted so conspicuous a part.
" Having heard of your intention, I thought that you would forgive
me, as one of his oldest and not least attached friends, if I ventured to
give you my unbiassed impression of him. I should not, however, have
thus presumed if I had not heard that you would be glad of any remarks
founded on the observation of his character at an earlier period than that
in which you had the privilege of ministering to his happiness.
" I shall be glad to say a few words as to his intellectual, religious,
moral, and social qualities.
" As to the first, then, I have no hesitation in saying that I always
regarded him as a person of the very clearest understanding and strongest
common sense that I have ever known — of what we might, perhaps,
call with justice, a truly fine specimen of the English mind. He had,
amongst other evidences of this quality of understanding, an unusual
power of casting off all the superfluities of a question, and seizing upon
its great cardinal points — of shutting out the side lights, and so of
throwing a sort of direct and intense ray on the objects presented to
him. One result of this was, that few men made such short speeches
upon great subjects. For one fact or reason which he adduced, he
rejected a hundred, as what he felt, and felt justly, to be mere encum-
brances to his argument. No one better understood the maxim, ' Ne
quid nimis ;' and here, I conceive, was one of the main causes of his
success with the audience to which he was chiefly accustomed : an
audience, I believe, beyond all others intolerant of superfluities of any
kind. They did full honour to the orator, who had the singularity of
sitting down before they expected him to do so.
" I may next say, that I have seldom known a mind of such deter-
mined industry, patience, and undaunted resolution in the pursuit of any
object which it might present to itself. I never went into his study
without stand ing rebuked before the mountain of testimonies; authorities,
and documents of all sorts and sizes, from all points of the compass, which
he had accumulated on the questions to which his mind was especially
502 LETTER FROM
directed. Others are apt now and then, in a favourable season, to lie on
their oars and let the vessel drive ; but the favouring wind only made
him row the harder. I remember to have heard him expatiating to a
Cabinet Minister on the many advantages of the ' Emancipation' bill.
1 Yes,' it was replied, ' and, among others, the getting rid of your
troublesome motions every three months.'
" In the next place, I consider him to have been a person of great
natural eloquence. I do not mean that he ever reached the heights
of some of the first ' worthies ' of his day. He had not the wit and
occasional majesty of Canning, or the exquisite grace and imagination
of Wilberforce, or the adroitness and resistless vocabulary of Lord
Brougham : but he had a touch of all these ; and he had, to as great an
extent as any one of his contemporaries, the faculty of clothing plain
truths in strong language ; of leaving no man for a moment in doubt of
his meaning, and of driving home that meaning with power to the con-
science and heart. I recollect a rhetorical lecturer at Oxford proposing
his style in his work on Prison Discipline as a model of pure English
composition. And he spoke as he wrote, with almost unimpeachable cor-
rectness. The force of his language was not a little strengthened by
occasional gaiety ; and still oftener by a tone of manly indignation,
which left the clearest conviction that he was thoroughly honest, in-
tensely in earnest, and resolved that no one of his hearers should here-
after plead his ignorance of the subject as an apology for a bad vote
upon it.
"I must now turn to the far more important subject of his religious
character. And here, I may first confidently say, that it would be most
difficult to find any man with what I may call a more entire and profound
reverence for the Word of God. That book was the leading star of his
whole life. Some of his clerical friends, indeed, may have been tempted
to think him a little too exclusive in this reverence when he ventured,
as he sometimes did playfully, to characterise their long expositions of
Scripture as ' Bible and water,' and earnestly pleaded, in the language
of Bishop Sherlock, for ' long texts and short sermons.' But he so cor-
dially loved the Bible himself, as to be intensely jealous of everything
that was interposed between a dying soul and that which he deemed its
life's blood. These days have more and more proved to us that even a
scrupulous jealousy upon this point is riot altogether superfluous.
" In the next place, your dear father felt, to as high a degree as any
man I ever knew, the power and value of prayer. Let me venture to
hope that you will not, from what I should be disposed to regard as
false delicacy, exclude from the memoir any of the proofs of this devout
frame of mind, which you may find among his papers. This was, I
conceive, the true ' rock of his strength' in public and private life. I
THE REV. J. W. CUNNINGHAM. 503
can remember his expressing much indignation at the sort of dilution of
the divine promises, as to the efficacy of prayer, which is to be found in
some theological works. His testimony upon the subject of prayer
ap]>cars to me to be of the highest value, and especially to public men,
who may learn from it that one of the most diligent and successful of
their own fellow-labourers was a man of prayer ; a man who did nothing
and spoke nothing without casting himself on a higher strength than his
own.
" The only other feature of his religious character that I shall venture
to notice is the childlike simplicity of his faith. No man was more able
to have suggested doubts upon the authority or meaning of a troublesome
passage of Scripture ; but no man was less disposed to do so. He had
gone through, I believe, at an early period of his life, deep trials upon
some points of the Christian system. But he had come out of the fur-
nace without even the ' smell of burning.' From the first moment that
I knew him he was, to the best of my belief, a sound and orthodox
Christian. He worshipped the Trinity in Unity. He rested every
hope on Christ as a Divine Redeemer, and on the Holy Spirit as the
teacher, comforter, and sanctifier of the soul. And on this strong foun-
dation he built for eternity. And I believe that he will realise, through
countless ages, the immeasurable benefit of such a faith, testified, as it
was in his case, by a corresponding temper and practice.
" Before I quit the subject of religion, I must refer to the charge
often brought against him of not being a sound Churchman. And this
at least must be admitted, that he rendered a less exclusive homage to
the Church of England than some of its most ardent friends would
desire. At the same time he felt the highest admiration of its ser-
vices, which he used much both in his family and in private, and re-
garded it as an instrument of the very highest value in the resistance of
error and support of truth. But it is impossible to deny that he
attached less importance to the forms and ceremonial of religion than,
as I think, either a just appreciation of the weakness of human nature,
or the whole analogy of Scripture, would justify and demand. Perhaps
his early history in-some degree explains this defect, if I may so call it,
in the philosophy of his religion. Though he received baptism as an
infant in the Church of England, his early education was mainly con-
ducted by one who did not belong to that communion. When, through
his marriage, and under a still loftier and holier influence, he came to
feel something of the real value and power of religion, he was thrown,
not only among Churchmen, but among ' Friends ' of the very highest
spiritual attainments. Was it to be wondered at, that, without any
great stock of ecclesiastical knowledge, he should be led to sink the
504 LETTER FROM
exterior of religion a little below its just level, and to forget the casket,
in the strength of his interest for the jewel contained in it ?
" As far as the imputation of bad Churchmanship is founded on
those speeches in Parliament in which he advocates the appropriation
of a part of the income of the Irish Bishops to the purposes of edu-
cation, or expresses his preference for a poor over a rich clergy, I
cannot admit its justice. I do not indeed think with him, that such
was the state of religion in Ireland as to admit the appropriation of a
single shilling of its church income to other purposes. The business of
the legislature was, I conceive, not to alienate the income of the Church,
but to compel the holders of it to a just application of it, or, in other
words, to a zealous discharge of their high and solemn duties. Neither
can I think, with your honoured father, that anything would be gained
to religion, especially in a highly refined and civilised state of society,
by so lowering the income of the higher orders of the clergy as to limit
their intercourse, upon equal terms, with the higher orders of society in
other classes. But I must do him the justice to say, that his object was
not to impoverish any class of ministers of religion, and what he took
from the rich he was most anxious to give to the poor among the clergy.
This may have been an error ; but it was an error thoroughly com-
patible with the strictest loyalty to the Church.
" I must, however, make haste to touch upon a few of what I may
call the leading characteristics of his moral qualities.
" In the first place, then, if ever I knew an honest man, it was your
father. He always appeared to me to be the very soul of integrity
and honour. To this feature in his character I believe that every man
acquainted with him, in public or in private life, would be ready to set
his seal.
" In the next place he was a man of indomitable courage. If, like
the Chevalier Bayard, he was ' sans reproche,' he was also ' sans peur.'
His grappling with a mad dog rather than suffer him to rush into the
crowded streets, was a just type of his Parliamentary life. There
were occasions when nothing but the stoutest heart could have encoun-
tered the hostility to which he was exposed. It was then that he often
reminded me of that glowing passage —
' Come one, come all — this rock shall fly
From its firm base as soon as I.'
" I should not do him justice in thus speaking of his courage if I
neglected to mention that combined with this there was a spirit of the
very deepest tenderness. The union of these two qualities in any very
high degree appears to me extremely rare. It seems to solve the riddle
THE REV. J. W. CUNNINGHAM. ft05
of Samson, ' Out of the strong came forth sweetness.' The hurry of life
and press of business often appear not to leave time for sympathy ; but
I never found him too busy to be kind ; and there arc many who have
lasting: reasons to acknowledge the largeness of his heart and the libe-
rality of his hand.
" In speaking of his tenderness and sympathy I have glanced at
what I may perhaps call a ruling principle and passion of his mind — I
mean a spirit of intense benevolence. He walked through the world
like a man passing through the wards of an hospital, and stooping down
on all sides to administer help where it was needed. But not only this :
he had, as I have heard a dear friend of his and mine express it, ' a
singular power of realising to his own mind distant and unseen suffering ;
of making it his own ; and, upon the deep compassion which it inspired,
of founding a course of deliberate and sustained action.' Common sym-
pathy is awakened by visible and tangible sorrow, and then perhaps
' melts into the air.' His sympathy was awakened by men he had never
seen, and he gave the best years of his life to their welfare.
" But I must now pass from this higher ground, to say a word on the
subject of what may be termed his social qualities.
" At the period of his life when you began to be able to appreciate
his character, his bodily and mental powers had both sustained con-
siderable injury. Especially after the failure of the African Expe-
dition, he was, if I may so speak, but the ghost of himself. I do not
say, as was recorded of a distinguished person after a great calamity,
that ' he never smiled again.' Domestic happiness, an approving con-
science, a present God and Saviour, and the bright hopes of eternity,
made such a state of gloom impossible to him. And occasionally the
original man broke out from behind the cloud. But still it was evident
to all, and, I think, at all times, that a great storm had broken over him.
That gaiety, which was natural, and which had lent so much charm to
an earlier period of his life, now recurred but rarely. I can remember
him, year after year, when his conversation was as bright, racy, and
amusing as that of most men that I have ever known. I believe that
those who were present at a dinner given by him to Lord Stanley and
the other members of the cabinet, alter the abolition of slavery, will
not easily forget the chastened gaiety, the occasional touches of harmless
sarcasm, the sparklings of quiet easy wit, the glowing thanks to the
friends of emancipation, the generous feeling towards its enemies, and
the heartfelt gratitude to God, which breathed in his several short
addresses to his company. No one, I think, could look at him or listen
to him without feeling that it was ' a good thing,' even as far as this
world is concerned, to be bold and constant in a righteous cause, and to
live, not for ourselves, but for God and for mankind.
506 LETTER FROM THE REV. j. w. CUNNINGHAM.
" But I must here come to an end. I have lost a delightful friend,
and you an invaluable father. God grant that his image may be con-
stantly before us, to quicken our sluggish souls in the pursuit of those
high, manly, and Christian qualities, of which he was so eminent an
example !
" I am yours affectionately,
" J. W. CUNNINGHAM."
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVII.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVII.
Table of Slave Population in Eleven West India Islands. — {Part.
Papers.)
Number of Slaves
Registered.
Number of Slaves
. Registered.
Decrease.
Name of Colony.
In the
Year.
In the
Year.
In
Years.
Total.
By Manu-
missions.
Demerara and
Essequibo
1817
77,163
1832
65,517
15
11,646
nil.
Jamaica
1817
346,150
1832
302,666
15
43,484
4,691
Montserrat
1817
6,610
1827
6,262
10
348
116
Nevis . .
1817
9,602
1831
9,142
14
460
207
St. Kitt's .
1817
20,168
1831
19,085
14
1,083
968
St. Lucia .
1816
16,285
1831
13,348
15
2,937
889
St. Vincent
1817
25,218
1831
22,997
14
2,221
475
Tobago .
1819
15,470
1832
12,091
13
3,379
192
Trinidad .
1816
25,544
1828
23,776
12
1.768
1,712
Bahamas •
1822
10,808
1828
9,268
6
1,540
202
Bermudas .
1820
5,176
1830
4,371
10
805
nil.
-
Average
Total .
558,194
488,523
12
69,671
9,452
Years.
Decrease, exclusive of manumissions, of the slave population of eleven
(out of the twenty-one) islands, in twelve years
= 69,671
9,452 = 60,219.
Again: in 1845, tables were published showing the changes of popu-
lation between 1832 (two years before slavery was abolished) and 1844
(ten years after its abolition), in ten of the West India Islands; but we
have no separate account of the number imported.
508
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVII.
Tables of Population in Ten West India Islands. — (Parl. Papers.)
Name of Colony.
1832.
184J.
Increase.
35,412
19,255
27,768
96,685
108,150
17,042
27,122
40,250
18,508
3,794
36,178
22,469
28,923
98,133
122,198
21,001
27,248
59,815
25,292
10,000
766
3,214
1,155
1,448
14,048
3,959
126
19,565
6,784
6,206
Total in ten Colonies . .
393,986
451,257
57,271
The increase, then, in these ten colonies has averaged nearly 5000 a
year since emancipation.
In four colonies the population has decreased, —
Name of Island.
Census in
1832.
Census in
1844.
Decrease.
7,406
11,882
23,697
13,571
7,365
9,571
23,177
13,208
41
2,271
520
363
Total ....
56,516
53,321
3,195
The total increase, therefore, in the fourteen islands in which alone
.we have any means of ascertaining the changes of population, has
amounted to 54,076 souls.
THE EXD.
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